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REYNOLD USTORICAL. 
GENEALOGY COLLECTION 



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HISTORY AHD BIOSRAFHY. 



Vol. XXVII. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLICATION FUND OF 

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 

No. 1300 LOCUST STREET. 

1903. 



/ 

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXVII. ° 

PAGE 

Achenwall's Observations on North America, 1767. By /. G. Rosen- 

garten 1 

The Journal of Isaac Norris, during a Trip to Albany in 1745, and 

an Account of a Treaty held there in October of that Year . 20 

The Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. By 

Francis von A. Cabeen. (Concluded.) 29 

Excerpts from the Day-Books of David Evans, Cabinet-Maker, 

Philadelphia, 1774-1811 49 

How President Jefferson was informed of Burr's Conspiracy. By 

James Morris Morgan "56 

Unpublished Letters of Abraham Lincoln. By Major William H. 

Lambert . . . ' . . .60 

Selected List of Naval Matter in the Library of the Historical 

Society of Pennsylvania. By Albert J. Edmunds ... 63 

The Taking Over of the Nicholites by the Friends. By Henry D. 

Cranor 76 

Abstracts of Gloucester County, New Jersey, Eecords. By William 

M. Mervine . . . . .80 

Letter from a Committee of Merchants in Philadelphia to the Com- 
mittee of Merchants in London, 1769 84 

The Mount Regale Fishing Company of Philadelphia ... 88 

Biographical Sketch of William Henry, of Lancaster County, Penn- 
sylvania. (Portrait.) . . . . .. . . . .91 

Letter of President John Adams to Governor Thomas Mifflin, of 

Pennsylvania . . . . 108 

Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775. (Con- 
tinued.) . . . 94,238,346,482 

Notes and Queries . , . .'-'.. . . 109, 248, 371, 499 

Book Notices . . . . . . . . 127,256,381,511 

Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. By Dr. S. Weir / ^-<-^ 

Mitchell . ■ . 129 / 

Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents ..... 151 

Losses of the Military and Naval Forces engaged in the War of the 

American Revolution 176 

(iii) 



iv Contents of Volume XXVII. 

PAGE 

A London Tavern in 1609 206 

Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. By Miles White, Jr. . .212 
How the News of the Battle of Lexington reached Philadelphia . 257 
Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. By Charles Window 

Dulles, M.D 262 

Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. By George Harrison Fisher. 279 

Some Love-Letters of "William Penn 296 

Selected Letters from the Letter-Book of Riehard-Hockley, of 

Philadelphia, 1739-1742. {Continued.) . . . .305,421 
The American Philosophical Society, 1743-1903 .... 329 
James Logan as a Poet. By Amelia Mott Gurnmere .... 337 
Friends and their Meeting-Houses at Crosswicks, New Jersey. By 

Josejyh S. Middleion 340 

The Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

By Simon Gratz. {Faesimile.) 385 

Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, of the Second Continental 

Artillery, 1779. By Hon. Tliomas R. Bard. ( To be continued) . 404 
Mrs. Washington's -''Book of Cookery." By Miss J. C. Wylie. 

{Portrait.) . .436 

Extracts from the Journal of Rev. James Sproat, Hospital Chaplain 

of the Middle Department, 1778. By. John W. Jordan , . 441 
Biographical Sketch of Luke Wills Brodhead, of Monroe County, 

Pennsylvania . . 446 

Pennsylvania Soldiers of the Revolution entitled to Depreciation 

Pay. ( To be continued. ) . . ■ 449 

The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia, organized 1738. 

By John W. Jordan . . . 472 

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 513 
Index . . . . . . , 517 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OF 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XXYII. 1903. No. 1. 



ACHEN WALL'S OBSERVATIONS ON NORTH AMERICA, 

1767. 

TRANSLATED BY J. G. ROSENGARTEN. 

[Franklin paid a short visit to Germany in the summer of 176G, and 
at Gottingen met a number of the professors of the University. One 
of them, Professor Achenwall, published in the "Hanoverian Magazine/' 
in the volume beginning 1767, p. 258, etc., "Some Observations on 
North America and the British Colonies from verbal information of 
Dr. Franklin,' ' and this article was reprinted in Frankfort and Leipsic 
in 1769. There is a copy of this reprint in the Loganian Library, 
from which the following translation was made. There is a copy of the 
Magazine in the Astor Library, New York. It is of interest as showing 
the impression made by Franklin on his German auditors, although it 
is clear that Achenwall did not report quite correctly. — J. G. R.] 

The most complete work on the British Colonies in North 
America is the Summary historical and political by William 
Douglas, of which the second improved edition was pub- 
lished in London, 1760, in two 8vo. volumes. That doctor 
collected material for many years and was in America, and 
gives valuable intelligence, especially of the Colonies he 
visited, but his book has no svstem. Prof. Kalm has much 
that is good in his travels in North America, and often cites 
Franklin, but did not altogether understand what he said, 

VOL. XXVII. — 1 ( 1 ) 



2 AchenicalVs Observations on Xorth America, 1767. 

and Franklin never saw Kalm's book until he came across 
a German translation in Hanover. 

The east coast of North America, where the British 
Colonies lie, is generally colder than the countries on the 
same stretch in Europe, nor has it been observed that owing 
to the decay of forests and cultivation the climate is be- 
coming noticeably milder. Almost the whole eastern coast 
of North America is sandy, many little islands along the 
coast are sand banks, thrown up gradually by the sea. The 
coast of Florida is sandy and unfruitful, but the interior is 
good land. The native Indians consist of many small 
nations, each with its own language, quite different from 
that of their neighbors. They are all of one figure as if 
descended from a common ancestor, — all brown in color, 
with straight black hair, eyes all of one color, and all beard- 
less, and they call Europeans the bearded nation. They 
live in the wilds, except a few that have been gathered in 
villages and are partly civilized. They live on plants and 
by hunting, without farms or cattle, chickens, horses etc. 

Before the arrival of Europeans, their important plants 
were Turkish corn or maize; a sort of beans; tobacco. 
Maize and Tobacco are found only in America, and were 
brought from the new world to the old. Maize and Beans 
they cook and use bear fat in place of butter as dressing, but 
no salt. Smoking tobacco is an old custom, especially at 
their national gatherings. These three plants they look on 
as a special gift of heaven. According to an old tradition, 
an American found a handsome vounsr woman sitting on a 
hill, — who in acknowledging a deep bow, said she came from 
above and at the end of a year would come again to the same 
hill. She was there again at that time, on her right hand 
Maize, on her left Beans, and on her lap Tobacco, and these 
three she left as a present for the American. Before Euro- 
peans brought them, there were no other grain or vegetables 
known than maize and beans, but all like the newcomers 
have increased wonderfully. The Spanish historian de 
Solis is altogether wrong in saying that Mexico at the time 



AchenicaWs Observations on North America, 1767. 3 

of the invasion, was a populous and mighty state. The 
Mexicans were savages, without art or knowledge, and how 
could they form a great state ? They had neither farming 
nor cattle and could not find food for a large population nor 
had they any means of transportation. The weapons ot 
the savages in jSorth America are bows and arrows, and 
they shoot with the teeth of wild animals. They recog- 
nize some of the principles of natural law and observe 
them even with their enemies. They scalp usually only the 
dead, — then they cut it off with a sharp weapon and keep 
it as a sign of victory. Sometimes the victim comes to 
life, — some such are in Pennsylvania, for scalping is not 
necessarily mortal. They fight on foot, for they have no 
horses. The savages living in western Pennsylvania were 
called by the French Iroquois. The English call them the 
Five Nations or the Confederate Indians, — they are united 
and were so long before the English settled. The Mohawks 
first united with another nation and others joined later. 
Now there are seven altogether so united. They have 
their regular stated meetings and their great council con- 
siders the general good. The members are known only by 
their different languages. They are called subjects of the 
King, but they are not subject to British laws, and pay no 
taxes, but the Colonists give them a tribute of presents. 
Their number does not increase. Those living near the 
Europeans steadily diminish in numbers and strength. 
Their two sexes are of a cold nature, — the mothers live alone 
at and after the birth of children and during the years 
they suckle them, — often (owing to the absence of soft; 
food) until their young can eat meat. Small pox and rum 
have played sad havoc among them. 

The English settlements in North America have grown 
much more slowly than those in the West Indies, where 
they came about 1640, and in twenty years had flourishing 
Colonies, such as Barbadoes. In North America the Colo- 
nists came sixty years before, but at the end of the 17th Cen- 
tury were small in number and in exports. This is due to the 



4 AchenwaWs Observations on North America, 1767. 

rich production of the Sugar Islands, the absence of Indians, 
and the contraband trade with Spain. The North American 
Colonies have in the 18th Century greatly increased in 
population and wealth, far beyond the West India Islands. 

Franklin in a book published in 1751 showed that the 
native born foreigners double every 25 years, in addition 
is the steady emigration, and some Colonies thus double 
their population in 18, some in 16, and some in 14 years. 
This will go on as long as there is plenty of farm land, 
and this increases largely with the acquisition of Canada 
and Louisiana. In 1750 there were a million, Douglas 
in his book estimated that in 1760 there were 1.051.000, 
besides blacks and soldiers, — on that basis in 1775 there 
will be 2 millions, and at the close of the 18th Century, 4 
millions. To attract foreigners, an Act of Parliament 
granted English citizenship to every Protestant after seven 
years' residence, a right that in England can only be 
obtained with great expense and trouble by a special Act 
of Parliament. The Certificate of the Provincial authorities 
costs only a few shillings and is good through all England. 

Near the coast and some miles beyond, all the Middle 
Colonies are settled, and new improvements are extend- 
ing deeper in the interior. In Pennsylvania, where the 
Penn family own all the land, any one who wants to im- 
prove the land, chooses a piece, pays the landlord for 100 
acres 10 Pound Sterling local money, and binds himself to 
pay an annual rent of half a penny for each acre, — he 
then becomes absolute owner, and the little ground rent can 
never be increased. Sometimes the hunter builds a wooden 
hut, and the nearest neighbors in the wilderness help cut 
the timber, build the log hut, fill the crevices with mud, put 
on the roof and put in windows and doors, and in return the 
owner pays them with a gallon of brandy, and by a like good 
service in turn. Then he lays out his garden and pasture 
and fields, cuts out the underbrush, tops the big trees and 
strips the bark, so that he can sow and reap, the trees die 
and hurt neither land nor crops. Many hunters have thus 



AchenwalVs Observations on North America, 1767. 5 

settled the wilderness, — they are soon followed by poor 
Scotch or Irish who are looking for homes, — these they find 
in this half improved condition, — they buy from the 
hunters, get a patent from the Proprietors, paying the usual 
charge. The hunter moves off into the wilderness and goes 
to work again. The Scotch or Irishman completes the half 
finished task, builds a better house of eawed timber, uses the 
old log hut for a stable, later builds a house of brick and 
his timber house is a good barn. Scotch and Irish often 
sell to the Germans, of whom from 90 to 100.000 live in 
Pennsylvania, and prefer to put all their earnings into land 
and improvements. The Scotch or Irish are satisfied with 
a fair profit, put the capital into another farm, leaving the 
Germans owners of the old farms. In Pennsylvania there 
is no law to prevent cutting up a farm into very small 
holdings nor to forbid the purchase ot very large bodies oi 
land. There is no dangerjfrom either course, for there is land 
enough for rich and poor, and the former prefer the larger 
profits from trade to the small return from land. In New 
England, unlike Pennsylvania, a good deal of land is let to 
farmers, for there are many rich owners of large estates, — 
this is so too in the Carolinas, and in other Colonies where 
owners of 10 or 20 or more thousands of acres bring settlers 
at their own expense to improve their land. Kalm mentions 
similar cases in New York. 

When an owner of land dies intestate, and there are many 
children to inherit the father's farm, it is generally taken by 
the eldest son, and the younger children get in money 
their share of its appraised value, — the eldest son gets two 
shares, the other children only one apiece. The father of a 
large family takes from the Proprietary a large tract of land, 
which on his death can be divided among all his children. 
In New England improvement of the land is made in a 
more regular way than in Pennsylvania, — whole towns are 
laid out, and as soon as sixty families agree to build a 
church and support a Minister and a Schoolmaster, the 
Provincial government gives them the required privilege, 



6 AchenwaWs Obsewations on North America, 1767. 

carrying with it the right to elect two deputies to the Legis- 
lature, from the grant of 6 English square miles. Then 
the town or village is laid out in a square, with the church 
in the centre. The land is divided and each works his own, 
leaving however the forest in common, and with the privi- 
lege of laving out another village in time. In this way 
new settlements grow in New England in regular order and 
succession, — every new village touching on an old one, and 
all steadily increasing in wealth and numbers. Nothing of 
this kind is done in Pennsylvania, where the Proprie- 
tor wants only to sell land and as much as any one wants 
and wherever he likes. The mistake of this was shown in 
the Indian wars. On the border were scattered houses and 
farms, which could not help one another, and they were 
attacked singly, plundered and destroyed, and the ruined 
owners with their families took refuge with the older settle- 
ments, which became burthened with their care. 

Blacks are found in Virginia, Maryland and the two 
Carolinas in large numbers, but very few in Pennsylvania 
and further north. In Pennsylvania, on - principle they 
were prevented coming a3 much as possible, partly because 
there was no such hard work a3 they were fitted for in 
raising tobacco, rice and indigo, In Pennsylvania, every 
negro must pay a tax of 10 pounds sterling and this the 
master who brings him must pay. These negroes are pro- 
tected by law in all the Colonies, as much as free men. 
A Colonist, even if he is the owner, who kills a blackman, 
is instantly sentenced to death, — if he overworks or ill 
treats his slave, the latter can -complain to the judge. Then 
in their own interest the masters are obliged not to give 
their slaves excessive tasks or insufficient food, for their 
death is a loss. The negro slaves have all the general 
rights of humanity except freedom and property, neither of 
which they possess. 

The free in the Colonies are of two kinds, the one servant 
and maid, bound for a half or a whole year, and the term 
ends by mutual agreement. The other class consists ot 



AchenicaWs Observations on North America, 1767. 7 

poor Scotch, Irish and Germans, who to get to America 
come without paying their passage, and the ship captain 
finds them a master who pays it and thus secures their 
service for food and lodging and clothing, without pay, 
but only for a term of years, never for life. Sometimes a 
father sells the services of his children to a master, who 
must teach them some useful trade, farming, carpentering, 
cooking. This lasts until majority, — with boys at 21, 
with girls at 18, and in some cases for 8 years, but not 
longer. Then the children are by law free, and their 
master is bound to give them the needful articles for house- 
keeping, a cow, farming implements, tools etc. In this 
way all poor children have the hope of establishing them- 
selves on their majority in freedom. The poor fathers find 
their comfort in this expectation, are relieved of the care of 
their children in the interval, and know that they are 
learning something useful and will start out in life with 
money in hand without having to pay anything to the 
master. The masters in turn are satisfied with the cheap 
service. This law has been introduced to cure the old need 
of servants and apprentices. 

There is a special clas3 of servants in the Colonies, be- 
tween peasants and slaves, those transported from Great 
Britain for certain crimes for from 7 to 14 years. It is an 
exile from Great Britain under penalty of prison in case 
of return. Such an offender is sold by the Courts to a 
Ship's Captain who takes him to the Colonies and sells him 
as a slave for a limited period. That over he is free. 
Formerly such servants were welcomed on account of the 
demand for laborers, but now they are no longer needed in 
the populous Colonies, they remain worthless and are soon 
sent to prison for fresh offences. 

The constitutions of the British Colonies differ according 
to the original grants, l 3t Royal, 2 nd Proprietary, 3 rd Charter 
Governments, and the British Parliamentary Statutes call 
them Plantations under Proprietors, under Charters, under 
his majesty's immediate commission, Stat. 6 Anne, cap. 30, 



8 AckemcaWs Observations on North America, 1767. 

sec. 2. The 1 st class are arranged strictly according to the 
British Constitution, with a Governor, who represents the 
King, and two legislative branches, 1 st the Council, called 
the Royal Council, 2 nd Representatives of towns or counties, 
belonging to one Colony, these two are like the two houses 
of the British Parliament, and the Council is called the Up- 
per House, and the body of representatives of the people the 
Lower House. In these three branches are vested the law 
making powers of the Colony, but subject to the Crown, 
hence united they are called the Assembly, although that is 
popularly limited to the two Houses and often to the Lower 
or popular House. The King appoints the Governor and 
recalls him at pleasure. The Council also consists of royal 
officials dependent on the King as to terms and nature of 
appointment, but generally selected from the principal per- 
sons of the Colony, legal, financial and military officers. 
Governor and Councillors have fixed salaries and certain 
fees, the Governor a large fixed salary, provided in advance 
by the Colonies, thus the Governor of Barbadoes has £2000, 
the Governor of Virginia £1000. The popular represent- 
atives are elected annually and receive a fixed per diem 
allowance. They look after the rights and privileges ot 
the people, just as do the Council and the Governor after 
those of the Crown. Every measure approved by the three 
bodies becomes a law, but only provisionally, for it must 
be sent to the King for approval, but if not vetoed within 
three years, it i3 final. This is the usual rule for Colonial 
governments, (with some local exceptions) in all the West 
India Islands, Xew York, Xew Jersey, Virginia, both Caro- 
linas, Xew Georgia, New Scotland, Xew Hampshire, and I 
believe Quebec, East and "West Florida, and the newly 
acquired Caribbean Islands, and the English consider it 
the best way of securing the rights of the Mother Coun- 
try, that is, Great Britain. The 2 nd class is that of heredi- 
tary Proprietors, such as those of Pennsylvania and Mary- 
land. In the former the English family of Penn, in the 
latter the Irish Lords Baltimore are the hereditary Pro- 



Achenicatt's Observations on North America, 1767. 9 

prietors and Governors, as over lords they draw a certain 
income from all the Colonists in proportion to their land, 
and all improved land is sold at a fixed price. Both tax and 
price are low, but the growth of both Colonies has made 
both families rich. Lord Baltimore has the right of patron 
of all churches in Maryland. As hereditary Proprietors 
both appoint their Lieutenant Governors, who are confirmed 
by the King, and reside in the Provinces. In both Colonies 
there are Assemblies, — that in Maryland consists of the 
Council and the House of Commons, and subject to the 
right of the Proprietor, has the same jurisdiction as that of 
any other Colony. 

The third kind of government is the Chartered or Free 
government. This is nearest a Democracy, and is less 
dependent on the Crown. This form of constitution exists 
in the three Colonies of New England, completely in Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island, — in Massachusetts with cer- 
tain restrictions. The two first named Colonies have the 
right to elect all their own officers, including the Gov- 
ernor and Council, and to make all needful laws without 
royal approval, nor can the decisions of their Courts be 
appealed from. In Rhode Island even the ministers of the 
Churches can be removed at the end of a year, so that they 
hold office only for one year's salary. 

Massachusetts Bay formerly had these popular rights, but 
owing to abuses their former privileges and freedom were 
repealed by the King's Bench under Charles the Second, 
and only partly restored by a new Charter from Wil- 
liam the Third. Since then the King appoints the Gov- 
ernor and the chief law and treasury and all military 
officers. The representatives have the right to elect Coun- 
cillors, but subject to a negative veto of the Governor. 
This election in Massachusetts as well as in Connecticut 
and Rhode Island, is made by both Houses, annually, 
because the members ot the Council hold office only for a 
year. 

Laws passed by the Assembly must have royal approval, 



10 Achenw all's Observations on biorth America, 1767. 

and in cases involving over £300, there is an appeal to the 
Privy Council in London. 

The Governor of Massachusetts has no fixed salary, but 
it is fixed every year by the Assembly. (Kalm says this is 
so in New York also.) He must therefore be popular with 
the Assembly or the King will replace • him by another 
likely to be so. This uncertain tenure is unpopular in Europe 
because it affects unfavorably the interests of the Colony 
and makes that of Great Britain dependent on the Colony. 
The Colonists answer that a fixed salary would enable the 
Governor to live abroad and send only a Lieutenant 
Governor as substitute. 

Pennsylvania has its own Constitution. Penn as Pro- 
prietor draws a revenue of a half penny sterling local 
currency for every acre of improved land, and every pur- 
chaser of wild land can buy a hundred acres for £10 and 
the usual quit rent. As Proprietor he sends a Deputy, 
whom he pays, and appoints all Judges, but ministers are 
chosen by their own congregations in every County. The 
meeting of the Pennsylvania Legislature consists of only one 
House, (because there is no Council) made up of repre- 
sentatives of the various Counties. These are elected 
annually October 1, each County holding it3 own meetings 
for the purpose, — every inhabitant worth £50, resident for 
12 years, has a vote, — these meetings elect 8 Deputies to the 
Assembly, — every elector is eligible, but mostly well to do 
citizens are elected. The County gives its representatives 
six shillings a day, but the Deputies have to spend more out 
of their own pockets. There is no bribery. Every voter de- 
posits a written ballot, and the persons who have the highest 
number are declared elected. The purchase of votes would 
be very unsafe, as the voter could always write another 
name on his ballot. This House with the Lieutenant 
Governor is the law making power. The Governor how- 
ever depends on the Assembly for his salary, as he has no 
fixed allowance, which is voted only from year to year, and 
if he displeases the Assembly, it votes him no salary for the 



AchenwaWs Observations on North America, 1767. 11 

next year. The Assembly lias been for six years on bad 
terms with the Proprietor and has made no grant for the 
Governor. The Assembly wants the Proprietor to pay tax 
on his property especially towards the extraordinary war 
expenses. The decision rests with the King in Council, but 
if the Assembly appealed, it would be sent to the King's 
Bench. The fact that all Judges are appointed by the 
Proprietor, makes difficulties, as he is in his own cases both 
Judge and Plaintiff. The newer Colonies have institutions 
based on Acts of Parliament for New Georgia, New Scot- 
land, &c, but the older Colonies have Charters from the 
King, and not from Parliament. These Colonies claim to 
be subject to the King, but not to Parliament, at least not to 
its arbitrary power, like the newer Colonies, which owe 
their existence to Parliament. The latter are called Plan- 
tations within his Majesty's Dominions, the former his 
Majesty's Plantations. 

The lesral institutions of the Colonies are based on those 
of England, for these are part of the Englishman's rights. 
All personal relations are controlled by Statute Law and 
Common Law. Roman Law is recognized only in Courts 
of Admiralty. The right of trial by a Jury of twelve men is 
recognized just as in England. It was one of the grounds 
of complaint against the Stamp Act, that questions arising 
under it were not tried by Jury, but by courts specially 
created. 

Most of the Colonists of English descent are Presby- 
terians. There is not one Bishop of the Established Church 
in America, although there are many parishes belonging to 
it. These are all under the Bishop of London, and every one 
of their clergymen must be examined and ordained in Eng- 
land, at a cost of at least £40 to £50, but their stay in 
England helps their education. As the Bishops have spirit- 
ual jurisdiction, there are no ecclesiastical Courts in the 
Colonies, and matters pertaining to them are settled partly 
by local Courts, partly by the Assemblies. The spiritual 
Lords may have proposed to send a Bishop to America, 



12 AchenwaWs Observations on North America, 1767. 

but since the time of Charles the First, that title has 
been greatly disliked in the Colonies. Catholic Churches 
are found in Pennsylvania as well as in Maryland, in the 
former because freedom of religion is universal, in the latter 
because the Baltimore family, the Proprietors, were formerly 
Catholics, — none are found in the other Colonies. There are 
Jews in Pennsylvania and New York, — in the latter there is 
a Synagogue, in the former only Schools. Pennsylvania is 
preeminent for the entire religious equality or toleration, 
under which it has increased in population and wealth. 
Roman Catholics are however excluded from all offices and 
from the Assembly, because they cannot take the usual 
religious oath and subscribe under the test act. This oath 
must be taken here as well as in England, as well as that 
against the Pretender. All other Protestant faiths enable 
the members to hold office. For education in science there 
has long been a high school in Boston, the capital of Massa- 
chusetts, and there is another founded in 1749 in Phila- 
delphia, the capital of Pennsylvania. Franklin proposed 
and founded it. The money was raised partly by subscrip- 
tion, partly by Provincial grants. Most of the endowment 
consists of land, not very productive, but of value hereafter. 
This University has a President with £250 salary, and four 
Professors, — two with £200, two with £150, besides fees 
for private instruction. There is no College and therefore 
no lodging built yet. It has the right to confer degrees. 
In 1764 a Medical School was added, and it will no doubt 
have the power to confer degrees. There is no Law School 
yet and it is not likely there will ever be one of Theology. 
The University was chartered by the Assembly for the 
good of the Colony, but as there are so many religious faiths 
all enjoying perfect equality, it is enough if the scholars are 
taught their religious tenets in their own schools with those 
of their own faith, while Theology is excluded. 

Farming, stockraising and fisheries flourish in all the 
North American Colonies, and the forests supply all that is 
needed for fuel and industry. Grapes are successfully culti- 



AchemcaWs ObservatioJis on North America, 1767. 13 

vated in North America and wild grape vines are found in 
some forests. The cheap wines from Canary interfere with 
the production. Silk can be cultivated and mulberry trees 
grow as far north as New England. Cod fishing is more 
valuable than a silver mine, for it trains up good sailors and 
helps many industries. New England, New Scotland and 
New Foundland are most largely interested in it. Colonists 
have the same fishing rights in these waters as Englishmen. 
The largest market is Spain and Portugal. These Catholk" 
countries are large consumers, and the fishermen often bless 
the Pope. 

The French fisheries since the recent peace have greatly 
diminished in exteut, but the French take a good deal of 
the trade, as their own consumption is supplied by French 
fishing fleets. The New England fishermen supply Por- 
tugal, Spain and Italy at a cheaper rate than the French. 

Whale fishing is increasing, and the Island of Nantucket 
owns hundreds of ships in this industry. It stretches from 
the mouth of the St. Lawrence, on the coast of Greenland, 
as far south as Florida. Beasts of prey do little harm, — 
bears and wolves rarely injure men, and bear meat is much 
liked. Deer are plentiful and Buffalo are easily found and 
can be tamed and used as in Asia Minor, Persia, Egypt, 
Ethiopia and the East Indies as draught animals. Kalm 
praises the Sugar Maple and took some of the young trees 
to Sweden. The sugar can replace that of the West 
Indies, although it has not yet done so. The bounty on 
Pearl and Potashes has made a large industry, — over a 
thousand tons are annually produced. 

Ship building i3 growing greatly in the North American 
Colonies. Ships are all built of oak, some for use at home, 
others for sale in England. 

Pennsylvania is mainly farming and cattle growing, just 
as are most of the German countries. It has little Fishery 
trade, as it has a small coast, and it has no products that can 
be used largely in commerce. 

The growth of the neighboring Colonies is due to their 



14 Ache roc all's Observations on North America, 1767. 

Fisheries, Tobacco, Rice and Indigo. Pennsylvania flour- 
ishes on its farming and cattle. Horses are raised in some 
Colonies, but it is better to raise oxen, which can be used 
for twelve years and then killed or sold. 

The farmers are industrious and frugal, educate their 
families, and are growing rich in land if not in money. 

Manufacturing, wool, flax, iron, steel, and copper, is 
growing, — field pieces, rifled guns for hunters, and iron 
cannon are all made in the Colonies. England does not in- 
terfere with domestic production, but it prevents exporta- 
tion, and does not allow hats to be made, lest the English 
production, although made of American beaver, should be 
lessened in demand in the Colonies. There is little ground 
for fear of American competition, as workmen are few there, 
and farming is always preferred to trades. Farmers are 
good fathers, and large families help economical living. 
Even if manufacturing increases, it cannot keep pace with 
the increase of population and the demand for goods. In 
34 years the population of Pennsylvania increased fourfold 
at most, but the importation of English wares increased 
from £16000 Sterling to £268000,— that is seventeen times 
greater. In 1725 the value of such importations was 
£16000, in 1757, £268426. Four times the population 
uses much more than four times, really seventeen times 
more goods, because the population grows more rapidly in 
wealth than in numbers. Manufactures must in time be 
established in the Colonies, because with their prosperity 
likely to increase for centuries to come, England and Ireland 
cannot supply all the wares needed and the Colonies must 
provide them for their future necessities. 

The three largest cities are Boston, IS'ew York and 
Philadelphia. In 1720 the first was as large as the other 
two together, but since then they have grown faster. In 
!New England there are many sea ports, but the only ports 
for "New York and Pennsylvania are their two capitals, and 
they are likely to be the largest cities in America. Phila- 
delphia has more than 3000 houses, and more than 20000 



AchemcalVs Observations on North America, 1767. 15 

inhabitants. It is regularly laid out at right angles, and the 
streets extend every year. 

Virginia has the fewest villages and only one little town, 
Williamsburg, its capital. The population is scattered and 
every family lives on its own tobacco plantation. The 
Chesapeake and its affluents reach every where and the 
Colonists bring their tobacco by water to the Bay where it 
is loaded on sea going vessels. 

"New York has s^reat advantages for trading with the 

o a o 

native Indians, by means of the Hudson to Albany, and 
thence by smaller streams to Oswego and Lake Ontario, 
where the great fairs for dealing with the Indians are held. 
From Lake Ontario there is water way to Lake Superior. 
The Indians brin^ their skins and hides from the west bv 
water to Oswego, and Isew York excludes traders from 
Pennsylvania. Philadelphia trades with !N*ew Jersey over 
the Delaware River. Salt is imported in 50 or 60 vessels 
from Spanish South America and the Cape Yerde Islands 
and Senegal, where it is made from salt water, by drying 
in the sun. 

The Colonies are greatly restricted in their export trade, 
yet they have their own vessels, but they are not allowed to 
export their products, especially those needed for ship 
building, such as masts, ship timber, iron, copper, hemp, 
flax, cotton, indigo, tobacco, tar, potash, skins and furs, — 
they must all be sent to England and sold there for export 
in British ships with British sailors, and where there are 
English Trading Companies, as in the East Indies, the 
Colonies cannot trade directly. In 1765 the trade with the 
Spanish and French West Indies was forbidden, but the 
results were so bad that this restriction was removed. The 
Colonies ship food stuffs to the Portuguese Sugar islands, 
meal, butter, meat, grain, wood and timber for house 
building etc., and bring back Molasses, from which Rum is 
made. Trade with the Spanish Americas is contraband, but 
the Colonists run the risk for the sake of the hard money 
it brings. Great Britain in 1766 established two free ports 



16 AchemcalVs Observations on North America, 1767. 

in the West Indies, one in Jamaica, the other in Dominica, 
the French have one in St. Domingo, the Dutch one in 
St. Eustache, the Danes one in St. Thomas, — the English 
want to prevent the contraband trade with Spain, but have 
made the restriction that foreigners can receive all goods 
free of duty, but must sell only for cash, and not in exchange 
for other goods. 

Colonial shipping is important through the trade with the 
Spanish and French West Indies, the English Sugar islands, 
and the fisheries. It deals with the regions south of Cape 
Finisterre, with Africa, the Canary and other islands, and in 
British ships with Portugal, Cadiz, Malaga, Marseilles, Leg- 
horn and Naples, and it might deal with Turkey. It carries 
the surplus products of the fisheries, grain, flour, timber, 
sugar and rice. The trade with Portugal is restricted be- 
cause all its wine must be brought by way of England, so 
only salt as ballast is brought back. Sugar is the only cargo 
which the Colonial shipping can carry and sell through 
Europe. England reserves the right to import and reship 
American products, yet it sells more than three million 
pounds and Ireland and Scotland two million pounds ster- 
ling of products in America. Hard money is rare in the 
Colonies, and is higher in price than in England. An 
English shilling is 18 pence colonial, as against 12 pence in 
sterling. A Guinea is 34 shillings, on account of its conven- 
ience for exchange for goods. Spanish pieces of eight, 
worth in England 4 shillings 8 pence, are worth in the 
Colonies 7 shillings 6 pence, and gold pistoles have fallen 
to 27 shillings, because they are so often filled with base 
metal. A credit on London costs 175 p. c, that is 1 
English pound sterling 1} in Provincial currency, but the 
price rises and falls, par is 133 J, but it often goes up to 166f 
p. c. During the late war par was as low as 125, because 
England spent so much money and so much was brought 
over by English soldiers, — and it varies in different Colonies. 
The Colonies have Paper-bills, Bills of Credit and Currency, 
issued by the authority of the Assemblies which bind them- 



Ackeiv.co.lVs Obscmtfk u ; North America, 1767. 17 

selves to redeem them, — from £o down to 1 shilling, but 
fchey are not good outside the Province that issues them. 
It is used to raise large amounts for pressing needs, ^s in 
the French War to pay the soldiers, arm and clothe and 
feed them in the field. Sometimes the money is raised by 
currency bills which are taken in payment of taxes etc. 
and are cancelled on return to the Treasury office. Una 
was copied from the English Exchequer Bills introduced in 
the reign of "William Third by Act of Parliament, but the 
English bills carrv interest, and those of the Colonies 1c 
not. Another sort of currency is issued to meet the demand 
for money on loan at interest. — the current rate is 6 p. c, 
but these loans are made at 5 p. c. and the borrower must 
pay one tenth of the principal annually. Thus the C :1 : ny 
can supply the means of helping farmers to buy cattle, 
agricultural implements etc. and thus improve the land. 
The issues were made too freely in some Colonies, an i fell 
15 to 20 p. c. and even more in the market. All the 
Colonies used paper currency, until in some the English 
government restricted its issue by law to a fixed amount 
The Mother Country did this to protect its trade from 
suffering loss. Pennsylvania restricted and regulated its 
issues also. The question has been much disputed as :: 
whether such issues are advantageous or injurious, but it is 
still undecided. The taxes in the Colonies are very li^lit. — 
in Pennsylvania and Virginia there is a tax payable in rent 
at a very low rate to the Proprietor in the former, to the 
Crown in the latter Colony, all other taxes are assessed by 
authority of the Assembly, — generally a land tax. ot 6. 12. 
18 pence up to 2 J shillings on the pound of rent, and in- 
comes of professions and omces are taxed. There are no 
taxes on exports and imports or excise. There is a small 
light house tax on shipping. The Stamp Tax acts met 
universal opposition, — the Colonies claimed the right to 
deal with their own finances, — they had accepted ail other 
Acts of Parliament touching their manufactures and trade, 
limiting their freedom, but these did not affect them as 
vol. xxvii. — 2 



18 Ac heme air s Observations on North America, 1767. 

much as this direct attack on their purses. The Colonists 
would not admit that Parliament had the right to tax them. 
They claimed to be English citizens, and that no English 
community could be taxed without its own consent, that is 
through its representatives in the House of Commons, but 
the Colonies have none, — such as the Scotch have, — but 
only their own Assemblies, — there only can taxes be legally 
levied. Their money should be used to pay their own 
debts, not the national debt of Great Britain. The last 
war put a heavy debt on all the Colonies, — this ought to be 
first paid. The Colonies maintained at their own expense, 
25000 men against the French, costing each Colony 
yearly 20, 30, 50 and more thousands of pounds, — when 
this debt is paid, the Crown would have the right to require 
the Colonial Assemblies to raise a similar loan. All the 
Colonies were unanimous on this point, and for the first 
time met through their delegates in a Congress called to 

c? o o 

object to the Stamp Act, and this they did on the right of 
English citizens to petition against any measure they think 
wrong, and this right is ensured to any number, whether it 
be 2, or 100 or 100000. 

There are few fortified places in America. Philadelphia 
is quite open to attack, and has only one Battery on the 
river, to protect the city against invasion. There are a few 
forts to protect the settlers from the Indians. The Provinces 
have their own militia, maintained at their own cost, — the 
King appoints the officers. iSew England has the largest 
body of militia, and the little forts are manned by these 
troops under the King's commanders. There are English 
regiments in ^orth America garrisoning the large forts, — * 
these are paid by the Crown. The English like to serve in 
America, for they are paid in English sterling and are 
supplied by the local authorities with provisions. The 
conquest of Canada is advantageous alike to the English 
nation and to the Colonies, for much of the expense of 
maintaining troops and forts is no longer required. Eng- 
land supported 25000 men in the Colonies, and the Colonies 



AchenwalVs Observations on North America, 1767. 19 

as many more in the last war. The royal rule in America, 
when in harmony with the Colonies, is inexpensive in the 
older Colonies, for the King's Cabinet rules by a stroke of 
the pen. The Colonies are well pleased that France handed 
New Orleans over to the Spanish. The Indians are sworn 
foes of the Spanish, who are neither so intriguing nor so in- 
dustrious as the French, and hence England can keep on 
better terms with the Indians. 

The general agreement of the Colonies as shown in re- 
lation to the Stamp Act, is the more noteworthy, as the 
Colonies have generally been jealous of one another. There 
are many disputes between them as to their borders, rivers, 
trade etc. If the Colonies were entirely independent, they 
would soon be at w r ar with one another. Only the pro- 
tection of the King and his authority prevents open out- 
breaks. This jealousy increases with the growth of the 
Colonies. Pennsylvania gets along best, for it leaves all 
trade both import and export open to all other Colonies, 
only making such restriction in its own favor as may be 
needed to meet restrictions laid on its trade by other 
Colonies, but all laws of this kind require the royal approval. 



20 The Journal of Isaac Norris, 1745. 



THE JOURNAL OF ISAAC NORBJS, DUKIXG A TRIP 
TO ALBANY IN 1745, AND AN ACCOUNT OF A 
TREATY HELD THERE IN OCTOBER OF THAT 
YEAR. 

[Isaac Norris, son of Isaac and Mary (Lloyd) Norris, of Philadelphia, 
was born October 23, 1701. He was liberally educated and possessed 
high natural endowments. In 1727 he was chosen a Common Council- 
man of the city, and later an Alderman. After his father's death, in 
1735, he resided at "Fair Hill," where he passed his life in study, of 
which he was passionately fond, and in the service of the Province. 
He was elected to the Assembly in 1734, and for thirty years (half of 
which period as Speaker) he was an active, popular, and influential 
member. All parties respected his integrity, patriotism, and public 
spirit. In 1739 he married Sarah, a daughter of James Logan, of 
Stenton, their daughter Mary becoming the wife of John Dickinson. 
Isaac Norris died at "Fair Hill," July 13, 1766.] 

Journal. 

September, 174,5. — George Clinton, Governor of New 
York, having received advices from the Commissioners of 
Indian Affairs at Albany; that the Indians of the Five 
Nations had been to Canada, and in a treaty with the 
French Government, had been requested to take up the 
hatchet, (as they call it,) against the English. Which re- 
quest was made by throwing a belt of wampum on the 
ground, with the figure of a hatchet wrought in it; and 
that some of the Indians had taken up the belt and told 
the Governor of Canada that they would carry it to the 
Councilors at Onondogo, where, after a conference with their 
Five Nations, they would return him their answer. Upon 
which, and some other advices relating to the Indians, Gov- 
ernor Clinton wrote to our Governor, who called the As- 
sembly, and the Governor and Assembly appointed Thomas 
Lawrence, Member of Council; John Kinsey, Speaker of 
Assembly; Isaac Norris, Member of Assembly; to go to 



The Journal of Isaac Norris, 1745. 21 

Albany as Commissioners from this province, to meet the 
Indians at a treaty appointed by the Governor of New 
York, to be held there on the 4 th of October next. 

September 26, 1745. — We waited on the Governor, who 
delivered to Thomas Lawrence the Commission which he 
had executed and a Letter of Instructions under the Lesser 
Seal; and after about an hour's conference on that and 
other subjects, we parted, and in the evening I went home. 

September 27. — I left Fair Hill about 10 o'clock, and 
called at Stenton, where I staid about half an hour; then 
crossed to Frankford, where Charles Morris (with Sam, a 
negro,) staid for me. Charles went with me as far as 
Bristol, where we overtook our companions, Thomas Law- 
rence, John Kinsey, Commissioners; and Conrad Weiser, 
Interpreter. Also James Read, Lewis Williams, and John 
Lawrence. 

Charles Morris left us after dinner, and we proceeded 
on our journey, and in good time got to Trenton. Gov- 
ernor Morris sent us word at the ferry that he should be 
glad to see us. Upon which we called at his house on 
our way to Trenton, and after about half an hour's stay 
with the Governor, we walked to the town, where the 
Chief-Justice, Martyn Worrell, supped with us. 

September 28. — Set out from Trenton about 9 o'clock. 
Dined at Kingston, and got early into Brunswick, where we 
lodged. 

September 29. — Left Brunswick about 9 o'clock. Dined 
at Elizabethtown Point, where we left our chaises and 
horses; and in the afternoon walked about three miles 
(after passing the ferry) on Staten Island, where we lodged. 

September 30. — Having hired Captain DeHart's boat, we 
got into her by 7 o'clock, and passed Kill Yan Kill against 
the tide of flood, and with the remainder of the flood, and 
but little wind, we got to New York just as the tide was 
epent. Here we met Captain Abraham Tunda's sloop, 
with all our stores on board, waiting for us in the North 
River at Ellison's Dock, and we had scarcely got on board 



22 The Journal of Isaac Nonis, 174.5. 

before a slight wind sprung up ; so that without going on 
shore at New York we set sail against the ebb tide, and in 
the night anchored over against Yerplank's, at the entrance 
of the Highlands. 

OctobtT 1.— Cold morning, and smart North West wind. 
"We turned at the flood, and anchored about half way 
through the Highlands. The wind continued in the night, 
and with the next flood we got through them, and came to 
anchor a little above the Fishkill. 

October* 2. — The wind continuing against us, we turned 
up with the morning flood to Poughkeepsie, and with the 
night tide to Klince Sopus Island. 

October 3. — Fine southerly breeze, but very foggy. We 
got under sail pretty early, but not being able to see our 
way for the fog, we soon run aground, where we lay until 
11 o'clock A.M., when the wind still continuing fair, with a 
fresh breeze, and clear, fine weather, we had a very pleasant 
passage up to Albany, where we arrived about 12 o'clock at 
night. 

October 4- — This morning Stephen Bayard came on 
board our sloop, and soon after Philip Livingston, Jr., 
with an invitation to us (Commissioners) to lodge at his 
house, and then he went on shore to leave us to dress. 
After breakfast we dressed and went on shore — Philip 
Livingston staying for us at the river's side. We went on 
shore about 10 o'clock with Livingston, to his house. 
About 12 o'clock we went to the Governor of New York 
and showed him our Commission, which he ordered his 
Secretary to copy, and handed us the original. The Secre- 
tary brought us a copy, which we examined and signed. In 
the afternoon Lieutenant Governor Walcott and Colonel 
Stanley, Commissioners from Connecticut, came to Albany. 

October 5. — This day Colonel Stoddard, Jacob Wendall, 
Samuel Wells, and Thomas Hutchinson, Commissioners 
from New England, came in. Dined at Renssleur's, the 
Patroon's about a mile out of town. It being a general in- 
vitation to the Governor of New York and almost all the 



The Journal of Isaac Norris, 174-5. 23 

gentlemen of the place, we had a large and plentiful dinner. 
In the evening some of the Indians desired to see us. We 
gave them a dram, and told them we were glad to see 
them ; and then they went away. 

This day the Governor invited us to a meeting between 
him and the Indians, to bid them welcome. Before the 
Indians came in, the Governor made some objections to our 
sitting or treating with our hats on. We (the other Com- 
missioners and Indians just coming in) chose *to withdraw 
for the present. Thomas Lawrence staid. 

October 6. — Towards evening several Indians came to 
the tavern to see us. They told us two of the barrels of 
powder which were given last year at Lancaster, were dam- 
aged, and that both of them fell to the Cayougas ; and they 
desired we would consider of it, and hoped we would make 
them reparation. We told them the powder which was 
given last year, was given as well on the part of Vir- 
ginia and Maryland, as well as our province, and we could 
not tell whose powder it was that was damaged, and that as 
this was not a proper place to say more upon that head, we 
would leave it to be considered upon. To which they 
answered they were willing to put us in mind of it, and 
were content that it should rest under consideration. 

October 7. — This morning Murray came to our lodgings 
to request (from the Governor of Xew York) that we would 
attend a Committee of his Council, with the Commissioners 
from the other Colonies, in order to confer upon the heads 
proper to be said to the Indians ; and whether it would be 
most agreeable to the several Commissioners to treat jointly 
or separately with them. Murray and Horsmandon, of the 
Governor's Council, with all of the Commissioners from 
the several Colonies, met at about 10 o'clock, and after a 
conference of about two hours, we — Kinsey and myself — 
(treating with our hats on, a3 we afterwards did throughout 
the whole treaty,) agreed to treat separately for our province 
— all the others joining in one speech to be made by the 
Governor of iSTew York. But they desired we would let 



24 The Journal of Isaac Norris, 174.5. 

one of our number be with them, upon drawing up what 
was to be said to the Indians. They produced, and read at 
this meeting, the heads of the speech proposed to the 
Governor, by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs — which 
was agreed by them to be the foundation of what the Gov- 
ernor should say. TVe objected to their pressing the Indians 
to take up the hatchet immediately. 

October 8. — The Commissioners from New England and 
some of the Governor of New York's Council, examined 
five Indians, to endeavor to find out the author of the 
alarm among the Mohawks last winter. 

There was a report spread among the Mohawks last 
winter, that the English had agreed to cut them all off by 
surprise. 

October 9. — -The Commissioners having yesterday sent for 
our Interpreter without asking our leave or consent, we 
ordered him if he was at any time afterwards sent for, not 
to go without having had an application first made to us. 
Upon which Murray, (one of the Governor's Council,) this 
morning came in the name of the Governor of New York, 
to excuse what had been already done ; and he desired our 
leave for^ our Interpreter to assist them this day, in their 
inquiry into the author of the alarm among the Mohawks — 
which we readily consented to. The Indians laid the origin 
of that false alarm upon one Andrew Petar, an old Dutch- 
man ; but the said Andrew denied on oath that he knew 
anything of it — and all believed him. It now appeared 
pretty clear that Indian Henry, a Mohawk, raised it. 

October 10. — We invited the Massachusetts and Connec- 
ticut Commissioners, and several gentlemen to dine with us, 
viz : Philip Livingston, Senior and Junior, Captain Ruther- 
ford, Lechmore, several gentlemen, and the Patroon, who 
did not come — the Governor of New York having invited 
him previously. Immediately after dinner, the Governor 
of New York spoke to the Indians in behalf of New York, 
Massachusetts, and Connecticut, (the speech was a very long 
one, and was penned by Horsmandon,) from the Patroon's 



The Journal of Isaac Norris, 174.5. 25 

town house door, — the Indians on boards in the street. 
They finished about dusk. 

The speech was read (before the Governor spoke it,) to 
all the Commissioners from the several Colonies ; and we 
were invited to the treaty, but having before concluded it 
would be most advantageous for us to treat separately, and 
the Governor of iSTew York having made some objections 
to our treating with our hats on, John Kinsey and myself 
declined going to it. 

October 11. — Having asked the Governor of Xew York to 
let us treat separately, and he consenting, we this day de- 
livered to him w T hat we intended to say to the Indians. He 
eaid he would read it, and give us his sentiments to-morrow 
morning. 

October 12. — The Governor of Xew York sent back our 
speech to the Indians, to which he said he had no objection. 

The Indians gave the Governor and Commissioners their 
answer. The ceremony of the hall being accommodated 
by the Governor and gentlemen from the other Colonies 
treating with their hats on, w T e went to this day's treaty. 
Dined, upon invitation, with the Massachusetts Commis- 
sioners. Towards evening we asked the Governor of iSTew 
York to let us have the 14 th instant to ourselves, to treat 
with the Indians — which he agreed to. 

Supped with Colonel Keyler, Mayor of Albany. 

October 13. — Thomas Lawrence, John Kinsey, myself, the 
Patroon, Philip Livingston Jr., James Read, and Lewis 
Evans, rode to the Cohoee Falls. We returned to the 
Patroon's about 4 o'clock P.M. where we all dined, and 
came to town in the evening. The Governor of ]S"ew 
York gave his presents to the Indians about 10 o'clock 
A.M., and at night the Indians had a War Dance. 

October H. — The Massachusetts Commissioners having 
last night received an express, that a party of French and 
Indians had attacked a small fort in Xew England, at a place 
called the Great Meadow; they desired a hearing of the 
Governor of Kew York this morninor. To which the 



26 The Journal of Isaac Konis, 174-5. 

Governor invited us, and we went. The Commissioners of 
Massachusetts pressed the Governor closely, that he would 
call upon the Five Nations to take up the hatchet against 
the French and Canada Indians immediately. Which the 
Governor declined, by saying that the outsettlements in 
New York Colony are in no condition to resist an invasion 
at present ; and therefore pressing the Five Nations to take 
up the hatchet immediately would only be to bring the war to 
our own doors ; which (considering their present situation,) 
he would not do, but that he would lay it before the As- 
sembly at their next sitting. Immediately after this meeting 
was over, we spoke to the Indians, and in the afternoon 
received their answer. 

In the evening the Governor of New York returned to 
New York. 

October 15. — This morning we sent for the Indians to 
give them some presents which we had got for them. 
About 10 o'clock A.M. we told them — by word of mouth 
only — to this effect : 

— That though we had spoken to them yesterday, yet we 
had this further to say : 

— That they had several belts in their hands from their 
Brother Onas, to which they had not yet given any answers, 
particularly in what related to Peter Chartiers, and the 
party which had gone against the Catawbas, which we 
recommended to them, that they would consider them as 
soon as possible, and bring us an answer in the spring. 

That when the Governor and Assembly sent us to treat 
with them they considered that the winter was approaching, 
and the Indians, our brethern, might be in want of some 
things necessary for them. Therefore they had ordered a 
sum of money to be laid out for their use, and we had ac- 
cordingly purchased and brought them some goods to 
clothe them ; and some powder and lead for them to supply 
themselves with provisions. 

— That this being all we had to say to them at this time, 
we wished them a good journey home. 



The Journal of Isaac Norris, 174-5. 27 

They answered : 

That the affairs of Peter Chartiers and the Catawba* 
were so mixed together that they could not seperate them, 
but that they would consider them both as soon as possible, 
and bring their answer in the spring. 

— That they wished Brother Onas well home, and made 
him a present of a few skins. There were several " Yo 
hahs," upon which we parted. 

Having this morning finished our treaty with the Indians, 
we left Albany about 12 o'clock, and about half past 1 
o'clock got aboard our sloop — which we had before sent 
over the Overslaugh, about five miles below Albany. Got 
under sail with a reefed mainsail, with a high Xorth West 
wind ; and at 6 o'clock got to Claverack, where we went on 
shore at our Captain's house, and supped there. In the 
night it blew very hard, so that we could not make sail. 

October 16. — Made sail about daylight, with a pretty high 
wind at Xorth West. Clear and cold. As the day rose it 
proved fine weather. The wind held until we came to 
Crum Elbow, at about 1 o'clock then it fell fiat calm ; and 
in a little while a small, slight wind sprung up, with which, 
by the help of the tide, we got within about two miles of 
Doctor Coldon's house — about three miles short of the en- 
trance into the Highlands — where we came to anchor in 
the night. 

October 17. — Early this morning we put Lewis Wane 
ashore at Coldon's. Some small, variable winds about 
noon. As the tide failed we got to anchor about half wav 
through the Highlands, (about two miles short of the place 
where we anchored at going up ;) where we went on shore, 
and with the afternoon tide got to Haverstraw. 

October 18. — Light breeze. We got under sail before day. 
It soon fell calm, and we tided it to Frederick Phillip's, 
where we went on shore, to a small fish-house by the river's 
side. Thomas Lawrence, going first on shore, saw Philip's 
son on the beach, but he did not ask him up to his father's 
house, about a quarter of a mile off, so after a little stay we 



28 The Journal of Isaac Noiris, 17 i5. 

went aboard again. About 3 o'clock, with a small southerly 
breeze, we got under sail. Towards night it increased into 
a high wind, and made a deep sea. We anchored, at 9 
o'clock, about a mile from New York. 

October 19. — Early this morning we came to New York. 
Peter Y. B. Livingston met us as the sloop came to the 
dock, and we all went up to breakfast with him. John 
Kinsey and myself dined with him. 

About 3 o'clock P.M. we set out, and crossed the bay 
with a high South East wind, deep sea, and some rain. At 
5 o'clock we got to the Point House — where we lodged. 
We left Thomas Lawrence and his son at New York. 

October 20. — We set out about 8 o'clock. Dined at Bruns- 
wick, and at night reached Trenton Ferry. 

Cloudy until about 10 o'clock this morning, then clear 
and cool. Fine travelling weather, and good roads. 

At Brunswick we left Conrad Weiser. 

Octobei* 21.— Clear. Pretty high North West wind. Cold. 
Set out about 8 o'clock this morning. As the day rose it 
grew cloudy and colder. About 2 o'clock I reached Fair 
Hill, and found my family in good health. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 29 



THE SOCIETY OF THE SONS OF SAINT TAMMANY 
OF PHILADELPHIA. 

BY FRANCIS VON A. CABEEN. 

(Concluded from Vol. XXVI. page 463.) 

On May 3, 1788, appears in the daily papers the adver- 
tisement of Edward Pole, as a real estate broker, and the 
chief property that he offers for sale is a tavern called " The 
Wigwam," situated on the east bank of the Schuylkill at 
Race Street. 

" Edward Pole, 
"Notary Public, Conveyancer, Merchantile Broker, 

"At his office in Market street, near the Court House, Philadelphia, 
" He has also opened 

" An Office for the Registering, Purchase, and Sale of Real Estates. 
"To Be Sold, 

"That elegant situation the noted tavern called the Wigwam, Upon 
the bank3 of the Schuylkill, 2 miles from the Court House. 

" There are on the premises, a Brick House, 21 by 22, with a stone 
one adjoining 18 by 30 feet ; the brick building consists of a very hand- 
some, well finished Parlour 20 by 21 feet, with two well finished Cham- 
bers, and two Garrets, lathed and plastered, with two Piazzas round the 
same, and a Balcony with turned Ballustrades, from which may be 
seen the city of Philadelphia ; a good Cellar and a Pump of Water at 
the door. The stone building consists of a Parlour and Kitchen ad- 
joining, with a Room over the whole, and an oven. 

" There is also on the premises, a new Frame Building, built of the 
very best cedar and white oak, and finished in the modern style, 40 by 
20 feet ; the lower floor consists of a Dining Room 34 feet long, with a 
Bar Room adjoining, also two Plunging and two Shower Baths, each in 
separate genteel rooms ; in the second story is a Room well finished 20 
feet by 30, calculated for a Dancing Room, or the Entertainment of a 
large Company with a convenient Drawing Room adjoining ; the third 
floor has three Lodging Rooms, the whole being well finished, lathed 
and plastered, under which is a complete Cellar or Kitchen with a 
Fi re-Place and every Conveniency. 



30 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia, 

"On the premises is a good Stable, also an excellent Garden of half 
an acre well laid out, and stocked with an assortment of the best grafted 
Fruit Trees, such as Peaches, Plumbs, Cherries, Pears, &c. together 
with a collection of valuable Flower Roots, in the ground ; there is 
also an Orchard adjoining well stocked with an assortment of grafted 
Apple Trees, which is enclosed by a Board Fence 7 feet high, and the 
Garden is under a Palisade Fence 7 feet high ; in the orchard are 
eight well finished Summer Houses, one of which is elegantly finished 
after the Chinese taste. 

"The whole commands a beautiful and extensive prospect up and 
down the river Schuylkill, with a view of the bridges over the middle 
and upper ferries, being situated in the middle between the two ; a 
plenty of fishing and fowling in the different seasons of the year, and 
the whole being a pleasant retreat for a gentleman retiring from business 
in the heat of summer. 

"This place being so well known renders it unnecessary to say much 
relative to it. By paying part of the purchase money down, some time 
will be given for the payment of the remainder." 

The advertisement shows plainly that our Secretary of the 
Saint Tammany Society had met with misfortune and had to 
seek his living in this way, consequently there is no more 
mention of his place as being the head-quarters of our So- 
ciety. The exact meeting-places this year are not given, 
and we judge that the great controversy over the adoption 
of the Federal Constitution was being felt by our brethren ; 
for when the Federal Commission came before the people 
of Pennsylvania, a very thorough and careful writer says, 
"An issue was raised, something was at stake; and the 
Whig Party was quickly rent in twain, slanders were set 
up — The name of Whig fell for a time into disuse, and 
under the appellation of Federalists and Antifederalists, 
the two sections of a once harmonious part drew farther 
and farther apart, and began a contest on a national scale." l 
There are no toasts or names given ; all we have in the 
way of a record of them is the following : 

" Thursday being the first of May, a variety of social cir- 
cles composed of citizens of this place and !N"ew Jersey, 
assembled on the banks of the Delaware and Schuylkill, to 

1 History of the People of the United States, McMaster, Vol. II. p. 454. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia, 31 

commemorate the anniversary of King Tammany, the Tu- 
telar Saint of America. A gentleman of New Jersey and 
one of the party at Lilliput, wrote the following Song in 
honour of the day, which was spent with great conviviality." l 



11 ' Tune — A Dauphin's born, &c. 
" 'How happy thus once more 
To hail returning spring ! 
Friends, welcome to our shore, 
And cheerful be the day : 
Join every voice with loud acclaim, 
Our Guardian's praise to sing; 
Echo round his grateful name, 
Let hills and valleys ring. 

For Tammany demands our song, 

Then swell the votive strain, 

His name shall float along 

The breeze that sweeps the plain. 

11 'Whilst vanquished monsters grace 
The saints of distant lands, 
No fabled tales we trace ; 
For still recorded stands 
How Tammany, in ages past, 
Subdued our fathers' foes, 
Till he, worn down with age at last, 
A sainted hero rose : 

Such was the chief who claims our song, — 

Then swell, &c. 

"'No wild ambitious strife 
His equal mind could charm ; 
No sullen scorn of life, 
Impel? d his vengeful arm, 
Nor caprice or revenge could lead 
His steadfast heart astray ; 
If justice doomed his foes to bleed, 
Reluctant he'd obey : 

Such was the prince who claims our song, — 

Then swell, &c. 



1 Independent Gazetteer, May 3, 1788. 



32 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

" 'When first our wandering sires, 
Transplanted freedom here, 
Bright burn'd his council fires, 
Their sinking hopes to cheer ; 
No ambush' d murder stain' d the wild, 
Or midnight guile betrayed ; 
Whene'er the mighty chieftain smil'd, 
Ordained his pow'rful aid : 

Such was the prince who claims our song, — 
Then swell, &c. 

" c His native force of mind 
Pierc'd the incumbent gloom, 
And thus in stile refind, 
Portray' d our future doom : 
Our tawny race, though fierce and bold, 
Your sons shall overwhelm ; 
And long shall they in freedom hold 
This rich, extensive realm : 

Such was the Saint who claims our song, — 

Then swell, &c. 

*• * As through a misty cloud, 
(And here he drop'd a tear) 
I see a hostile crowd 
Their bloody banners rear ; 
Like you indeed the warriors seem, 
But oft they' re wrapt in fire : 
How dreadful do their lightnings gleam, 
And ah ! your sons retire : 

Such was the chief who claims our song, — 

Then swell, &c. 

" ' With aspect fierce he gaz'd 
Then wild with rapture cry'd, 
Your foes recoil amaz'd, 
To shelter on the tide ; 
And who is he serenely great 
Who leads your columns on ? 
But here was clos'd the book of fate, 
Or he'd read Washington : 

Such was the Saint who claims our song, — 

Then swell, &c. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 33 

" 'Still in returning May 
His rights shall be our care, 
And hallow' d be the day, 
In each succeeding year : 
Our sons shall sing his sainted name, 
Till time shall be no more, 
Now hov'ring on the wings of- fame, 
He marks and guards this shore. 

Thus Tammany demands our song, 
Then swell, &c. 

" ' Tantrobobus. 

'* ' Lilliput Wigwam, May 1st. 1788.' ' 

Virginia kept the day, however, and their toasts show 
how they stood upon the prominent question of the day, 
and North Carolina is in line with Virginia ; their conclud- 
ing toast, it will be noticed, is to the Federal Club. 

" Petersburg, May 3. 

" Thursday last being the anniversary of the American 
Tutelar Saint, the same was celebrated by the militia of 
this town who paraded and marched to an adjacent spring 
where an entertainment was provided; at w T hich the fol- 
lowing toasts were drank attended with a discharge of 
cannon &c. 

" 1. St. Tammany. 

" 2. The virtuous sons and daughters of St. Tammany 
wherever dispersed. 

" 3. The United States. 

" 4. General Washington. 

" 5. To the memory of those heroes who fell in defense 
of American Liberty. 

" 6. The Surviving heroes who were engaged in the same 
noble cause. 

" 7. The King of France and other allies of the United 
States. 

" 8. The Marquis de la Fayette. 

" 9. May a firm and impartial Federal Government be 
established. 

vol. xxvii. — 3 



34 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia, 

" 10. True patriotism. 
" 11. Universal benevolence. 

" 12. May the agriculture, commerce and manufactures 
of America nourish forever. 

" 13. The Militia of the United States." 

" Wilmington (X. C). 

" Thursday last the first of May, being St. Tammany's 
day, the Tutelar Saint of America, the Federal Club met 
at Mr. Patrick Brannan's agreeable to rule, where an ele- 
gant and sumptuous dinner was provided for the occasion. 

" They enjoyed the day in the greatest good humor and 
cheerfulness, and amity crowned the festive evening. 

" The following toasts were given by their worthy and 
respectable President, A. Maclaine, Esq., which were drank 
with sincere energy by the sons of St. Tammany. 

« 1. United States. 

" 2. St. Tammany and the Friends of America. 

" 3. General Washington. 

" 4. Doctor Franklin. 

" 5. Unanimity and steadiness to the councils of the 
United States. 

" 6. The friends of liberty. 

" 7. !North Carolina. 

" 8. Governor Johnson. 

" 9. May industry and integrity characterize the inhabit- 
ants of ISTorth Carolina. 

" 10. Wilmington and the trade of Cape Fear. 

" 11. Our great men good, and good men great. 

" 12. Injuries in dust, Friendship in marble. 

« 13. The Federal Club. 

" An itinerant gentleman, who participated of the above 
agreeable entertainment, observes, that it was with the most 
pleasing satisfaction he saw so numerous a company, com- 
posed of men from all nations (the majority of whom were 
adopted sons of our tutelar Saint) unite to celebrate the 
first of May in this land of liberty ; and after truly enjoy- 






Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 35 

ino- the day, separated with spirits highly exhilorated, and in 
the o-reatest unanimity and good humor ; not the least symp- 
tom of discord appearing through the whole." 

" Harrisburg, (Virginia) May 1. 

"Yesterday evening, being St. Tammany's eve, Col. Xoll, 
at the head of a few of the militia and principal inhabitants 
of the town, hoisted a liberty pole, with a flag, thirteen stars 
and the Xew Constitution in large letters on it ; the militia,- 
with some of the principal farmers at their head, with farm- 
ing utensils on their shoulders, drums and other music play- 
ing, fired thirteen rounds; after which they went to the 
house of Mr* Brewer Keves, and spent the evening in the 
greatest mirth and good humour imaginable." l 

From the above notices it is evident that Virginia boasted 
of at least two Saint Tammany Societies within her borders. 

An event took place on July 4 of this year — the Federal 
Procession — in which two gentlemen of our Society, Peter 
Baynton and Colonel Isaac Melcher, appeared in Indian 
dress in the procession. Following our usual custom to 
give everything in which our Patron Saint's name appears, 
we copy the poem that appeared in the press of the day : 

" An address intended to have been spoken by Mr. Hallam at 
the Theatre in Philadelphia on J^th of July 1788. 

"Far as the sun extends its genial ray, 
Each nation boasts her consecrated day ; 
Some visionary saint, some monarch's birth, 
Gilds the blest morn, and wakes to annual mirth : 
The stately Spaniard yields Ms pride of names, 
Once in each year, to smile upon St. James. 
Saint Dennis gives the word ! behold all France 
Lost in the ecstasy of song and dance. 
Flush' d with the grape, Saint Patricks sons appear, 
And with his birth-da*/ lasted all the year ; 
1 Oh he' 8 a jewel of a saint — no rigid numper — 
But dead himself gives life to ev'ry bumper V 



1 Penna. Mercury and Penna. Packet, May 24, 1788. 



36 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

* Hoot, hoot, man' quoth the Scot * a' these are bairns o' dross, 

Nae worth a bawbie, compar'd wi' Andrew on his cross,' 

Nor is the festal day to realms contin'd 

By science honor d and by arts refin'd ; 

The Savatje tribes their jubilee proclaim, 

And crown Saint Tammany with lasting fame. 

E'en the poor Negro will awhile resign 

His furrows, to adorn Saint Quaco's shrine; 

For one bright hour of joy forego complaint, 

And praise his tyrant, while he nails his saint. 

But while the dupes of legendary strains 

Amuse their fancy, or forget their pains, 

While mimic Saints a transient joy impart, 

That strikes the sense but reaches not the heart, 

Arise, Columbia ! — nobler themes await 

Th' auspicious day, that sealed thy glorious fate : 

A nation rescu'd from oppression's soil, 

And freedom planted in a purer soil ; 

By worth enobled, and by valor grac'd 

(The ball of empire rolling to the west), 

Lo ! a new order in the world arise 

And thy fair fame spread boundless as the 3kies ; 

Yet as the tale of triumph we renew, 

To patriot virtue yield the tribute due ; 

With fond remembrance, each revolving year, 

To martyr' d heroes shed the grateful tear ; 

And with the fragrant wreath of laureate bloom 

Adorn the warrior's ever honor' d tomb ! 

'Midst these sad rights the moral let us trace, 

That points the soldier's fire, the statesman's grace ; 

From Warren and Montgomery catch the flame, 

And follow Lawrence in the track of fame. 

Is there a child who urg'd the arduous strife 

For liberty (thou dearer boon than life !) 

Is there a heart to truth and virtue form'd, 

By pity soften' d and by passion warm'd, 

That seeks not here a monument to raise, 

To speak at once, their country's grief and praise ? 

Brecording history their deeds shall tell ; 

On the rich theme the muse enraptur'd dwell 

To future worlds examples shall supply, 

And with the glist'ning tear fill beauty's eye. 

Thus when revolving time shall sanctify the name, 

And Washington great favorite of fame ! 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 37 

By some enraptur'd bard recall' d to view, 

In sons unborn your feelings shall renew ; 

See ! as the story of his life is told, 

His courage charm the young his worth the old ; 

His martial feats the Veteran admires ; 

The patriot bosom glows as he retires ; 

While all mankind in admiration lost, 

Strive who can follow or applaud him most ! 

Go, sons of liberty ! assert your fame ! 

And emulate the Greek and Roman name ; 

The prize of arms by virtue be maintain' d 

And wisdom cultivate what toil has gain'd ; 

Thus shall the sacred Fane of Union stand, 

And this day's Independence bless the land I" 

In the year 1789 we have to content ourselves with an 
ode that appeared on May 1 and a school announcement 
of an entertainment given by it, one of the numbers being 
an ode to Tammany, and this is the sum total of the notice 
in the newspapers of what was done in Pennsylvania on 
behalf of Tammany. They do give, however, a very fair 
account of the New York Society's meeting, and it is from 
this meeting that the New York Tammany Society dates its 
existence, although, as we have shown, it had a meeting 
two years earlier at Hall's, in New York. Norfolk, Virginia, 
has a Tammany attraction this year which is recorded in 
our papers. Tammany's memory was honored on the 
banks of the Schuylkill, however, by forty gentlemen who 
dined at the Fish House of the State in Schuylkill on May 
1, which is what is called their opening day, and our 
friend Hiltzheimer was there and notes some of those who 
were present, — viz., George Koss, Benjamin Chew (the elder), 
Richard Peters, William Lewis, Jonathan Penrose, Josiah 
Hewes, J. Wheeler, and Tench Francis. Some of the above 
we know to have been present at previous celebrations of 
the Saint Tammany Society. 

An interesting history of the New York Society can be 
found in Harper's Magazine} While we differ entirely with 

i Vol. XLIV. p. 685. 



38 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

the author concerning the history of the old chief Tammany 
and the history of the Society in this city, the part that 
refers to the New York organization we will refer to later ; 
the whole is too long for insertion here and beyond the 
scope of this article. 

There are a good many misstatements in that part ot 
the article that refers to the early history of the Tammany 
Society outside of Xew York. One particularly glaring 
we give : " The Pennsylvania troops of Washington's com- 
mand were the first to inscribe < St. Tamanend,' afterward 
corrupted for the sake of euphony to St. Tammany, upon 
their banners." 

William Mooney was the first head of the Xew York 
Tammany Society, and we quote from the article referred 
to as follows : 

" Mooney was an Irishman by descent, an American by 
birth, and a 4 Whig' in politics, having been a leader among 
the 'Sous of Liberty' or 'Liberty Boys,' as the members of 
the well known organization of rebel sympathizers during 
the Revolution were called. After the war he went into 
business as an upholsterer, first on Nassau Street, afterwards 
on Maiden Lane, and still later on Chatham Street. He re- 
mained an active partisan all his life, and was rewarded for 
his devotion to politics by being finally brought by it to 
the almshouse. Seeing that the Indian name was popular 
and was likely to stick in spite of them, Mooney and his 
associates prudently threw Columbia over, accepted the red 
chief as their divinity, remodeled their constitution, and 
christened their organization, by way of compromise, the 
4 Tammany Society or Columbian Order.' By that name 
they secured first in 1805, sixteen years after its establish- 
ment, an act of incorporation." 

" A Sony for St Tammany's Bay. 

"On Schuylkill's banks how sweet to rove ! 
Fidelia by my side ; 
The nymphs and swains in every grove 
Walk like bridegroom and bride. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 39 

" Behold yon cott in gayest mood ! 
Doth cleave the silver wave ; 
Whilst boys behind each corps of wood, 
Their limbs do freely lave. 



11 The variegated hills and dales ! 
Are drest in lively green ; 
The orchards and embroider' d vales, 
With richest flowers are seen. 

" The little lasses dance and sing ! 
And in the alcoves play ; 
All nature now is on the wing ! 
In all the pride of May." 



" New York, May 14. 

" Last Tuesday, being the 12th inst, (or the 1st of May 
old style), was the Anniversary of St. Tammany, the Tutelar 
Saint of America. On this occasion marques, &c. were 
erected on the banks of the Hudson, about two miles from 
the city, for the reception of the Brethren of that Society, 
and an elegant entertainment provided, which was served 
up precisely at 3 o'clock. 

" After dinner patriotic Toasts were drank, under thirteen 
discharges, to each toast, from a Mar on Battery. 

"The number which attended this festival was very 
respectable, and afford, to the first institutors of that Society, 
a happy presage of its growing importance and respecta- 
bility. 

" The afternoon was spent in the utmost harmony, and 
the genuine spirit of conviviality and fraternal affection 
presided to the last. 

" After singing a number of songs, adapted to the occa- 
sion, and smoking the Calumet of Peace, each member 
retired to his own "Wigwam and Hunting Ground, in hopes 
of meeting, on the next Anniversary, in the same brotherly 
and affectionate manner, to commemorate the glorious deeds 
and achievements of their renowned Patron." 



40 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

" Norfolk, May 6. 

"Friday last, being the Anniversary of St. Tammany, 
was noticed here by the gentlemen Volunteers, who paraded 
and went through their exercise with the usual military 
paraphernalia, which always carries a pleasing effect. In 
their evening march through the town, three gentlemen of 
character in this borough preceded the company in the 
dress and resemblance of Indian Chiefs ; and after spending 
the day, with the utmost festivity and good humour, they 
proceeded in form to the Theatre, and saw the comedy of 
the Miser, with the Agreeable Surprise." 

No record of the Sons of Saint Tammany appears in the 
Philadelphia papers in 1790. Instead of it, on May 15, we 
find the following : 

" New York, May 13. 

"Yesterday the Sons of St. Tammany met at Bardin's 
Tavern in their Indian-dress, and the insignias of the Society ; 
from thence they marched in Indian file through several of 
the principal streets of the city, and then proceeded to the 
new Presbyterian Church, where an elegant oration was 
delivered by Dr. Smith, to the approbation of the crowded 
and numerous audience. A collection at the same time 
was made for the benefit of the prisoners in gaol. After 
which, the company marched out of the city, to Campbell's 
Tavern; where they sat down to a dinner provided for their 
entertainment. After dinner a number of toasts were drank 
— Music and Song, harmony and conviviality, with an In- 
dian dance, concluded the day, to the great satisfaction and 
amusement of the numerous spectators." 

On May 25 appears a notice of the business meeting of 
the New York Tammany Society, as follows : 

"New York, May 21. 

" On the evening of the first Monday of April, annually, 
agreeably to the Constitution, the election of the officers ot 
the Society of St. Tammany and Columbian Order is held, 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 41 

and the ballots estimated on the Monday evening subsequent 
to their annual festival. In conformity to this establishment 
the ballots were estimated on Monday evening last, when it 
appeared that the following persons were duly elected, viz. 

" Sachems. 
" James Tylee, Ephraim Brasher, 

"William Mooney, Anthony Post, 

"Jotham Post, Thomas Ivers, 

"William W. Gilbert, Frederick Stymets, 
"William Pitt Smith, Malachi Treat, 

"John Campbell, Gabriel Furman, 

" John Stag, Jun. 

" Thomas Ash, Treasurer. . 

" John Snowden, Jun. Sec. 

44 The Grand Sachem will be elected, by the body of 
Sachems, from among themselves, on Monday evening 
next." 

To show that the 2s"ew York Society was copied pretty 
closely in many ways from the first Saint Tammany Society 
of Philadelphia, which, it will be remembered, entertained 
the Indian Chief Cornplanter and his braves, we quote the 
following : 

"But what at the outset assisted Tammany more than anything else 
was a purely accidental occurrence ; it became the means of saving the 
country from a bloody war. The Creek Indians on the Southwestern 
frontier had grown troublesome and the government then just entering 
on its work with a heavy debt and an impoverished people was particu- 
larly anxious for peace. In 1790 a delegation of the Creeks was in- 
duced to visit New York, then the seat of the Federal Government, 
that a talk might be had with the President. The result of the con- 
ference it was supposed would greatly depend on the first impression 
produced on the minds of the savages and their entertainment afterward. 
Luckily the Tammany Society had an abundant supply of paint and 
feathers, and Washington hit upon the happy expedient of engaging it 
to do the agreeable to the brawny visitors. Accordingly when the 
Indian embassy reached the city it was conducted to the Tammany 
Wigwam, where all the members of the Society were waiting to receive 



42 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

it with painted faces and full aboriginal outfit. The Creeks were 
delighted with their reception ; and as during their stay the Tammany 
members retained their Indian dress and devoted themselves exclusively 
to their entertainment, the result was a very satisfactory treaty and the 
preservation of peace. 

"The affair was of great service to Tammany, particularly as in con- 
sequence of it the Society was supposed to enjoy the countenance of 
Washington. Even many influential Federalists joined it and continued 
to retain at least a nominal membership for quite a period afterward. 

"Washington, as usual, made use of the tools that were at hand to 
accomplish his ends, and he was certain that what he wanted would be 
secured by the means used, for he was a close observer of events of the 
day and, as we have previously written, was in Philadelphia not long 
after the visit of Cornplanter to the Philadelphia Tammany Society 
and had learned how much those Indians had been impressed by the 
courtesies shown them, so he was hardly trying an experiment when he 
delegated to the New York braves the entertainment of the Creeks." 

Our patriotic and social Society wa3 now decadent, al- 
though efforts to keep alive the memory of Tammany are 
evinced by the following in 1791 : 

"Artillery Orders. 

" The Battalion of Artillery are to parade, conformably 

to the Laws of this Commonwealth, on Monday the 2nd of 

May next : and as several citizens, who belong to the corps, 

wish to celebrate the Anniversary of St. Tammany on that 

day, the Battalion will therefore be formed on the Artillery 

Ground at eight, and the roll called precisely at nine o'clock 

in the morning of the said day. 

"Jeremiah Fisher, Captain, 

" Commandant of Artillery. 
"April 15, 1791." 

The establishment of the New York Tammany Society 
or Columbian Order as a political body took place in 1789, 
and a branch of this organization was instituted here in 1795. 

It is not in the province of this article to treat of either of 
these organizations, but in an address appearing in the 
Philadelphia branch is the following : 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 43 

" War in the Wigwam} 

'* Last Thursday evening, the arbitrary and despotic proceedings of 
Leib, Duane, his son, and their minions, in the Tammany Society 
exceeded all possible description, and stands unexampled in the most 
despotic government of the world. 

"It is the intention of your correspondent to give a brief statement 
of the proceedings of this Society from its commencement to Thursday 
night last, and that the public may form a proper estimation of the 
conduct and principles of the parties mentioned, and hereafter referred 
in. It must be remembered that most of them were members of a 
democratic society, held in Philadelphia in the year 1795 ; that they 
brought forward a resolution in that society, and supported it against the 
will of the majority, relative to the western insurrection, which de- 
stroyed the harmony of its members, introduced anarchy and confusion, 
and finally broke it up ; and let it be understood, that Leib and Dnane 
were the principals in accomplishing the total and final destruction of 
that numerous society ; and it may be asserted on good information, 
that those men have introduced confusion and created disturbance in 
every society in Philadelphia which they have belonged to since. The 
Tammany Society was next formed by an active citizen of Philadel- 
phia, in pursuance of a dispensation from the Tammany Society of 
New York, now in his possession. — A number of respectable citizens 
were initiated. M. Leib was anxious also to become a member, but the 
active part he took in the dissolution of the democratic society was yet 
fresh in recollection ; his application was postponed from time to time, 
advocates for him at length increased, and he obtained admission. 

" Tempora mutantur et nos mutamur cum illi-s. 

" We before stated, that many of the Eevolutionary heroes after the 
struggle with Great Britain entertained views of self-aggrandizement — 
that the Society of Cincinnati, a privileged order, was erected for that 
purpose — that the Society of St. Tammany was instituted in New York, 
to antagonize the aristocratical effect of the Society of Cincinnati — that 
upon the suppression of popular societies in Pennsylvania, the New York 
Society of St. Tammany enlarged themselves by an affiliation in this state 
— that as long as there was an external foe, the good effect of this affilia- 
tion was evident, notwithstanding the necessity of conclave and mystery. 

" As soon as the necessity of conclave and mystery ceased, upon the 
establishment of equal political rights, the Tammany Society became a 
pent to the community, serving only as the engine of individual aggran- 
dizement ; thi3 will appear in the sequel. 

"In '94, the members of the Democratic Society were forced to dis- 



1 Freeman's Journal, April 10, 1805. 



44 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

solve that body, from a certainty that their every movement was 
watched, and that the most trivial step savoring of opposition to the ad- 
ministration, whether such as granted by the great charter of the con- 
stitution, or as usurped by them, would be made as a handle for perse- 
cution and destruction. Such was the temper of the times, that an open 
expression of private sentiment was frequently considered as bordering 
upon treason — these times have passed — may tHey never again recur. 

"The election of '99, the memorable victory which placed our 
patriot M'Kean in the first station in this commonwealth, fixed the 
friends of equal political rights on vantage ground. After that im- 
portant era, alas now forgotten by men who owe their present prosper- 
ity to the victory, no danger was to be apprehended as to personal 
safety from British intrigue, for the grand promoters of it were irrevocably 
defeated in this state. The Society of Cincinnati now no longer excited 
emotions of fear in the republican breast ; for though not arrived at the 
age of puberty, she was already paralised by second childhood. 

"The Society of Tammany was now only to be feared. From the 
necessity of self preservation, the members had resorted to secrecy ; and 
in the progress of the association, the Society had embraced at least 500 
members — all bound together by the same ties — all engaged to support 
the same cause — the avowed cause of republicanism. What a derelic- 
tion from their professions, what a contrast have their late proceedings 
evinced? The republicans have become victorious, no dangers remain 
to their cause but in the misapplied energies of that very association 
which had added certainty to their united efforts. The Tammany So- 
ciety alone, having no external enemy to overturn, and aided by its 
secret forms, was destined to become a scourge of the people. 

"An avowed political society, nurtured in secrecy, must in times ot 
prosperity be in constant danger of the secret management of cunning 
and factious members. The Tammany Society is led by these men ; 
and the natural consequences of such associations, led by such men and 
in similar times, have marked the fate of the Columbian Order. 

"It has been observed, that the exigencies of the times forced the 
association. Democratic citizens were collected from every quarter of 
the state to assist in its views. The energies of the original sons of 
Tammany were not exerted without effect — the external foe was over- 
come. The defeat was so decisive that even the wavering were inspired 
with confidence. Had the unnatural forms of the institution been laid 
aside — forms which were caused by a depraved state of society — had 
they been dismissed when their baleful causes were exterminated, all 
had yet been well. But they were still retained — the spirit which gave 
the zest to the meetings no longer was called forth. The Society re- 
mained without a definite object. At this time, had the sons of Tam- 
many adjourned sine die, much credit would have been saved to them 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 45 

and much anxiety to the people — for the votaries of mummery and 
empty fame would not have had the opportunity of casting a ridiculous 
shade upon the institution, nor could they, as they have since done, 
made it an engine for the oppression of their fellow citizens. 

"Nothing now remained but a stupid mummery, disgusting to men 
of reflection, and directed by a political mountebank, whose poisonous 
drugs have only been transferred from the bo,dies to the minds of his 
fellow citizens. The men of sense and discernment gradually dropped 
6ft and but a select few remained to offer the homage of their high con- 
sideration to their new Deity at the ' going down of the sun.' Indeed, 
to the reflecting mind, the sun of the society appeared to be set, for 
every semblance of consistency had been banished by the factious few 
who were working their own aggrandizement upon the former credit, 
and by means of the magnitude of the affiliation. It was now not 
nectary to be an American to become a son of Tammany, for the 
magic yell of the wiskinky, so savage was it, could convert the sons of 
Krin into Aborigines of the American wilds, though the sun of America 
had not yet warmed them to their hearts. Patriots who had avowedly 
fled their native soil to find safety in this, and who proposed to return to 
their homes when it should no longer be a hanging matter, were, by the 
virtue of the tomahawk, dubb'd savages of the first order. — Men who 
could not, under our laws, be citizens for years, readily found seats in 
this honourable body, where the influence over the elective franchise has 
been greater than in any other known association in this country. In- 
stances of rejected applicants may have occurred ; but when they did, 
the rejected candidate merited his fate. In these cases, indeed, the 
blackballs were not idle, though the greatest man in the society may 
have been the brother and advocate of the candidate. Thus far, a la 
Duane, we give the devil his due. 

" We now find the order assuming quite new features and the descend- 
ants of Kilbuck conversing in a transatlantic tongue. A learned 
stranger would not have been esteemed ridiculous, if, upon initiation in 
this body, he had pronounced, that the ancient language of Ireland was 
that of the aborigines of America. 

"We have no intention to reflect upon the Irish as a nation — we 
sympathize with them as an oppressed and esteem them as a brave peo- 
ple ; but we take the liberty of feeling a3 national as themselves : and 
though on proper occasions we would not hesitate to join the hands of 
St. Patrick and St. Tammany, yet we feel a conscious rectitude, when 
we aver, that no one man can, at the same time, be of both families. 
There can be no solid objection against an association of citizens of differ- 
ent nations, if their views are ought besides political ; but considering 
politics to be the main spring of the St. Tammany Society, it was highly 
improper to admit aliens. No circumstance can place this position on 



46 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

higher grounds than a retrospect of some recent transactions of this 
formidable body. 

"We have already stated, that many of the founders of this associa- 
tion had discontinued to meet their brethren. These were men of tried 
republicanism, prominent in the democratic cause, and who having at- 
tained the re-establishment of civil liberty, became disgusted with the 
puerile forms of the institution. This desertion was not unheeded by 
our malevolent and active demagogues. The new Grand Sachem who 
had been trimming and twisting in the Democratic Society in '94, and 
who had joined the Columbian Order but in a tardy way, now thought 
the time propitious for his talent of intrigue. At a meeting composed 
of his minions, whose introduction into the society had been his con- 
stant care, behold him appointed Grand Sachem. One step to aggran- 
dizement was thus obtained, if the suffrages of the friends of such a man 
can possibly be matter of exultation. The political influence of this 
situation was great, and particularly with the democrats who were not 
fully apprised of the moral character of the Grand Sachem — and though 
the modesty of this exalted officer may never have permitted him openly 
to apply this influence to his own private advantage, this policy was not 
so strictly followed by his own friends. — Prominent in moral, prominent 
in social virtues, the intrigues of the debased society made him still 
more prominent, by raising him to the scaffold near the place, on the 
day, and at the hour, usual for the punishment of capital offenders. 
That the 12th of May should have occurred on Saturday was truly un- 
fortunate ; but that at one o'clock the scaffold and the centre square 
should have been pitched upon by the officious friends of the Grand 
Sachem is really lamentable. — Elevations on that day of the week, time 
and place, have frequently been the rewards of equal merit. 

"But how did he become orator of the day, who was so meritoriously 
despised by his fellow citizens ? By intrigue ! Dr. Porter was openly 
appointed. But this would not tally with the intentions of the Grand 
Sachem. — Dr. Porter was duped or overawed, and yielded to the hero 
of the scaffold. The advocate of those scaffolds with which the Aurora 
now threatens the community." 

The other side ot the story, that of the Philadelphia 
Tammany Society or Columbian Order, is as follows : 

" Extract from History of the Society} . 

"The virtues of the generous Indian chief pointed him out as a fit 
patron to a body of sturdy Whigs, who, during the Revolution, asso- 
ciated to commune over the affairs of their country and to enjoy a cheery 



Aurora, May 14, 1808. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 47 

hour amidst the horrors of British desolation, and 'from this fountain 
pprung forth many waters ;' after the Revolution, the association was 
preserved to commemorate what it had been originally instituted to 
cherish and sustain and had nearly vanished with the spirits of those 
who went to join the great spirit; but successive vicissitudes — the occu- 
pation of the western posts — the British depredations, and the treaty 
intrigues of 1793-4 — the reign of terror in 1797 — and the disorders 
*tirred up in this state by men ' between whom there were but slight 
shades of difference,' at the period of the Louisiana purchase — from 
time to time, by awakening apprehension, have successively contributed 
to keep this society constantly organized, a body of vigilant, steadfast, 
and faithful public watchmen. This society has, in fact, been the prin- 
cipal rallying point of republicanism through the political storms of past 
Te ar* — and on Thursday, perhaps, exhibited, for number and character, 
&a respectable and independent a body of men as can be found in any 
part of the union;" etc. 

It is true that some of the members of the Sons of Saint 
Tammany entered this political organization, as can be seen 
from the following notice. It is also well to note that our 
Edward Pole had risen to high estate in it. "We can see in 
this notice, as well as in previous facts that we have given, 
that the society of which we have written met its death 
from that serpent, Politics, which kills all patriotic or social 
organizations into which it is allowed to crawl. 

"Philadelphia 1 

"■ Tammany Society Orders. 
" Information having been received by the Fathers of the Council ot 
the Tammany Society or Columbian Order of the death of our late 
father William Coates, you brothers Leinan, Thos. F. Peters, John 
Meer, Benj. Nones, and Thos. P. Jones are hereby appointed a com- 
mittee of arrangements &c. 

"Edward Pole, father of the Council." 

As Philadelphia is known through the length and breadth 
of this broad land as the Birthplace of Liberty, it has been 
our desire to show that here also was born the first patriotic 
and social organization in the country, the Sons of Saint 

1 Aurora, April 29 7 1802. 



48 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia, 

Tammany, about which so little was known either of the 
Society or its Patron Saint. We believe we have established 
our claim in the foregoing, and we trust that this article will 
be the means of bringing forth from hidden nooks more 
data to enrich the history of good old Saint Tammany and 
his merry and patriotic sons. 



Excerpts from the Day-Books of David Evans. 49 



EXCERPTS FROM THE DAY-BOOKS OF DAVID EVANS, 
CABINET-MAKER, PHILADELPHIA, 1774-1811. 

[David Evans, for many years the leading cabinet-maker of Phila- 
delphia, in 1791 removed from Cherry "Alley," between Third and Fourth 
Streets, to a new building he erected on part of the lot on Arch Street 
on which stands the Arch Street Theatre. His Day-Books, covering the 
years 1774-1811, recently presented to the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, contain many interesting entries, and tell us of the various 
articles of furniture made for our ancestors, as well as the styles of coffins 
used at their burials. The manufacture of Venetian blinds was also 
an important branch of his business.] 

1774. Sept. 12. Clement Biddle, 1 Mahogany Sofa, £5. 

1775. April 12. Adam Hubley, 1 Pembroke Table, £3.6. 
Sept. 27. Thomas Lawrence, 1 Breakfast Table, £3. 

1776. May 13. I moved into James Watkin's house ; on Aug. 11, he 

went to Europe. 
July 20. United States of America, 161 sets of Tent Poles 4/6 

each; Capt. Francis Wade, 4 Camp chairs, Tent 

pole3 and pins. 
Aug. 12. Charles Thomson, a Reading Desk for Congress, £1.5. 
Nov. 29. Making Benches for the Jew Synagogue. 

1777. Jany. 16. Ornamenting Brig. Gen. Mercer's Coffin with plate 

and handles and attendance at funeral, £5. 
April 14. Richard Peters, 1 large Chest, £7.3. 
April 20. Zachariah Brant, my apprentice, enlisted in Capt. 
Henderson's Company, 9 th Battalion Col. Anthony 
Morris, without my consent. 
May 12. John Justice absconded from my shop and entered the 
army as Ensign of 11 th Battalion, without my appro- 
bation. 
Charles Thomson, 1 large writing Table, £2.1.3. 
The British army marched into the city. 
A very heavy battle at Germantown. 
Lieut. [Fred. W m ] Hoysted 64 th Regt., making a box 
for camp equipage. 
1779. May 1. Henry Hill, making Mahogany Sideboard, 4 ft. 6 in. 
long. 
July 14. Estate George Ross, Esq r , Mahogany Coffin, inscrip- 
tion plate, handles & case, £175. (Cont. cy.) 
VOL. XXVII. — 4 



July 


4. 


Sept. 


26. 


Oct. 


4. 


1778. Feb. 


26. 



50 Mceerptsfrom the Day-Books of David Evans. 

1780. Feb. 11. This day Isaac Bell dug on the Commons a con- 

siderable depth, by order of David Rittenhouse and 
D r William Smith, and found frost at 3 ft 7^ inches 
below surface. This Winter is allowed to be by 
many people the hardest ever known, and as severe 
as the hard winter of forty years ago. 
Sept. 7. Estate William Allen, late Chief Justice, making his 
Coffin of Mahogany, with plate, horse hire, and 
attendance on the corpse from Mount Airy, £13. 

1781. May 12. Library Co. of Philadelphia, making and staining a 

frame. 

June 14. Tench Coxe, high-post bedstead and Walnut Bureau. 

July 19. Capt. Audubon, making a house for his squirrels. 

Dec. 29. Tench Coxe, making 10 Gothic back Chairs, 1 Dining 
Table 4 ft., 1 Dining Table 3 ft., 1 sideboard 4 ft., 
1 Card Table, 2 Poplar Bedsteads, 1 Knife box, 1 
plate-tray, 1 Mahogany bedstead, fluted posts, 2 
Pine Kitchen tables. 

1782. April 5. Estate Samuel Morris, making his coffin of Mahogany 

with handles. 
1785. April 4. State Lottery, making 6 boxes. 
17S6. Jany. 9. Dr. Bass making a Walnut Medicine Chest, £5.12. 

Jany. 24. Henry Pratt, making a writing desk, folding top, £6. 

April 8. Ordered by Michael Gratz, small planed boards, on 

which to make cakes for the Passover for Jewish 

congregation. 

June 4. Estate Gen. J. Philip DeHaas, making a mahogany 

coffin and case for deceased, £11. 

1787. May 27, Made a sign for a man at corner Market and Sixth 

street — the sign of ye Greyhound. 
Sept 4. Hon. John Perm, making a Walnut Coffin for Sabina 
Francis, a servant of his uncle Thomas Penn late 
Proprietor, £6. 

1788. Feb. 16. Gen. D. Brodhead, making Mahogany Coffin for wife, 

£8.10. 

April 4. Edward Burd, 2 Mahogany Card Tables. 

May 31. William Lucas, making Mahogany clock case, with 
fluted corners. 

June 28. Joseph Crukshank, Mahogany Dining Table, claw 
feet, £5.10. 

Aug. 12. Made a coffin for William Churchill Houston Esq., 
of Trenton, who died at Geiss's Tavern on Frank- 
ford road. 



Excerpts from the Day-Books of David JEvtois. 51 

1788. Sept. 1. Estate James Allen, to making a Mahogany Coffin 

for the deceased, with inscription plate and handles ; 
ordered by his grandfather Thomas Lawrence Esq., 
£8. 

1789. June 29. Dr. Ewing, making a large Mahogany clock case for 

the University of Pennsylvania, £11. 

Oct. 15. Estate John Lukens (Surveyor General), making a 
Mahogany Coffin and handles for deceased, £8.10. 
N. B. This coffin was 2 ft. 3 in. over the shoulders. 

Nov. 26. This morning a fire broke out next door to the Lunch 
of Grapes, in Third street near Arch — consumed 
the house in which were eight persons, five of 
whom got out, and three, the widow Preston and 
her two sons were burned before assistance could be 
given. Making a coffin for the three remains found 
in ruins £1.17.6, abated 15/. 
17i*G. June 18. Making 6 Venetian Blinds for Alderman's Room at 
new Court House, £27. 

Sept. 16. D r George de Benneville, 1 Bureau -table, £3.15. 

Dec. 8. State of Pennsylvania, making a new blind for 
Senate Chamber in the State House, £5. 

Dec. 9. Philadelphia County Commissioners — 6 Venetian 
Blinds for Congress, with plain fronts in Senate 
Chamber and Committee Rooms in County Court 
House at £4.10 each — 9 do. for Arch windows 
down stairs in the House of Representatives of U. 
S. at £6. each. Lengthning 5 Blinds, 3 tossils 
etc., £2. 50 spitting boxes for Congress, £6.5. 

Dec. 15. Made a blind for office Secretary of Congress, in the 
West wing of the State House, £2. 5. 

Dec. 31. State of Pennsylvania, to making a Mace for the Ser- 
geant of Arms of the Senate, £4.10. 
1791. Jany. 15. Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant, 1 Walnut Cupboard, 1 
Mahogany Arm chair, 1 bedstead painted green. 

Feby. 8. David Rittenhouse, 1 chair, £6. 

July 12. State of Pennsylvania, repairing 2 Ven. Blinds in 
the Supreme Court Room, by order of the Judges, 
£3.10. 

Oct. 31. John Adams, Vice President, 2 Mahogany boards to 

fix Clusters; repairing Mahogany Dining Table 

£10.1. 

[On November 9 David Evans moved from Cherry 

Street to the house he erected on the north side 



52 



Excerpts from the Day-Boohs of David Evans. 



of Arch Street, above Sixth, now the site of the 
Arch Street Theatre.] 

1791. Dec. 9. Bank of the United States — making a clock case for 

the Directors' Room, £4. 

1792. April 18. Spanish Minister, repairing a Card-table. 

May 5. Adam Hoopes, making 8 cases for Surveying instru- 
ments, for use in the Genesse country. 

May 21. Gen. Knox, making boxes, painting slats, and Blinds 
for the War Office of U. S., £24. 

June 5. Mathew Clarkson, making 2 Venetian Blinds, £4.10. 

June 16. Estate Col. Richard Fullerton, making deceased a 
coffin covered with cloth, lined, inscription plates 
and handles, £14. He was born July 4, 1757. 

Aug. 11. Samuel Bettle, 1 Mahogany Card table, £3.10. 

Nov. 6. Estate Thomas Riche, Lacing in best manner, full 
trim'd, with inscription plate, Cherrubs &c. for 
coffin of deceased, £4. 

Nov. 20. Mr. Randolph, Attorney General U. S., making a 
coffin for his black servant, £2.5. 

Dec. 26. Stephen Page, Mahogany coffin, Inscription plate, 
Flower-pots, handles, for his wife, £8.10. 

1793. Jany. 8. John Nixon, repairing 14 Chairs, £2.2. 

[Jany. 29. This is the first Winter-like day this 
season — it snow3 and is very cold. The Winter 
heretofore has been much like April. There was a 
Shad caught in the Schuylkill about the 16th of 
this month, which was cooked at Erwin's public 
house on Market street.] 

March 7. Daniel Rundle, making a Coffin for his wife Ann 
Rundle, covered with Black Cloth, lined with 
white Flannel, Inscription plate, Flower pots and 
Cherrubs, Handles, and full laced, £15. 

March 19. Died at his place 7 miles from the city Dr. George 
De Benneville Senior. He was born in France 
1703, and lived from the youthful time of his life 
until his last hour, an exemplary, religious life, and 
was buried in his family burial ground March 24, 
1793, aged 91 years. 
Estate Dr. George De Benneville Sr, making a Wal- 
nut Coffin and case, £5.10. 

March 26. This night the frogs began to croak. 

June 2. United States, sundry work done at Treasury Office, 
£8.7.6. 



Excerpts from the Day-Books of Davi 



Id Euaiis. 53 



1793. July 12. Estate Joseph Shippen, making a Mahogany Coffin 
for deceased with Breastplate and Handles, £8.10. 

Aug. 9. Bank of Pennsylvania, 6 Blinds for windows, £25. 

Sept. 6. Estate Dr. James Hutchinson, making a Mahogany 
Coffin for deceased, £7.10. 

Sept. 11. Estate of my brother Richard Gardner, a Walnut 
Coffin, £3. He died of Yellow Fever. Was a 
Clerk in the Bank of Pennsylvania and an admi- 
rable accountant. Buried in Friends' Ground. 

Oct 13. My family, consisting of myself, my wife and five 
children, Anne, Sally, Rebecca, John and Eleanor, ' 
(my son Evan went there a few weeks before), went 
to Dr. George De Benneville's, near the city*, where 
we were kindly received and remained three weeks, 
while the plague raged in the city. 

Nov. 11. This day opened my shop, which has been closed 
about two weeks owing to epidemic fever. 

Nov. 29. County Commissioners of Philadelphia, Repairing 
Blinds of Senate Chamber and Congress Hall, £8. 

Dec. 2. United States, cleaning Chairs, Tables and Furniture 
in Congress Hall, £9. 

1796. Jany. 16. United States of America, making Platform in Con- 

gress Hall larger and hanging 2 Doors, £3.15. 

Feby. 4. Estate Jane Chevalier, making for deceased a Mahog- 
any Coffin, with Inscription plate, Handles, Cher- 
rubs &c, £10. 

Feby. 19. Postmaster General, making Book case for his office, 
£5.12.6. 

April 30. Col. Richard Graham of Virginia — making for de- 
ceased a Mahogany Coffin, with plate, flower pots 
and Cherrubs, £15. 

Aug. 19. Estate John Foulke M.D. making deceased a Mahog- 
any Coffin with Silver handles, £8.10. 

Sept 16. Anthony Morris, making a Mahogany Coffin for his 
daughter Deborah, £8.10. 

1797. July 14. Estate Caleb Emlen — making deceased a Mahogany 

Coffin with silver Handles, £8.10. 
Nov. 1. On Sept 6, I left the City and went to Bristol town- 
ship with my family, and returned this evening. 
Resided at Roberts's school house, while Fever was 
in the city. 

1798. March 5. Estate Col. Adam Hubley — making a Mahogany Cof- 

fin, with plate and Handles, £10.10. 



54 Excerpts from the Day-Books of David Evans. 

1798. Aug. 2. Estate Col. Innes — making him Mahogany Coffin, 

plate, Handles and Lace £15. My attendance 
bringing the corpse from the country £1.10. Mus- 
lin for winding sheet, £1.10. 

1799. March 19. Estate John Mayo, of Virginia, 1 Walnut Coffin, £6. 10. 
Aug. 4. My son Evan Evans sailed for Batavia on the ship 

Jefferson, Capt. E. E. Morris, as Doctor. 
[Sept. 24. I moved with my family to Eleventh street 
between Arch and Race on account of the epi- 
demic Fever, and returned to my house Oct. 19th.] 

Nov. 9. Dr. Benjamin Rush, to making 1 Mahogany Bureau 
table £7.10, as a compensation for my son Evan 
Evans' ticket of admission attending his Lectures 
for 1798. 

Dec. 9. John Sergeant, 1 Book case with sash-doors, £8.5. 

1801. July 21. Shipped on the Sloop Highland, Capt. Hand, for 

Gen. Dearborn, 16 Venetian Blinds, for the War 
Office, Washington D. C. $9. per Blind. 

1802. Sept. 17. Estate Gen. Jacob Morgan — making for deceased a 

Coffin covered by black cloth, lined with flannel 
and laced, £18. 15. Case £2. 5. 

1803. June 30. United States— 6 Venetian Blinds for the Captain's 

cabin of frigate Philadelphia, Capt. Bainbridge, $45. 

1804. Oct. 2. Blair McClenachan— Mahogany Coffin, with plate, 

handles and laced edge, for wife, £11.5. 

1805. Jany. 5. Rev. James Abercrombie — making a coffin covered 

with cloth, lined with flannel, plate, flower pots, 
cherrubs, handles, for his wife, £15. 

1806. April 15. Estate Edward Shippen, Chief Justice — making for 

the deceased a Coffin covered with cloth, lined, 
plate, handles and laced, £20.12.6. 

July 12. Estate of Jacob Drayton, late of South Carolina,— 
making for deceased a Coffin of Mahogany, with 
plate handles and full laced, £15.8. 

July 28. Estate Abraham Markoe — making a coffin covered 
with cloth, lined with flannel, plate, handles and 
laced, with case, £22. 10. 

1807. July 4. Dr. Barton, 2 Venetian Blinds for his front parlor 

windows, £9. 

1808. July 7. Estate Henry M. Muhlenberg — a Mahogany Coffin 

with plate handles &c. for deceased, £11.5. 
Aug. 5. Estate Gen. John Shee, late Collector of the Port,— 
making a Mahogany Coffin &c. £11.5. 



Hccerpts from the Day-Books of David Evans. 55 

1808. Oct. 6. Richard Bache, making a Mahogany Coffin for wife, 
£10.10. 

1509. May 8. Estate Samuel Breck, making a covered coffin, han- 

dles plate and lined, £18.15. 

1510. Jany. 20. Estate Benjamin Chew — making a Coffin for deceased, 

covered with black cloth, lined, plate and handles, 

£18.15. Case £2.5. 
June 8. St. John's Lutheran Church, Race St., — 16 Venetian 

Blinds © £11.5 per Blind. 
June 14. Estate Dennis Hogan, late Major, British Army — 

making him a cloth covered Coffin, lined, plate, 

handle, laced and trimmed, Cherrubs &c, £18.15. 



56 President Jefferson and Burr's Conspiracy. 



HOW PRESIDENT JEFFERSON WAS INFORMED OF 
BURRS CONSPIRACY. 

BY JAMES MORRIS MORGAN. 

In an article entitled " Interesting Letters of George 
Morgan and Aaron Burr," in the October number of the 
Pennsylvania Magazine, the writer states that it was the 
judges of the court then sitting at Canonsburg, Penn- 
sylvania, who gave President Jefferson the information con- 
cerning Burr's conspiracy. The historical facts of the case 
were as follows. 

A year before Burr disclosed his intentions to Colonel 
Morgan he had passed through Pittsburg. Colonel Mor- 
gan, learning of his proximity, wrote, inviting him to Mor- 
ganza. The letter reached Pittsburg some hours after Col- 
onel Burr had departed for the East, and was delivered by 
the messenger into the hands of Colonel Morgan's son 
Thomas, then residing in Pittsburg. At his trial Colonel 
Burr endeavored in the cross-examination of General John 
Morgan to prove that his unfortunate visit to Morganza was 
made at the solicitation of his, John Morgan's, father, but 
he was reminded that the invitation had been written a year 
previously, had never been delivered, and was at that mo- 
ment, with the seal still unbroken, lying in the drawer of 
Thomas Morgan's desk. How Burr became aware of its 
existence is one of the many mysteries of this celebrated 
case. 

So far as Burr's epistle to Colonel Jonathan Rhea is con- 
cerned, it will be seen that the letter itself bears evidence 
that the men he mentions as being willing to give testimony 
derogatory to the characters of Colonel Morgan and his 
eons were people of no standing in the community, and, such 
as they were, they did not appear in court. 



President Jefferson and Burr's Conspiracy. 57 

Burr and Colonel Morgan had been friends and were in- 
timate in the army and served together at Valley Forge. 
Colonel Morgan has left it on record that he thought Burr 
one of the most accomplished men he had ever met, and 
he often expressed his great desire that his sons should 
know him, and consequently was delighted when the man 
known as " Count" Willie brought the note saying that 
Colonel Burr, accompanied by Colonel Dupiester, a Ger- 
man military adventurer, was to arrive at Morganza the 
next day. 

Colonel Morgan believed that Burr had been unjustly 
treated in the Hamilton affair. Himself a duellist, Burr 
had his entire sympathy in that unfortunate affair. It will 
be remembered that Colonel Morgan was the second of Gen- 
eral Conway in his duel with General Cadwalader, grow- 
ing out of the Gates or Conway cabal against Washington, 
although he was an adherent of Washington and an inti- 
mate personal friend of Cadwalader, whose second he after- 
wards was in his controversy with General Eeed. Besides, 
Colonel Morgan's eldest son, John, had recently been court- 
martialed and dismissed from the army for challenging 
General Arthur St. Clair to mortal combat. When Aaron 
Burr saw how indignant Colonel Morgan became when he 
commenced to unfold his treasonable intentions, he sud- 
denly stopped, put his note-book in his pocket, and retired 
to his bedroom. It was then eleven o'clock at night. The 
next morning, without bidding his host adieu and without 
waiting for breakfast, he mounted his horse and rode away. 

Colonel Morgan immediately consulted his life-long friend, 
Colonel Seville, who suggested that he should confide in the 
judges, and they advised him to inform President Jefferson 
without delay. He did so, and the following letters bear 
unmistakable testimony as to who gave the first information 
concerning Burr's intentions. 

" Washington, Mar. 26 th , 1807 
"Sir: 

" Your favors of Jan. 19 and 20 came to hand in due time, but it was 

not in my power to acknowledge their receipt during the session of Con- 



58 President Jefferson and Burr's Conspiracy. 

gress. Gen. Gage's paper I have filed with that on Pensacola, in the 
War Office, and Hutchin's map in the Navy Office where they will be 
useful. I tender you my thanks for this contribution to the public ser- 
vice. The bed of the Mississippi and the shoals on the coast change so 
frequently as to require frequent renewals of the survey. Congress 
authorized a new survey of our whole coast by an act of the last ses- 
sion. 

" Burr is on his way to Richmond for trial, and if the Judges do not 
discharge him before it is possible to collect the testimony from Maine 
to New Orleans there can be no doubt where his history will end. To 
what degree punishments of his adherents shall be extended will be de- 
cided when we shall have collected all the evidence and seen who were 
cordially guilty. The Federalists appear to make Burr's cause their 
own and to spare no efforts to screen his adherents — their great mortifi- 
cation is at the failure of his plans — Had a little success dawned on him, 
their openly joining him might have produced some danger : as it is, I 
believe the undertaking will not be without some good effects as a whole- 
some lesson to those who have more ardour than principle. I believe 
there is reason to expect that Blennerhasset will also be sent by the 
Judges of Mississippi to Virginia — Yours was the very first intimation 
I had of their plot for which it is but justice to say you have deserved 
well of your country. Accept my friendly salutations and assurances 
of great esteem and respect. 

"Th. Jefferson 

"Col. George Morgan." 

" Monticello Jan 26, 1822 
" I have duly received, dear Madam, your favor of the 10 th with the 
eloquent circular and address to your patriotic and fair companions in 
good works. I well recollect our acquaintance with yourself personally 
in Washington valued for your own merit as well as for that of your 
esteemed father. Your connection too with the family of the late Col 
Morgan is an additional title to my grateful recollections, he first gave 
us notice of the mad project of that day, which if suffered to proceed 
might have brought afflicting consequences on persons whose subsequent 
lives have proved their integrity and loyalty to their country. The effort 
which is the subject of your letter is truly laudable, and if generally 
followed as an example, or practised as a duty, will change very advan- 
tageously the condition of our fellow citizens and do just honor to those 
who shall have taken the lead in it. No one has been more sensible than 
myself of the advantage of placing the consumer by the side of the pro- 
ducer, nor more disposed to promote it by example, but these are among 
the matters which I must now leave to others. Time, which wears ail 
things, does not spare the energies either of body or mind of a presque 



Jh-esident Jefferson and Burr's Conspiracy. 59 

Octogt-naire. While I could, I did what I could, and now acquiesce 
cheerfully in the law of nature which by unfitting us for action, warns 
us to retire and leave to the generation of the day the direction of its 
own affairs. 

"The prayers of an old man are the only contributions left in his 
power. Mine are offered sincerely for the success of your patriotic 
efforts and particularly for your own individual happiness and pros- 
perity. 

"Th. Jefferson 

"Mrs. Katharine Duaxe Morgan.' ' 



60 Unpublished Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 



UNPUBLISHED LETTEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

CONTRIBUTED BY MAJOR WILLIAM H. LAMBERT. 

[The following copies of several original autograph letters of Abraham 
Lincoln, in the collection of Major William H. Lambert, have not 
previously appeared in print. At the stated meeting of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania, January 12, 1903, Major Lambert delivered an 
address on "Some Letters of Abraham Lincoln/' in which these and 
other valuable letters were exhibited. — Ed. Penna. Mag.] 

Springfield, Sept. 14, 1856 
Henky O'Conner, Esq., 

Muscatine, Iowa. 
Dear Sir 

Yours, inviting me to attend a mass meeting on the 23rd 
Inst is received. It would be very pleasant to strike hands 
with the Fremonters of Iowa, who have led the van so 
splendidly, in this grand charge which we hope and believe 
will end in a most glorious victory — All thanks, all honor to 
Iowa ! ! But Iowa is out of all danger, and it is no time 
for us, when the battle still rages, to pay holy-day visits to 
Iowa — I am sure you will excuse me for remaining in 
Illinois, where much hard work is still to be done — 

Yours very truly 

A. Lincoln 
Especially Confidential 

Springfield, Ills. June 19, 1860 
Hon. Sam l Galloway, 
My dear Sir 

Your very kind letter of the 15th is received — Messrs. 
Follett, Foster & Co's Life of me is not by my authority ; 
and I have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, 
as by their public anouncement that it is authorized by 
me — They have fallen into some strange misunderstanding 
— I certainly knew they contemplated publishing a bi- 
ography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, 



Unpublished Letters of Abraham Lincoln. 61 

upon their own responsibility — I even took pains to facilitate 
them — But, at the same time, I made myself tiresome, if 
not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard, their only agent 
seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing — would be 
responsible for nothing. How, they could so misunderstand 
me, passes comprehension — As a matter, wholly my own, I 
would authorize no biography, without time, and opertunity 
[sic] to carefully examine and consider every word of it; 
and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such 
time and opertunity [sic]. But, in my present position, 
when, by the lessons of the past, and the united voice of all 
discreet friends, I can neither write or speak a word for the 
public, how dare I to send forth, by my authority, a volume 
of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make points upon 
without end — Were I to do so, the Convention would have a 
right to re-assemble, and substitute another name for mine — 

For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets — 
I am determined to maintain the position of of [sic] truly 
saying I never saw the proof sheets, or any part of their 
w r ork, before its publication — 

Now, do not mistake me — I feel great kindness for Messrs. 
F. F. & Co — do not think they have intentionally done 
wrong. There may be nothing wrong in their proposed 
book — I sincerely hope there will not — I barely suggest that 
you, or any of the friends there, on the party account, look 
it over, & exclude what you may think would embarrass the 
party — bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing — 
will be responsible for nothing — Your friend, as ever 

A. Lincoln 

Executive Mansion 
Hon. Sec. of Interior Oct. 14. 1861 

Dear Sir : 

How is this ? I supposed I was appointing for Register 
of Wills a citizen of this District. Now the Commission 
comes to me " Moses Kelly, of New Hampshire. I do not 
like this — Yours truly 

A. Lincoln 



62 Unpublished Letters of Abraham Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, 
Washington, July 25, 1864. 
Wm. O. Snider 

The cane you did me the honor to present throough [sic] 
Gov. Curtin was duly placed in my hand by him. Please 
accept my thanks ; and, at the same time, pardon me for 
not having sooner found time to tender them. 

Your Obt, Servt. 

A. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, 
Washington, July 25, 1864. 
Gov. Curtin. 

Herewith is the manuscript letter for the gentleman who 
6ent me a cane through your hands. For my life I can not 
make out his name; and therefore I cut it from his letter 
and pasted it on, as you see. I suppose [sic] will remember 
who he is, and I will thank you to forward him the letter. 
He dates his letter at Philadelphia. 

Yours truly 

A Lincoln 



Selected List of Naval Matter. 63 



SELECTED LIST OF NAVAL MATTER IE THE LIBRARY 
OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY ALBERT J. EDMUNDS. 

[The books, pamphlets, and manuscripts here catalogued are restricted to 
the period before the Civil War. Well-known histories, like Cooper's, biog- 
raphies, government documents, and memorials to Congress are omitted. 
Trials by courts-martial are merely listed alphabetically under names of de- 
fendants, with initials of cities of imprint, together with dates.] 

General Histories. 

The Naval Temple : containing a complete History of the 
Battles fought by the Navy of the U. S. : 1794-1815. With en- 
gravings. Ed. 2. Boston, 1816, 8°, pp. 322. 

United States' Naval Chronicle. By Charles W, Goldbor- 
ough. Vol. 1. Washington, 182-1, 8°, pp. 395 + xii. 

American Naval Battles: being a complete History of the 
Battles fought by the Navy of the U. S. : 1794-1815. With 21 
engravings. Boston, 1831, 8°, pp. 278 + 1. 

Ditto, 1837 : 20 engravings. 

Naval Magazine. Edited by C. S. Stewart. (Parts of Vols. 
1 and 2.) N. Y., 1836-1837, 8°. 

The Book of the Navy ; comprising a general History of the 
American Marine ; and particular accounts of ail the most 
celebrated Naval Battles: 1776-1842. By John Frost. With 
appendix. Engravings from drawings by W r illiam Croome. 
N. Y., 1843, 8°, pp. 344. 

The Navy of the United States : 1775-1853 ; with a brief 
History of each vessel's service. By George F. Emmons, 
U. S. N. With list of private armed vessels, of revenue and 
coast survey vessels, and principal ocean steamers belonging to 
citizens of the United States in 1850. Washington, 1853, 4°, 
pp. 208 4- 1. 



64 Selected List of Naval Matter. 

Extracts relating to the origin of the American Navy. Com- 
piled by Henry E. Wftite. Boston, 1890, 8°, pp. 34. 

Early History and Special Treatises, to 1815. 
a. 1775-1812. 

Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia : 1726-1775. 
(Penna. Mag., July, 1899-Jan. 1903. Unfinished.) 

Marine Pules and Regulations. Printed by John Fenno. 
N. p., 1798, 8°, pp. 8. 

Address to the People of the United States, on the policy of 
maintaining a permanent Navy. By an American Citizen. 
Phila., 1802, 8°, pp. 51. 

History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, 
and other Barbary Powers. Salem, 1806, 12°, pp. 144. 

War in Disguise ; or, The Frauds of the Neutral Flags. [By 
James Stephen]. N. Y., 1806, 8°, pp. vi. + 1 + 215. 

Ditto, Second American edition : N. Y., 1806, 12°, pp. 228. 

Thoughts on the subject of Naval Power in the United States 
of America ; and on certain means of encouraging and protect- 
ing their commerce and manufactures. Phila., 1806, 8°, pp. 35. 

The Tocsin ; or, The Call to Arms ! An Essay : being an en- 
quiry into the late proceedings of Great-Britain, in her unjusti- 
fiable attack, upon the liberty and independence of the United- 
States of America. Charleston, 1807, 8°, pp. 22. 

Signed : By a Native of South-Carolina. 

American Encroachments on British Rights ; or, Observations 
on the importance of the British North American Colonies, &c, 
&c. By Nathaniel Atcheson. New edition. London, 1808, 8°, 
pp. 32-98 ; 361-400. 

American Question: a letter from a calm observer [George 
Joy] to a noble Lord on the subject of the late declaration rela- 
tive to the Orders in Council. London, 1812, 8°, pp. 16. 



Selected List of Naval Matter. 65 

The dispute with America, considered in a series of letters from 
a Cosmopolite to a Clergyman. London, 1812, 8°, pp. viii -f 218 

-f-1. 

b. Histories of the War of 1812. 

Historical Eegister of the United States. 4 vols. Washing- 
ton and Philadelphia, 1814-1816, 8°. (Vols. 3 and 4 edited by 
T. II. Palmer.) 

Sketches of the War between the United States and the 
British Isles. Vol. 1. Rutland, Vermont, 1815, 8°, pp. 496. 

Inquiry into the merits of the principal Naval Actions between 
Great-Britain and the United States since June 18, 1812. By 
William James. Halifax, N. S., 1816, 8°, pp. vi 4- 102. 

The Naval Monument, containing official and other accounts 
of all the Battles fought between the Navies of the United States 
and Great Britain during the late War; and an account of the 
War with Algiers, with 25 engravings. Also naval register. 
Boston, 1816, 8°, pp. xvi + 2 + 318 + 2. 

Full and correct Account of the chief naval occurrences of the 
late War between Great Britain and the United States of 
America ; preceded by a cursory examination of the American 
accounts of their naval actions fought previously, and appendix. 
Plates. By William James. London, 1817, 8°, pp. xv + 528 -f 
ccxvi -f- index. 

Official Letters of the military and naval Officers of the United 
States during the War with Great Britain : 1812-1815. With 
some additional letters and documents. Edited by John Bran- 
nan. Washington, 1823, 8°, pp. 510. 

c. Personal Narratives and Specific Events : War of 1812. 

Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific Ocean, by Captain 
David Porter, in the U. S. frigate Essex : 1812-1814. Ed. 2. N. 
Y., 1822, 8°, 2 vols. Engravings. 

Personal narrative of events by sea and land : 1800-1815. . . . 
By a Captain of the [British] Navy. Portsmouth [England], 
1837, pp. vii + 186, 16°. 
vol. xxvir. — 5 



66 Selected List of Naval Mattel'. 

Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Vol. VIII. 
Containing the Minutes of the Committee of Defence of Phila- 
delphia : 1814-1815. Philadelphia, 1867, 8°, pp. 428. 

Journal kept on board the U. S. frigate " Constitution," 1812, 
by Amos A. Evans, Surgeon U. S. N. Contributed by A. W, 
Evans, Elkton, Md. {Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. 19, 1895, pp. 
152-169 ; 374-386 ; 468-480.) 

The same reprinted : Phila., 1895, 8°, pp. 43. 

Statement of the seizure of the British schooner Lord Nelson, 
by an American vessel of War: June 5, 1812. Hamilton, 1841, 
4°, pp. 30. 

Correspondence in relation to the capture of the British brigs 
Detroit and Caledonia : October 8, 1812. Now first published. 
Phila., 1843, 8°, pp. 29. (Edited by J. D. Elliott.) 

Anticipation of marginal notes on the Declaration of Govern- 
ment of Jan. 9, 1813, in the American National Intelligencer. 
N. p., n. d., 8°, pp. 488-538. (With Correspondence, pp. 249- 
277.) 

The Battle of Lake Erie ; or, Answers to Burges, Duer and 
Mackenzie. By J. Fenimore Cooper. Cooperstown, 1843, 12°, 
pp. 117+1. 

Battle of Lake Erie : discourse before the E. I. Historical So- 
ciety, Feb. 16, 1852. By Usher Parsons. Ed. 2. Providence, 
1854, 8°, pp. 36. 

Oration on the fortieth anniversary of the Battle of Lake Erie : 
Newport, E.I., Sept. 10, 1853. By George H. Calvert. Cam- 
bridge, 1853, 8°, pp. 40. 

Brief sketches of the Officers who fell in the Battle of Lake 
Erie. By Usher Parsons. From the New England Historical 
and Genealogical Register. Albany, 1862, 8°, pp. 13. 

Military and topographical Atlas of the United States; in- 
cluding the British possessions and Florida. With list of the 
military districts, a register of the army, and a list of the Navy 
of the U. S. By John Melish. Phila., 1813, 8°, pp. 6 + 34+18 

+ 29 + 44. 



Selected List of Naval Matter, 67 

Narrative of the Capture of the U.S.' brig Vixen by the 
British frigate Southampton, and of the loss of both vessels off 
Conception Island. . . . By one of the Vixen's crew, in a letter 
to a friend. N. Y., 1813, 8°, pp. 36. (Reprint, by W. R. Lewis : 
Devon, Pa. 1884.) 

Collection of sundry publications and other documents, in re- 
lation to the attack upon the private armed brig General Arm- 
strong, of New-York, at the island of Fayal: Sept. 26, 1814. 
N.Y~1833, 12°, pp. iv + 55. 

Treatise containing a plan for the internal organization and 
government of Marine Hospitals in the United States ; together 
with a scheme for amending and systematizing the medical de- 
partment of the Navy. By William P. C. Barton. Phila,, 1814, 
8°, pp. xxv -r 244. 

The first Cruise of the U. S. frigate Essex, with a short ac- 
count of her origin and career until captured in 1814. Prepared 
by Capt. George Henry Preble. From Essex Institute Histori- 
cal Collections. Salem, 1870, 8°, pp. 108. 

Occasional Treatises: Discipline &c. 1815-1860. 

Personal narrative of Travels in the United States and Can- 
ada in 1826. With remarks on the American Navy. By Fred. 
Fitzgerald De Roos. London, 1827, 8°, pp. xii + 207. 

The Naval Chaplain, exhibiting a few of American efforts to 
benefit Seamen. By the author of Conversations on the Sand- 
wich Island and Bombay Missions &c. Boston, 1831, 24°, pp. 
136. 

Polemical Remonstrance against the project of creating the 
new office of Surgeon General in the Navy of the U. S. By 
William P. C. Barton. Phila., 1838, 8°, pp. ix + 37. 

Remarks on the Home Squadron, and Naval School. By a 
gentleman of New- York. N. Y., 1840, 8°, pp. xii + 40. 

Inquiry into the necessity and general principles of reorgani- 
zation in the U. S. Navy, with an examination of the true 
Bources of subordination. By an Observer. Boston, 1842, 8°, 
pp. 46. 



$8 Selected List of Naval Matter. 

Statutory History of the Navy Hospital Fund, with remarks 
on hospital expenses. ... By William P. C. Barton. Washing- 
ton, 1S43, 4°, pp. viii-f 80. 

Brief sketch of the plan and advantages of a sectional float- 
ing Dry Dock, combined with a permanent stone basin and 
platform &c, for the United States Navy. N. Y., 1844, 8°, pp. 32. 

The Navy. Hints on the Ee-organization of the Navy. . . . 
N.Y., 1845^8°, pp. 71. 

Naval. Examination of "A Reply to 'Hints on the Ee- 
organization of the Navy.' " N. Y., 1845, 8°, pp. 38. 

Essay on Flogging in the Navy. . . . N. Y., 1849, 8°, pp. 56. 

A few practical Reflections on the Grog Eation of the U. S. 
Navy. By an old Officer of that service. N. p., 1849, 8°, pp. 16. 

Naval. A brief history of an existing Controversy on the sub- 
ject of assimilated Rank in the Navy of the U. S. By W. S. 
W. R. Phila., 1850, 8°, pp. 108. 

A Glance at the Re-organization of the Navy of the U. S. . . . 
Compiled in the busy moments of a late Lieutenant. Wash., 
1855, 8°, pp. iv + 17. 

The Executive Power of Removal ; with especial reference to 
military and Naval Officers. Wash., 1856, 8°, pp. 62. 

Visitation and Search ; or, An historical sketch of the British 
Claim to exercise a maritime Police over the vessels of all na- 
tions, in peace as well as in war, with an enquiry into the expe- 
diency of terminating the eighth article of the Ashburton 
Treaty. By William Beach Lawrence. Boston, 1858, 8°, pp. 
ix + 218. 

Assimilated Rank in the Navy: its injurious operation. N. p., 
n. d., 8°, pp. 11. 

Description of the Naval Automaton, invented by J. A. Etzler, 
and patented in America and Europe. Phila., n. d., 12°, pp. 16. 



Selected List of Naval Matter. 69 

Cruises &c, 1815-1860. 

(With Brief of Title to Philadelphia Navy Yard : 1875.) 

Two years and a half in the Navy ; or, Journal of a Cruise in 
the Mediterranean and Levant on board of the U. S. frigate 
Constellation : 1829-1831. By E. C. Wines. Phila., 1832, 12°, 2 
vols. 

Synopsis of the Cruise of the IT. S. Exploring Expedition : 
1838-1842. By Charles Wilkes. Delivered before the National 
Institute: June 20, 1842. Wash., 1842, 8°, pp. 56. 

The Flag Ship ; or, A Voyage around the World, in the U. S. 
frigate Columbia; attended by her consort the sloop of war 
General Adams, and bearing the broad pennant of Commodore 
George C. JRead. By Fitch W. Taylor. N. Y., 1840, 12°, 2 vols., 
pp. 388 + 406. 

Journal of the Cruise of the U. S. ship Ohio, Isaac Hull com- 
mander, in the Mediterranean : 1839-1841. By F. P. Torrey. 
Boston, 1841, 24°, pp. 120. 

Account of the late attempt at Mutiny, on board the U. S. brig 
Somers. . . . Boston, 1842, 8°, pp. 24. 

Mutiny of the Somers. (Two pamphlets : K. Y. 1843.) 

The Cruise of the Somers: illustrative of the Despotism of 
the quarter deck; and of the unmanly conduct of Commander 
Mackenzie. N. Y., 1844, pp. 102, 12°. 

The Navy's Friend ; or, Eeminiscences of the Navy ; contain- 
ing Memoirs of a Cruise in the TJ. S. schooner Enterprise. By 
Tiphys Aegyptus. Boston, 1843, 8°, pp. 45. 

Narrative of the last Cruise of the U. S. steam frigate Mis- 
souri, and of the conflagration at Gibraltar. By William Bolton. 
N. Y., 1844, .8°, pp. 31. 

Bombardement et entiere destruction de Grey-town par les 
forces navales des Etats-XJnis d'Amerique: le 13 juillet, 1854. 
Recueii A. Paris, 1856, 8°, pp. 65 + 1. (Par Philippe-Auguste de 
Barruel-Beauvert.) 



70 



Selected List of Naval Matter. 



Abstract of title to tract of land situate in the First Ward of 
Philadelphia, belonging to the United States of America, and 
known as the Philadelphia Navy Yard. Phila., 1875, 8°, pp. 73. 



Courts Martial, Personal Vindications, &c. 
(Alphabetical, under Defendants.) 

Name. Date of Trial. Imprint. 

Abbott, Joel B. 1822 

Baldwin, Aug. S. 1857 W. 1857 

Ballard, Hy. B. 1842 P., n. d. 

Barron, James 1821 W. 1822 

" et al. 1808 K p. 1822 

Bartlett, Wash. A. 1857 N. Y. 1857 

Bier, G. H. 1851 K Y. 1851 

Binney, Amos B. 1822 

Coxe, J. E. 1833 P. 1834 

Elliott, Jesse D., and O. H. Perry : 1821 B. 1834 

" " Charges against, by Barton N. p. 1839 

" " Defence of N. p., n. d. 

" " Speech at Hagerstown 1843 P. 1844 

Fleming, Charles E. 1857 P. 1857 

Hall, John P. " W., n. d. 

Hull, Isaac 1822 W. 1822 

Inman, W m W., n. d. 

Latimer, W m K. 1857 W. 1857 

Lindsay, Geo. F. 1841 P. 1842 

Long, Andrew K. 1857 Carlisle, 1857 

Mackenzie, Alex. S. , K Y. 1844 

Maffitt, J. 1S T . B. 1857 

Mercer, W. E. Leesburg, 1857 

Morris, Commodore ]ST. Y. 1804 

Parker, Foxhall A. P., n. d. 

Phillips, Isaac 1798 B. 1825 

Porter, David 1825 W. 1825 

(4 pamphlete, ranging from pp. 50 to pp. 580.) 



Eiell, Eobert B. 
Eitchie, Eobert 
Shaw, Thompson D. 
Yoorhees, Philip F. 
Wager, Peter 
Wilkes, Charles 



1857 
1856 
1857 
1845 
1857 



W. 1857 
P. 1857 
W. 1857 
W. 1845 
W. 1857 
N. p., a. d. 



Selected List of ISaval Matter, 71 

Pictures. 

Destruction of the Augusta [on the Eiver Delaware : 1777. Oil 
painting. Also small prints of the same.] 

Combat memorable entre le Pearson et Paul Jones, done [sic] le 
22 7bre, 1779, le Gapitaine Pearson comendant le Serapis et 
Paul Jones commandant le Bon home Eichart, et son Esca- 
dre. Augsbourg, [1780?] (Title repeated in German). 
Eichard Paton pinxit : Lugduni. Grave par Balth. Frede- 
ric Loizel. [Colored]. 

The Engagement of Captain Pearson in His Majesty's ship 
Serapis, with Paul Jones of the American ship of war 
called the Bon Homme Eichard: in which action the for- 
mer was taken, while the Countess of Scarborough was 
also captured by the Pallas frigate. Drawn by Hamilton. 
Engraved by E. Collier. 3S". p., n. d., small folio. 

[MS. title.] 

Philadelphia. Printed in the year of our Lord 1785. 8°. 

[Frigates. Etching made from old plate.] 

Burning of the Frigate Philadelphia in the harbour of Tripoli, 
Feb. 16, 1804, by 70 gallant tars of Columbia commanded 
by Lieut. Decatur. [Colored print.] 

[MS. title.] 

Free Pass of tributary Spain to secure her ships from capture 

by the Corsairs of the Barbary Powers. Used until about 

1820. No. 172. 

[MS. title.] 

Free Pass of tributary Naples to secure her ships from capture 

by the Corsairs of the Barbary Powers. Used until about 

1820. No. 181. 

Ship Zulema, Daniel Man, owner, of Philadelphia. Captured by 
the French in 1807. Eecaptured by the English, and taken 
to Plymouth. [Painting.] 

Representation of the U. S. Frigate Constitution, Isaac Hull 
commander, capturing H. B. M. Frigate Guerriere, James E. 
Dacres commander. Painted by T. Birch. Engraved by 
C. Tiebout. Inscribed to Isaac Hull by James Webster. 



72 Selected List of Naval Matter. 

Signal Naval Victory achieved by Captain Hull, of the U.S. 
frigate Constitution, over H. B. Majesty's frigate Guerriere, 
Captain Dacres: August 19, 1812. Designed, engraved and, 
published by W. Strickland and W. Kneass, Philadelphia, 
September 21, 1812,4°. 

Explosion of the British Frigate Guerriere, James E. Dacres, Cap- 
tain, and rescue of the prisoners, &c, the day after her cap- 
ture by the U. S. frigate Constitution, Isaac Hull com- 
mander : August 20, 1812. Philadelphia, 1818, 4°. [Colored 
engraving.] 

The U. S. Frigate Constitution getting under way with reefed 
topsails. Engraved and published by J. Thackara and Son, 
Philadelphia, n. d., 8°. 

[MS. title in handwriting of Geo. Hy. Preble.] 

U. S. Frigate Constitution at Philadelphia Navy Yard: 1874. 
Presented by Commodore Preble : Dec, 1874. [Quarto pho- 
tograph.] 

[MS. title in handwriting of Geo. Hy. Preble.] 

U. S. Frigate Constitution Figure Head, Philadelphia Navy Yard : 

1874. G. H. P. Presented by Commodore Preble, TJ. S. N, : 

December, 1874. [Quarto photog.] 

PIS. title.] 

" Constitution," as docked : January 13, 1874. [Folio photograph.] 

[MS. title.] Hauling out the "Constitution:" March, 1874: 
Navy Yard, Philadelphia. 4°. (Photo.) 

Perry's Victory on Lake Erie: Sept. 10, 1813. By Thomas 
Birch. [Painting.] 

United States and Macedonian. Painted by T. Birch. Engraved 
by B. Tanner. 

Macdonough's Victory on Lake Champlain, and defeat of the 
British army at Plattsburg by John Macomb, Sept. 11, 
1814. Painted by H. Eeinagle. Engraved by B. Tanner. 
Published, July 4, 1816, by B. Tanner, engraver, No. 74 South 
Eighth Street, Philadelphia. Entered according to Act of 
Congress, May 22, 1816, by Benjamin Tanner of the State of 
Pennsylvania. Printed by Rogers and Esler. 



Selected List of Naval Matter. 73 

Launch of the steam Frigate Fulton the first, at New York : Oct. 
29, 1814. Drawn by J. J. Barralet, from a sketch by . . . 
Morgan, taken on the spot. B. Tanner direx 1 . Philadel- 
phia, 1819, 4°. [Colored print.] 

View of the line of battle-ship Pennsylvania, the largest vessel in 
the world. Designed and lithographed for the Philadelphia 
Saturday Chronicle, by A. Hofty, No. 41, Chestnut St., 
Philadelphia. From a sketch by C. C. Barton, U.S.N. 
With description. Launched in 1837. Philadelphia, n. d., 
folio. 

The Island of Lobos : Rendezvous of the TJ. S. Army under Gen- 
eral Scott, previous to the attack on Vera Cruz: Feb. 9, 
1847. Drawn on the spot by Lieut. C. C. Barton, TJ. S. N. 
Phila., 1847, fol. On stone by H. Dacre. P. S. Duval, lith. 

Landing of the U. S. Army under General Scott, on the beach 
near Vera Cruz : March 9, 1847. Drawn on the spot by 
L l Charles C. Barton, TJ. S. N. Phila., 1847, fol. On stone 
by H. Dacre. P. S. Duval, lith. 

Landing of Troops on the 9th, and Bombardment of Vera Cruz, 
on March 22-25, 1847. Copied by H. L. Edwards, from a 
draft drawn by order of Lieut.-Col. H. Wilson. Phila., 
1847, fol. 

The TJ. S. Naval Battery during the Bombardment of Vera Cruz : 
March 24 and 25, 1847. N. Y., 1848, fol. (With positions 
of Perry's Officers.) Naval Portfolio, No. 8. 

[MS. title.] 

Photograph of TJ. S. S. Benton, Rear Admiral Porter's flag- 
ship, Mississippi squadron, taken at Vicksburg after the sur- 
render: July 4, 1863. Hit by the enemy 13 times while 
running the blockade. Presented to the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania by Frank H. Vader, Ord. Seaman : July 16, 
1902. 

£MS. title.] 

"Terror": 1874. [Turret-ship.] 4°. (Photo.) 



74 Selected List of Naval Matter. 

[M.S. title.] 

Photograph of the Indiana, sent for the relief of the Rus- 
sians: Feb, 1892. Photographed by W. H. Richardson, 
227 S. Sixth St., Philadelphia. 

Miscellaneous photographs aud drawings of buildings in the 
Philadelphia Xavy Yard. 

Portraits. 
Nicholas Biddle: 1750-1777. [Painting.] 

Portrait of Captain Isaac Hull, IT. S. Xavy, (with picture ot 
battle between Constitution and Guerriere). Phila., 1813, folio. 
Gilbert Stuart pinxit. Yignette from an original drawing under 
direction of Capt. Hull. 

John Paul Jones, commander of a squadron in the service of 
the thirteen United States of North America, 1779. N"* p., n. d., 
folio. [Engraving framed.] 

Admiral George Read. [Painting.] 

Manuscripts. 

Barton. — MS. Memoranda of a Cruise in the U. S. sloop of war 
Hornet to the West Indies : 1826-1827. By Charles Crillon 
Barton. 4°. 

MS. Journal of a Cruise made on the coast of Brazil, 1828- 
1829, in the U. S. sloop of war Yandalia. Kept by Charles 
Crillon Barton. 4°. 

MS. Journal of a Cruise on the frigate Hudson : 1830. By 
Charles Crillon Barton. 4°. 

MS. Journal of a Cruise on the U. S. ship Yandalia : 1830. By 
Charles Crillon Barton. 4°. 

Grafty.—A Year's Experience on the " Keystone State." By D. 
W. Grafly. 12°. 

Mciid^- MS. Orderly Books of George C. Read : 1838-1840 : U. S. 
frigate Columbia. 4°. 



Selected List of Naval Mattel'. 75 

Private Journal of a Cruise commenced by George C. Read, 
commanding the East India squadron, consisting of the 
frigate Columbia and the sloop John Adams. 4 ( 



o 



MS. Notes and Remarks on sundry topics, chiefly on frigates, 
ships, &c. By George C. Read. 4°. 

Anonymous. — MS. Journal of the U. S. Frigate Congress : 1823. 4°. 

The Foundered Ship : Lines occasioned by the supposed and 
too probable Loss of the U. S. Ship Hornet. 8°, pp. 3. 

Maps. 

The Attack and Defeat of the American Fleet under Benedict 
Arnold, by the King's Fleet commanded by Captain Thomas 
Pringle, upon Lake Champlain : Oct. 11, 1776. From a 
sketch taken by an officer on the spot. Engraved by 
"William Faden, Charing Cross. London, 1776, fol. [With 
lists of vessels and comments.] 

Plan of the Attack on Plattsburgh by General Sir George Pre- 
vost and Captain Downie of tbe Navy. From a drawing by 
Brigadier-General Macomb. N. p., n. d. 

Plan of the U. S. Navy Yard, League Island, Philadelphia. 
N. p., 1873, fol. 

Plan of the TJ. S. Navy Yard, in Philadelphia. By Charles S. 
Close. 'Phila., 1875, large fol. 



76 The Taking Over of the Nicholites by the Friends. 



THE TAKING OVER OF THE NICHOLITES BY THE 

FEIENDS. 

BY HENRY DOWNES CRANOR. 

As a sect the Nicholites, who acquired their name from 
their leader, Joseph Nichols, were peculiar to Caroline 
County, Maryland, but in the records we have seen they 
style themselves " Friends or Quakers." The great simi- 
larity which existed between Friends and the Nicholites in 
regard to religious doctrines, disciplinary regulations, and 
social customs was obvious to all, and to none more than 
themselves. 

James Harris, a worthy and influential minister among 
them, was deeply interested and labored for years to effect 
a union with Friends. The proposition was repeatedly con- 
sidered in their meetings, but still there were some wdio 
would not unite. Finally, the number having become small, 
it was proposed that such as were prepared to join with 
Friends had better do so, which might prove a benefit to 
those who remained by leading them to a closer examina- 
tion of their own situation. A minute was accordingly 
made and a committee appointed to lay their application 
before Friends, as follows : 

To the Members of Thirdhaven Monthly Meeting to be held the 12th 
of the tenth month 1797 : We the people called Nicholites herein pre- 
sent to your view and serious consideration the names of these that 
incline to unite with you in membership [here follow one hundred and 
six names]. Given forth from Centre Monthly Meeting of the people 
called Nicholites held the 30th day of ninth month 1797. 

The above paper and names being read in the Monthly Meeting and 
some time spent in the consideration thereof, the Meeting agreed on 
appointing a Committee to take an opportunity with them in a col- 
lective capacity and treat the matter with them, as way open let, as to 
grounds of their request, and report of their situation and state of unity 
in regard thereof to our next meeting. 

(Signed) Seth Hill Evicts, Clerk. 



The Taking Over of the Xicholites by the Friends. 77 



Thirdhaven Monthly Meeting, 11th ljlOth day 1708. 

The Committee appointed on request of the people called Nicolites 
report they have with considerable number of them to good satisfaction 
finding many tender spirited & hopeful and were free, the following 
persona might be received unto membership viz — 



James Harris 
Mary Harris 
Peter Harris 
Man- Stevens 
Johnston Swigget 
Mary Swigget 
John Wright 
Either Wright 
Willis Charles 
Sarah Cbarles 
Elisha Dawson 
Lydia Daw3on 
Elizabeth Wright 
Man' Wright 
Jacob Wright 
Rhoda Wright 
Daniel Wright 
Sarah Wright 



Mary Richardson 
Margaret Connely 
John Pool 
Ann Pool 
Levin Pool 
Elizabeth Pool 
Moses Leverton 
Rachel Leverton 
James Murphey 
Mary Murphey 
William Murphey 
Ruth Murphey 
Elizabeth Frampton 
Euphamia Charles 
Elijah Charles 
William Frampton 
Margaret Frampton 
Elizabeth Twiford 
William Melona 
Sophia Melona 
George Hardy Fisher 
Daniel Fisher 
Thomas Grav 



Sarah Gray 
William Poits 
Adah Poits 
Anthony Wheatley 
Sophia Wheatley 
William Gray 
Jesse Hubbert 
Prissilla Hubbert 
Sarah Pool 
Sarah Poits 
Anna Gray 
Lovey Gray 
John Barton 
William Peters 
W r illiam Wilson 
James Wilson 
Rebecca Wilson 
James Wilson Jr 
Sarah Wilson 
Solomon Kenton 
James Boon 
Sarah Boon 



Richard Foxwell 
James Wright 
Sarah Wright 
Hatfield Wright 
Lucretia Wright 

and upon consideration the said persons are admitted into membership 
and the Committee are desired to acquaint them thereof. The said 
Committee have also brought forward the request of Divers more of 
those people to be united with us viz. 

Elizabeth Kenton Joshua Crainer 

Joseph Anthony John Berry 

Ann Anthony Henry Charles 

and Solomon Bartlett 
which refered to the care of the Committee. 



At Thirdhaven Monthly Meeting 15th of 2 mo. 1798. 

The Committee who have under care the application of those friends 
called Xicholites report that of a number they have lately visited the 
following they were free might now be admited into membership, viz. 



78 The laking Over of the Nlcholltes by the Friends. 

James Anderson Hannah Kelly 

Celia Anderson Mary Ann Barton 

John Berry Esther Chance 

Anne Emerson Elizabeth Kenton 

Dennis Kelly Jonathan Shannahan 

Margaret Shannahan, 

which claiming our consideration is approved of and the Committee 
desired to inform them thereof & to continue their care to the cases still 
undetermined also to unite with a Committee of the Quarterly Meeting 
in considering how far it will be safe & proper to continue in use the 
meeting houses they have had thence of heretofore [sic'] are not the 
property of our religious society. 

Thirdhaven Monthly Meeting the loth of 3rd mo. 1798. 

The committee on application of the friends called Nicolites report 
the subject remains under care and have mentioned the following per- 
sons who .should be received as members viz. 

Ann Love John Wilson Ann Wilson 

which is concurd with and of which they are to be acquainted. 

Thirdhaven Monthly Meeting the 17th of 5 mo. 1798. 

The friends appointed on the case of applicants for admition report 
they have performed a visit to them generally and were free the follow- 
ing persons might be admitted into membership viz. 

John Dawson, Elijah Bartlett, Perry Gray, 

Ann Dawson, Esther Bartlett, Joseph Gray, 

Elijah Kussell, Celia Bartlett, Esther Gray, 

Esther Russell, Sarah Vicker3, William W'heatley, 

Sarah Swiggett, Jesse Leverton, Bing W T heatley, 

Richard Vickers, Clement Melona, Elizabeth Wheatley, 

Celia Vickers, William Melona Jr., Euphany Wheatley, 

Catharine Harvey, Comfort Melona, William Wilson Jr, 

Henry Charles, Elizabeth Melona, Rachel Wilson, 

Mary Charles, Joshua Crainer, 

which report claiming our consideration is approved and they are de- 
sired to acquaint them with their acceptance. 

Hth of 2 mo. 1799. 

Representatives are from Thirdhaven, Joseph Neal and William At- 
kinson, Tuckahoe ; Solomon Kenton Thomas Hopkins & Tristram, 
Marshy Creek ; William Gray and Anthony Wheatley, Choptank ; 



The Taking Ocer of the Xieholitcs by the Friends. 79 

Francis Neal & Thomas Tilon, Bayside ; John Kemp, Centre ; Edward 
Barton and Joshua Crainer, Northwest fork ; Mark Xoble and Hatfield 
Wright, who all attended. 

One of the friends on the request of Sophia Jenkins reports that he 
in company with Women Friends had an opportunity with her to good 
Mtisfaction and were easy she might be admitted unto membership 
which is concured with and Joshua Crainer appointed to inform her she 
w at liberty to attend our next monthly meeting. 



Thirdhaveii Monthly Meeting 16th 5 mo. 1799. 

Answers to the 1 st 2 nd & 9th queries were produced from each of the 
preparative meetings and examined from whence a general answer is 
Liken to send to the ensuing Quarterly meeting as to our state, and Levin 
Wright, Thomas Pearson, William Needles, William Atkinson, Joshua 
Crainer, Willis Charles, Joseph Neal and James Wilson are appointed 
to attend to services of our Quarterly meeting. 

Now the separation having been mr.de the people called Nicholites or 
" New Quakers" did constitute and appoint James Wright and William 
Williams to sell and make over all their right and title of, in and unto 
their meeting-house at Northwest Fork called Northwest Fork meeting 
house to any of the people called Quakers on such conditions that they 
*ill repay them the money they raised toward building the said meeting- 
house if required ; and on such terms as our Friends aforesaid and they 
may agree, Dated 17th day of eighth month 1799, and signed in and on 
behalf of the same by 

Elijah Ckemex Clerk. 

A similar minute is recorded appointing Azal Stevens 
and Beauchamp Stanton for the like purchase (except there 
is no provision for the payment of any money) for Centre 
monthly meeting-house, dated 31st day of the Twelfth 
Month, 1803, and signed hy the same Friend as clerk. By 
the transfer of property the title only was changed, the use 
thereof remaining the same until ahout 1850, when the 
society ceased to exist, the majority of their descendants 
becoming Methodists. 



80 Abstracts of Gloucester County, New Jersey, Records. 



ABSTRACTS OF GLOUCESTER COUNTY, NEW 
JERSEY, RECORDS. • 



BY WILLIAM M. MERVINE. 

Samuel Taylor and Elizabeth Ward married 13th of ye 
first month 1687, in the presence of John Richards, Phillis 
Richards, James Warde, Thomas Thackera, John Hugg, 
Geo. Goldsmith and Jonathan Wood. Before Francis 
Collins, Magistrate. 

John Burroughs The son of John Burroughs and Jane 
his wife of Gloucester River in ye County of Gloucester 
was born ye fourteenth day of March Anno 1687. 

The 23d day of ye 6th month Ano 1690 Edward Bur- 
roughs and Marry Tanner was married before Richard Bass- 
nett, Justice, in presence of John Willis, William Willis, 
Tho. Penston, Ann Penston, Will. Roydon, Mord: Howell, 
Jno. Hugge Jnr: John Hollingshead, Daniell Reading, 
Eliz. Collins, Elizabeth Howell, Eliz : Coles, Sarah Harrison, 
John Read. 

John Hillman, Planter and Margrett Ward, Singl woman, 
both wuthin ye County of Gloucester &c married Sixth day 
of ye first month Anno 169|. Before John Hugg ju : Jus- 
tice, in the presence of Fran. Collins, Elias Hugg, John 
Kay, Saml. Taylor, Edwd. Burroughs, Geo. Austen, Tho : 
Penston, Javace Kay, Tho. Buckman, Jno. Asbrook, Antho : 
Sharp, Jos: Collins, Jos: Hugg, Edm: Lassell, Hen: Wood, 
Phillis Richards, Margr: Hugg, Priscil: Hugg, Eliz: Col- 
lins, Mary Burroughs, Sar (?) Pancoaste. 

Nov. 16, 1697. George Ward of Towne of Upton, Glou- 
cester County and Hannah Maynwright of Woodbury 
Creek married in the presence of John Brown, Israel Ward, 

1 Copied from Minute- Book "B," bound in Book of Court Minutes. 



Abstracts of Gloucester Count)/, New Jersey, Records. 81 

William Ward, John Tatum, Thomas Gibson, Isaac Wood, 
Charles Crossthwait, John Ashbrook, Thomas Bull, James 
Whiteall, Samuel Taylor, John Enno, Elizabeth Tatum, 
Susannah Maynwright, 

John Seeds, Husbandman and Hannah Minor, spinster, 
both of Glocester County married Sixth day of January 
1703 by Mordecai Howell, Justice in presence of Mordecai 
Howell, Tho: Bull, Richard Bull, Thomas Gibson, John 
Butler, John Reading Ju. Ann Gibson, Mary Goodfellow, 
Mary Reading, Mary Medcalfe, Dorathea Medcalfe. 

Sarah Eglinton swears at Gloucester Court in September 
term 1717 that Garrat Yanimma and Margarett Johnson 
were married twenty one years in ye fall 1716. 

Alice B reman swears "that she saw Garratt Yanimma 
marry Margarett Johnson, about ye midle of October the 
Last fall 1716 Will be twenty one years. 

Sarah Paull swears that she saw Garratt Yanimma marry 
Margarett Johnson the Last fall will be twenty one years. 
(Recorded Sept. 21, 1717.) 

Ruth Riland, daughter of Jacob Riland of Timber Creek, 
Saw^r, apprenticed to Richard Chew and Patience his Wife 
for 7 years, 9 months and 9 days, June 3, 1717. 

Joy Riland son of Jacob of Timber Creek, Sawer, ap- 
prenticed to John Chew and Sarah his Wife for 14 years, 
10 days, June 3, 1717. 

Ages of Jacob Roland's Children. 

Joy Ryland Born June 13, 1709. 

Margarett Ryland Born Dec. 25, 1712. 

Jacob Ryland Born Nov. 16, 1715. 

Joy Rylance son of Jacob Rylance of Town of Gloucester, 
Husbandman, apprenticed to John Hinchman, Juni r for 13 
years and 18 days, May 26, 1718. 

Bond of Sarah Shivers of Township of Waterford, Glou- 
cester Co., Widow and Relict of John Shivers, to John 
bright of Newton Township sd County. 110 Pounds. 
Bepfc 1, 1720. 

VOL. XXVII.— 6 



82 Abstracts of Gloucester County, New Jersey, Records. 

IJst of Marriages, from Original Licenses, fled in Box No, 23, 
Clerk's Office, Woodbury, Gloucester- County, N J. Hie 
majority of these persons were married the day of date of license 
by James Bowman, Surrogate and Register. 

1771. 

June 19. Thomas Ashton and Hannah Hugg. 

June 21. Michael Fisher and Patience Flanning- 

ham. 
Aug. 13. William Heritage and Susannah Denyce. 
Aug. 21. John Miller of Waterford Twp, a Quaker, 

and Mary Milliner. 
Sept. 21. Daniel Packer and Catharine Fight. 
Oct. 15. Joseph Cotton and Mary Williams. 
Oct. 28 (or 25). George Gardner and Kachael Scott 
Nov. 1. James Colter and Ann Parsons. 
Nov. 12. Thomas Scott and Anna Horner. 

Dec. 9. Aaron Dawson and Tracy Munyon. 
Dec. 23. Barzilla Hugg and Mary Wood. 



1772. 

January 7. James Simpson and Sarah Crawford. 

April 25. Joseph Robinson and Elizabeth Scott. 

June 16. Charles West and Sarah Hopper. 

June 25. Benjamin Holmes and Phabe Fluellin. 

July 29. Joseph Pearce and Ann Hope. 

Aug. 31. Isaac Stephins and Sarah Woolston. 

Sept 28 (or 25). George Ward and Amie Middle- 
ton. 

Oct 31. Samuel Ellis of Glo. Co. and Hanna Gilbert 
of the City of Phila. 

Nov. 24. Aaron Haines of Glo. Co. Yeoman and 
Priscilla Collins of Co. of Burlington. 
Dec. 2. Joseph Wilshire of Glo. Co., Yeoman, and 
Elizabeth Davis of same place. 



Abstracts of Gloucester County ', New Jersey, Records. 88 

1773. 

January 7. David Wood and Lydia Branson. 
January 18 (or 15). Jacob Spencer of Glo. Co. and 

Deborah Seeds of same place. 
January 26. Benjamin Moses Clava and Sarah McDonald. 
March 16. Richard Smith and Mary Nicholson. 
May 10. William Hugg and Ann Everley. 
May 28. William Wilkins and Sarah Planningham. 
June 21. William Horder and Elizabeth Wallace. 
July 29. Joseph Wood late of the Province of Georgia, 

and Mary Benezet of City of Phila. 
Aug. 23. Joseph Albertson of Town of Glo. Yeoman, 
and Mary Albertson of same place. 
Oct. 6. Jonathan Robinson of City of Phila., and 

Hannah Williams. 
Nov. 4. John Ross of City of Phila., and Elizabeth 
Griscomb of same place. 
Nov. 16. John Spier of Town of Glo., and Elizabeth 

Richardson. 
Nov. 16. William Douglas of Town of Glo. Yeoman, 
and Hannah Harper of same place. 

1774. 
January 17. Michael Tolyn of Glo. Co. and Catharine 

Gyge. 

March 4. Abraham Shelly of City of Phila., and Mary 
Jenkins of same place. 
May 6. David Robison of Town of Glo. and Eliza- 
beth Chew of same. 

June 16. William Robinson of Deptford Twp., & Lydia 
Fowler of do. 

1776. 
January 20. Thomas Mann and Margaret Bonham, mar- 
ried same day of license, by Samuel Shaw. 



84 Letter from a Committee of Merchants hi Philadelphia. 



LETTER FROM A COMMITTEE OF MERCHANTS IN 
PHILADELPHIA TO THE COMMITTEE OF MER- 
CHANTS IN LONDON, 1769. 

To Mr. David Barclay, jun. Daniel Mildred, Thomas Powell, Den- 
ny* De Berdt, Christopher Chambers, Frederick Pigou, jun. and Richard 
Neavc, Merchants in London. 

Philadelphia, April 8, 1769. 

Gentlemen, 

From your letters of the 4 th and 26 th of January, we observe the 
attention you have paid to the memorial sent you by the merchants and 
trader* of this city, and the pains you have taken to obtain relief from 
the prievances therein complained of: for which we thank you. 

The answer you received from the department to which you applied, 
aeema to afford little hopes of obtaining redress, in a way that will put 
an end to the unhappy difference that has arisen between Great-Britain 
und her American colonies. 

We are told that the act imposing duties on glass, paper, &c. "is 
inexpedient ; but that such had been the unjustifiable conduct of some 
in America, that the Administration were of opinion the present 
juncture was not a proper season for a repeal." 

It were to be wished that Administration would never err, or that 
those affected by the errors of government would make known their 
complaints in a way the least offensive ; but as from the frailty of 
human nature neither is to be expected, it would become persons in 
power to consider whether even the "unjustifiable behaviour 7 ' of those 
who think themselves aggrieved will justify a perseverance in a measure 
confessed to be wrong. Certain it is, that the wisdom of government 
U better manifested, its honour and authority better maintained and 
tupported, by correcting the errors it may have committed, than by 
persisting in them, and thereby risking the loss of the subjects affections. 

We are at a loss to know what behaviour the minister refers to, or 
who those are with whose behaviour he is disgusted. The Americans 
think that no people, who have any regard for liberty, could in their 
circumstances shew a more respectful behaviour. It is true, they can- 
not acquiesce in the Parliament's claim to tax them; and considering 
themselves as British subjects, who cannot of right be taxed but by 
their representatives, and knowing that the los3 of this privilege 
involves in it a loss of liberty, they conceive that earnest and direct 
applications against acta of Parliament, which destroy it, not only 



Letter from a Committee of Merchants in Philadelphia. 85 

justifiable, but necessary ; and that their peaceable submission to such 
acts, till the result of their applications is known, is the greatest proof 
they can give of their affections for their parent country, and respect for 
the Parliament of Great-Britain. 

The administration, it seems, "are firmly resolved to oppose a repeal 
with their utmost strength, while it shall be insisted on by threats from 
our side." — We are apprehensive that persons' in power are greatly 
abused, and that the people of America have been grossly misrepre- 
sented by some who wish well neither to Britain nor America ; otherwise 
the steps which they have taken to obtain redress could never be looked 
on as threats. It is very unfortunate that the dispute, which we fondly 
hoped was buried, and would have forever lain dormant under the 
rcrx-al of the stamp-act, is again revived by the late acts for raising a 
revenue in America. 

In a dispute of so important a nature, in which liberty is concerned, 
it U not to be wondered if free born, British subjects are warmed, and 
if even- argument is urged that can have any weight to secure to them 
a blessing they so highly prize. Threats they never intended, but as 
alJ the American colonies w T ere equally affected, it was thought that 
their joint petitions would have more weight ; and for this end the 
several assemblies communicated their sentiments to each other. This 
step, to the inexpressible surprize of all America, is represented by 
Lord Hillsborough in a late letter as a " flagitious attempt, a measure 
of a most dangerous and factious tendency, &c." The dissolution of 
assemblies that followed this letter, and the measures pursued to enforce 
the acts in America, awakened the fears, and exasperated the minds of 
the people to a very great degree. 

They therefore determined not only to defeat the intent of the acts, 
by refraining from the use of those articles on which duties were laid, 
but to put a stop to the importation of goods from Great-Britain. 
Heretofore they had almost entirely confined themselves to the use of 
British manufactures, and from their affection to Great-Britain shewed a 
fondness to imitate her fashions ; but matters being now carried with so 
high a hand, they thought it improper and injudicious to indulge that 
humour. This is the only threat we know of, and if this is sufficient to 
engage the ministry to oppose a repeal of the acts, we apprehended the 
ministry must by a change of measures endeavour to regain the 
affections of the people before they can be induced to alter their deter- 
mination. 

But we are told, that "if a proper disposition appears in the colonies, 
and their merchants in a succeeding session shall think proper to peti- 
tion Parliament on the principle of inexpediency only, there was every 
reason to believe that no part of administration will object to the 
repeal." In a matter of so great consequence we should have been 



86 Letter from a Committee of Merchants in Philadelphia. 

glad if the minister had declared what "the proper disposition" is 
which he expects from the colonies. 

The Americans consider themselves as British subjects, entituled to all 
the rights and privileges of freemen. They think there can be no liberty 
without a security of property ; and that there can be no property if 
any can, without their consent, deprive them of the hard earned fruits 
of their labour. 

They know that they have no choice in the election of members of 
Parliament, and from their situation never can have any. Every act of 
Parliament, therefore that is made for raising a revenue in America, is, 
in their opinion, a depriving them of their property without their con- 
sent, and consequently are invasions of their liberty. 

If then the acts cannot be repealed while the ministry objects, and if 
to remove the objections the Americans must give up their sentiments, 
we must candidly confess we have little hopes of a repeal ever taking 
place : much less is it to be expected that the merchants will presume to 
petition Parliament on the principle of inexpediency only, when every 
assembly on the continent are applying for a repeal on the principle of 
right. The merchants are too sensible how jealous the Americans are 
of their liberty ever to hazard such a step. We apprehend that advan- 
tage may have been taken from a supposed disunion of the colonies, and 
therefore think it our duty to inform you, that the merchants of this 
province have always agreed with the other colonists in opinion, " that 
the late revenue acts were unconstitutional ;" though they refused to 
adopt a measure which at one time they believed to be premature. They 
were sensible that mutual interests is the best cement of nations ; that 
by trade and commerce the union between Great- Britain and the colo- 
nies is best preserved. They knew that multitudes in Great-Britain 
would be sufferers by a suspension of trade with her ; they were willing 
therefore to try what could be done by a memorial to their friends in 
England, who had so generally, and to so good purpose, interposed be- 
fore, and contributed so much to the repeal of the stamp act ; but no 
sooner were they apprized that no hope remained of a repeal in this 
session, than they unanimously entered into the very agreement which 
some months before, when proposed to them, they had declined. This 
agreement being formed on mature deliberation, we are of opinion the 
people of this province will firmly adhere to it. We are glad to hear 
the idea of raising taxes in America begins among all ranks with you, 
of every party, to lose ground : Happy had it been for both countries 
if it had never been started ; However, if the acts complained of are 
repealed, and no other of the like nature are attempted hereafter, the 
present unhappy jealousies will, we believe, quickly subside, and the 
people of both countries in a short time return to their usual good 
humour, confidence and affection. 



Letter from a Committee of Merchants in Philadelphia. 87 

A* it is uncertain whether the Parliament, if they should think 
proper to repeal the acts, laying a duty on tea, paper, glass, &c. im- 
ported into America, will directly enter into a consideration of our 
other grievances, we must content ourselves for the present with bearing 
our testimony against the several regulations of which we complained 
in our memorial, and earnestly request you to use your endeavours to 
obtain redress of those matters whenever you imagine there is a proba- 
bility of succeeding. 

We are, Gentlemen, 
Your assured friends, 
and_humble servants, 
I>an. Benezet, John Cox, jun. 

W. West, C. Thompson, 

T. Mifflin, J. M. Nesbitt, 

John Gibson, Robert Morris, 

Joseph Swift, James Mease, 

Alex. Huston, John Rhea, 

John Reynell, Will. Fisher, 

Abel James, Henry Drinker, 

Geo. Roberts, Ten. Francis. 



88 The Mount Regale Fishing Company of Philadelphia. 



THE MOUNT REGALE FISHING COMPANY OF 
PHILADELPHIA. 

Prior to the Revolution there were three fishing compa- 
nies located on the river Schuylkill between the Upper 
Ferry and the Falls, — " The Schuylkill Fishing Company 
of the State in Schuylkill/' "Fort St. David's," and the 
" Mount Regale Fishing Company," — whose membership, 
largely composed of prominent and influential citizens of 
the capital of the Province, during the " season," were wont 
to beguile the finny denizens of the river, and when the 
shadow of the index on the sundial marked the post- 
meridian hour would gather around the generously laden 
board in castle or fort, the closing scene of festive days. 
Comparatively little is known of the history of the Mount 
Regale Fishing Company, and that is supplied in the man- 
uscript collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylva- 
nia. The following gentlemen were its members in 1762 
and 17G3 : 

His Honour Gov r Hamilton Esq r . 
Allen, Andrew Cox, John, Jr. 

Allen, James Deornellas, Joseph 

Allen, John Dickinson, John 

Bache, Richard Dickinson, Philemon 

Berkley, Gilbert Dowe, Captain 

Beveridge, 'David Elliot,. Andrew 

Bouquet, Colonel Francis, Col. Tench 

Bremner, Franks, David 

Cadwalader, J. Gibson, J. 

Cadwalader, Lambert Gilbert, T. 

Chalmers, James Hill, Henry 

Chapman, Nathaniel Hockley, Thomas 

Chew, Benjamin Inglis, John 

Clymer, George Kearney, Philip, Jr. 



The Mount Regale Fishing Company of Philadelphia. 89 

Kidd, John Riche, Thomas 

Lardner, L. Ritchie, Robert 

Lawrence, J. Searles, James 

Lawrence, Thomas Shee, John 

Levy, Benjamin Shippen, Joseph 

Lloyd, Thomas Shippen, D r William, Jr. 

MeCall,-Archibald Smith, Rev. Dr. William 

Meredith, Samuel Stevens, Richard 

Mifflin, Thomas Tilghman, Edward 

Moore, Wikoff, John 

Morgan, IV John Wikoff, Peter 

Morris, Robert Wilcox, 

Nesbit, John M. Willing, Charles 

Venn, lion. John Willing, Thomas 

Penn, Richard Young, James 
Joseph Shippen, Jr., Treasurer. 

We find bills for Delf punch bowles, plates and dishes, 
pewter platters and spoons, and an awning for the batteau. 
Mrs. Mary Maddox supplied the best Madeira Wine at 15 
shillings, and a second grade at 12 shillings per gallon. 
The accounts of James Byrne, the steward, whose usual 
charge of 15 shillings for "my Truble" on Fishing Davs, 
are numerous, and those for the " Season of 1762" follow 
in abstract. 

June i, George Clymer, caterer for the day. Roast beef, 
8 chickens, 1 ham, 2 tongues, 1 quarter lamb, salad, peas, 
cream cheese, lemons, biscuit and bread. 

June 14, Richard Bache and Robert Ritchie, caterers. 
Beefsteaks, 6 chickens, 1 ham, 1 breast veal, 2 tongues, 2 
chicken pies, 1 quarter lamb, 2 sheep's heads, peas, salad, 
raddishes, cream cheese, gooseberry pies, strawberries, 2 
gallons spirits and 25 lemons. 

Jane 20, David Beveridge, caterer. 4 ducks, 2 tongues, 
6 chickens, 1 ham, beefsteaks, 1 quarter lamb, peas, beans, 
aalad, cucumbers, raspberries and lemons. 

Jahj 12, Kathaniel Chapman, caterer. 1 round of beef, 



90 The Mount Regale Fishing Company of Philadclpl 



ua. 



1 quarter lamb, 6 chickens, 1 ham, 2 tongues, beans, cu- 
cumbers, salad, cream cheese, 1 loaf sugar, 8 quarts wine, 
J gallon spirits, 50 lemons and 2 cherry pies. 

July 26, Benjamin Levy, caterer. 1 round beef, 1 quarter 
lamb, 1 ham, G chickens, 2 tongues, cherry pies, water 
melon, 2 gallons wine, 1 gallon spirits, 40 lemons. 

August 10, Archibald McCall, caterer. 6 chickens, 2 
tongues, veal, 2 ducks, chicken pies, 1 ham, beans, cucum- 
bers, musk melons and water melons. 

August 2!f, J. M. Xesbit, caterer. 6 chickens, 1 ham, 2 
tongues, 1 quarter lamb, roast beef, cabbage, peas, beans, 
cucumbers,, water melons, musk melons, pears, peaches, 2 J 
gallons wine, sugar, lemons. 

September 7, George Clymer, caterer. 2 tongues, 1 ham, 
6 chickens, breast veal, chicken pies, musk melons, water 
melons, 2 gallons wine, 1 gallon spirits, peaches and pears. 



. -r-.-.-^.^^T.V. 






1 



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Sketch of William Henry, of Lancaster Co., Pennsylvania.. 91 



BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCH OF WILLIAM HENRY, OF 
LANCASTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. 

John and Mary A. Henry, with their sons John, Robert, 
and James, natives of Scotland, in 1722 settled on a large 
tract of land they purchased on Doe Run, in "West -Cain 
Township, Chester County, Pennsylvania. The parents died 
in 1735; the sons Robert and James married sisters; the 
former, with his wife and children, removed to Virginia, and 
the hitter died within a year after his marriage. John 
Henry, the younger, in 1728 married Elizabeth, daughter 
of Hugh and Mary A. (Jenkins) De Vinney, also of Chester 
County, and had issue five sons (three died young) and 
three daughters* He died in 1744, and a few years later 
hi- widow, with the children, removed to Lancaster, where 
she died in 1778. 

William, son of John and Elizabeth Henry, was born in 
Chester County, May 19, 1729. In 1750 he engaged in the 
manufacture of fire-arms, and furnished supplies to the 
Indian traders. On the formation of Braddoek'3 expedi- 
tion against Fort Duquesne he was appointed Armorer, and 
served in a like position under General Forbes. He then 
t<»ok an active part in local affairs, and was appointed Jus- 
tice of the Peace for the years 1758, 1770, and 1777; Asso- 
ciate Justice of the Courts of Common Pleas and Quarter 
Sessions in 1780; Burgess from 1766-1775; and Treasurer 
of the county from 1777-1786. In 1772 he was appointed 
on the Commission with Lukens and Rittenhouse to survey 
a route between the Lehigh and Susquehanna Rivers for 
the best location of a canal. He was a founder of the Ju- 
liana Library; in 1767 was elected a member of the Amer- 
ican Philosophical Society, and became one of the first 
members of the Society for Promoting Agriculture. 

William Henry early espoused the cause of the Colonies 
against Great Britain, and became an active and prominent 



92 Sketch of WUliam Henry, of Lancaster Co., Pennsylvania. 

patriot. Selections from his voluminous correspondence 
have been printed in the Pennsylvania Magazine. In 1776 
lie was elected a member of the Assembly, in 1777 of the 
Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania, in 1778 was appointed 
Armorer of the State and Assistant Commissary-General 
of the United States, and in 1784 elected a member of Con- 
gress, serving two terms. During the occupation of Phil- 
adelphia by the British army Mr. Henry entertained as his 
guests, at his residence on Centre Square, David Kitten- 
house, the State Treasurer, who used two rooms on the first 
floor for his office ; Thomas Paine, who wrote the fifth Crisis 
there; and John Hart. As an ingenious inventor William 
Henry enjoyed a well-merited reputation. While on a visit 
to England in 1759-60 he first became interested in the 
application of steam for motive power, in which his experi- 
ments were known to Fitch, Paine, Ellicott, and others. 
In 1771 he invented the screw auger. 

In the year 1756 William Henry made the acquaintance 
of Benjamin West and became his patron. The first figure 
picture the young artist painted from live models (em- 
ployees of Mr. Henry), " The Death of Socrates," is in 
the possession of Mr. Granville Henry, of Boulton, and two 
portraits of Mr. Henry and wife have recently been pre- 
sented to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

William Henry married, in January, 1756, Ann, daugh- 
ter of Abraham Wood, son of John and Jane Wood, of 
Darby, Pennsylvania, and his wife Ursula, daughter of 
Philip and Julian Taylor, of Oxford Township, Philadelphia 
Countv. Ann Wood was a °;randdau£;hter of John and 
Barbara Bevan, of Treverigg, in the parish of Llantrissant, 
Glamorganshire, Wales. 

Three of William Henry's sons became well-known citi- 
zens of the Commonwealth: William, Jr., was a Justice of 
the Northampton County Courts 1788-1814, and a Presi- 
dential Elector 1792; John Joseph accompanied Arnold's 
expedition into Canada via the Maine wulderness, sub- 
sequently wrote the " Campaign against Quebec," and 



Sketch of William Henry, of ] jam-aster Co., Pennsylvania. 93 

beat me President Judge of the Second Judicial District 
<■!' Pennsylvania ; and Benjamin West Henry, a pupil of 
Gilbert Stuart, became an artist of merit, but died young-. 

William Henry, while attending a session of Congress in 
the city of New York, was stricken with the disease which 
terminated his life December 15, 1786, at Lancaster. 



94 



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108 President John Adams to Governor Thomas Mifflin. 



LETTER OF PRESIDENT JOHN ADAMS TO GOV- 
ERNOR THOMAS MIFFLIN, OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

[Collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

Philadelphia, March 3, 1797. 
Sir 

Having been out this Forenoon upon public Business it was not 
until] my Return after three O Clock, that I received the Letter 
you did me the Honour to write me on this day. 

The Respect to the United States intended by the Legislature 
of Pensilvania, in building a House for the President will no 
doubt be acknowledged by the Union, as it ought to be. 

For your kind offer of it to me in Consequence of their Au- 
thority I pray to accept of my respectful Thanks and to present 
them to the Legislature. 

But as I entertain great doubts whether by a candid Construc- 
tion of the Constitution of the United States, I am at Liberty 
to accept without the Intervention and authority of Congress 
and there is not time for any application to them, I must pray 
you to apologise for me to the Legislature for declining the 
offer. 

For your obliging Congratulations on my election to the office 
of President of the United States, and for your kind assurances 
of Cooperation as far as your constitutional Powers and Duties 
extend to advance the Honour and ensure the Success of my Ad- 
ministration, I pray you to accept of my best Thanks and fullest 
assurances of a reciprocal Disposition on my Part towards the 
Governor and State of Pensilvania. 

With great Respect and Esteem 
I have the Honour to be, Sir 
your Excellences most obedient 
and most humble servant 

John Adams 
His Excellency Thomas Mifflin 
Governor of Pensilvania. 



Notes and Queries. 109 



NOTES AND QUERIES, 
notes. 

Two Letters of Hannah Griffitts to General Anthony 

Wayne. — 

Philadelphia October a) 01 1776 

To tell you I was pleased that you had not forgot your friends would 
imply you were Capable of forgeting and I have too just an opinion of 
tou to' admit such an Idea yet I must confess your remembrance of me 
was an agreahfc surprize you see I am determined to Commence a cor- 
respondence tho I expect to make but an awkward figure in it & that to 
» Girl of Spirit is an insupportable thought if you should find it tire- 
ftonkg blame yourself thus much by way of preface which of all things 
I detest & of consequence imagine my friends must be of the same 
opinion a tolerable selfish sentiment you'll say but as I really believe it 
to be the only one of the kind I am possessed of I cannot persuade 
myself to discard it. 

You tell me Politics is an unfit subject for a Lady's ear what a poor 
Compliment I grant you it was before these Unhappy Differences but 
now when all we hold dear is exposed to the rage of War can a Heart 
fraught with sensibility & capable of all those exquisitely fine feelings 
tli.it Constitute at once our Happiness or Misery be supposed to remain 
Cold and unmoved No ! let me assure you there are few that do not 
feel themselves deeply interested Thank Heaven I have no very near 
Connection engaged do not from this imagine me less of an American 
but impute it to the real Cause want of Fortitude I find sufficient Cause 
of Anxiety when I reflect on what those who are only my Friends must 
suffer not to be happy (I mean comparitively so) that I have no person 
nearer my Heart who must brave the terrors of War but why do I enter 
on a subject only to be spoke of to a female friend but remember all I 
write is only to those it is directed. 

1 have been extremly happy at my friend M ra Peter's Wedding & still 
more so in the delightful social evenings I have since spent with her 
what an enchanting woman she is the more I know of her the greater is 
my esteem for her and frequently gazing at her but increases my admira- 
tion of her Beauty. All the world agrees in thinking her handsome & 
yet it is not the Charms of Person that have gained her so many ad- 
mirers. No it is that nameless something that steals on the Soul and 
before you are aware of the Danger carries it away Captive. I need not 
apologize to you for my extravagant admiration "of this sweet Girl as I 
know your Sentiments are similiar to my own & it delights me that every 
one should think well of those I love'l know nothing of Envy. Na- 
ture kindly left that out in my Composition — dont imagine me vain in 
laying 1 am free from so odious a Passion I have many Faults perhaps 
worse ones than even this but I never feel the least propensity towards 
it & therefore claim no Merit. 

In what Manner can you beguile the tedious moments at so great a 
Distance from your friends ; can the Prospect of Fame make up for the 



110 Notes and Queries. 

Joys of Domestic Scenes — but I will uot touch on so tender a string — 
a Soldier should endeavour to banish all Ideas but what tend to his 
Duty. 1 sincerely wish you may be here to grace this said Rout you 
speak of with your Presence. I you well know never refuse being one 
at these social assemblies where the Company is ngieable & that I am 
certain will be the Case. Do you recollect the very happy evening we 
spent together at Dr. Bond's — never shall I forget the Uncouth Singer 
or the handsome Major but the Creature is since married a proof of his 
insensibility to pass us all Unnoticed but yet to do him justice I beleive 
he was then engaged & I adore Constancy but I absolutely will nut say 
one word more Only to wish you all the Glory that Mars bestows on his 
favourites <fc a happy & speedy return to your expecting friends among 
which Number rank yours H. G. 

Philadelphia July 13 th 1777 

Tell me sincerely do you not repent engaging me in a Correspondence? 
I am so punctual in my answers that unless your Friendship can find 
some excuse for their want of Entertainment they must be intruders as 
they must sometimes call you from things of more moment but this is 
like apologizeing and you assure me in your last my letters afford you 
pleasure — well then as this is the Case I may scribble on with impunity. 

I agree with you that too much Susceptibility is a Mine of Unexhausted 
Pain the Human Heart is always leading the Owner into some disagre- 
abie Situation how often do we find the Heart thats glowing with all 
the Warmth of friendship Benevolence and a thousand other Amiable 
Virtues by some triniing error forfeit the good opinion of the World but 
yet I cannot agree with Stern what a source of disquiet would his 
Maxim be productive of how often are we tempted by an agreable Person 
to form a Friendship for them and were we to follow the Impulses of 
that impertinent little Throbber the Heart might on a further acquaint- 
ance have Cause to regret our putting an implicit Confidence in our 
Guide but this is really an Extraordinary subject for a young Lady to 
give her Sentiments on we should keep them entirely to ourselves Yet as 
it constituted a part of your letter I would not leave it unanswered. 

I cannot imagine how you can reconcile yourself to so long an absence 
it is very well for the Country you have not so great a share of Impa- 
tience in your Composition as I have were I in similiar Circumstances I 
fear I should have bid at least a temporary adieu to Camp but I beleive 
Men have more Constancy than our Sex (Not in every Particular tho,) 
but where their Courage is the Basis of their Constancy they Certainly 
claim the Superiority. 

I am sorry you should imagine you are forgot by our Friend as I am 
very certain you possess a great share of her warmest friendship. She 
does not know of my writing or a letter from her would accompany 
mine she is amiable as ever — we both are angry with you for the Con- 
clusion of your last — how can you raise the disagreable image of never 
seeing you more can you suppose we could read such a thought with 
indifference beleive me when I tell you a soft tear stole from Sally's eye 
nor was it alone but we are still displeased at you for giving them Vent 
we join in wishing you may be Protected from every Danger & that you 
may return unhurt when you write next do give me some account of 
your movements for I am so good a whig that of Consequence I must be 
a little of a Politician there was a time that I knew nor thought no more 



Notes and Queries* 311 

i.f politics tfiaa 1 did of grasping a Sceptre but noxo the Scene is 
cbinged and I beleive every Woman is desirous of being acquainted 
with what interests her Country dont imagine me a violent Politician & 
figure to yourself a M ra Maeeauiey surrounded with heaps of Hooks 
exploring the writers of former ages to catch a Sentiment vS: when pos- 
f. .; of it dresn it in her own language & give it to the public as her 
own, I think a woman who writes on Politic's entirely out of the 
iphere Nature designed her for and you know nothing can be lovely that 
in out of Nature the Eose in its native beauties delights the Observer 
much more than the most finished piece of painting but I think I Hear 
you exclaim [indistinct] my trespassing so much on your time well then 
I will only add that I am your very sincere friend, 

H. Ghiffitts 

Copy of Family Records in the Selden Bible (contributed 
by Mrs. Harrv Rogers). — 

Births, 

(Jcorge St-lden was born 27 lh February 17b*o. 

Olive Selden was born ll lh July 1775. 

Adelaide Louisa Selden daughter of George & Louisa S. Selden was 
l»rn April 12 ,b 1821. 

George Shattuck Selden son of Geo. & Louisa Selden was born De- 
i-ember 3* A.I). 1822. 

Mary Elisabeth Selden daughter of George & Louisa Selden was born 
May 2* A.D. 1824. 

Marriage*, 

George Selden was born August 17 th 1796 and married to Louisa 
Sophia Shattuck born April 24 th 1801— on the 21 st February 1820. 

Geo. Selden was married to Olive West 9 lh May 1795. 

George was l>orii Wednesday 17 th August 1796. 

Maria was lx>m friday 20 th " April 1798. 

Olive was born friday 12 th Sept. 1800. 

Samuel West was born Sunday 3 rri June 1810. 

Elizabeth Ely was born friday 17 th March 1815. 

Maria Selden was married to John Tribbey 21 st Feby 1815. 

Olive Selden was married to Archimedes Smith 18 th "of May 1818. 

Deaths. 
George Selden died 27 lh of May 1817. 

Elizabeth Elv Selden daughter of George & Olive Selden died De- 
cember 10 lb 1*24. 

Jobd Tribbey died 24 lb Dec. 1822. 

Marriage Certificate of William Blackfan Just* and 
Ijhthbb Dawson. — 

llecorded in Buckingham Monthlv Meeting Book page 85 by Paul 
rr**ton CI*. 

Whereas William Blackfan Jun r of Soleberry in the County of Bucks 
MJd Province of Pennsylvania & Esther Dawson of the Same Place and 
Province, Having declared their Intentions of Marriage with each 
? fc€ f. bef °re Several Monthly Meetings of the People Called Quakers at 
iMickiiigbam in the County & Province aforesd According to the good 
Gfder Used Amongst them," and having Consent of Parents & Relations 



112 Notes and Queries. 

Concerned, theire Said Proposals of Marriage was Allowed of by the Said 
Meeting. . . . 

William Blackfan Junor 
Esther Blackfan 
William Blackfan 
Elinor Black fan- 
Hugh Ely 
Phebe Ely 
Jane Scarbrough Thomas Ross Thomas Dawson 

Sarah Pickering Juneor Benjamin Fell Elizabeth Ely 

Sarah Pickering John Scarbrough Rebekah Bye 

Deborah Mitehei William Preston Hannah Blackfan 

Jeane Paxson Jno. Ross Crispin Blackfan 

Hannah Pickering Joseph Paxson Joseph Bye 

John Schollield Ely Welden Rachel Dawson 

Sam 1 Eastburn Sarah Hill Sarah Dawson 

Jos, Pickering Joshua Ely Hugh Elv Jun r 

Henry Paxson W m Hill John Ely 

Richard Roberts 

Record* on the back of the Marriage Certificate of William Blackfan, Jr. 
and Esther Dairson. 

Elizabeth Blackfan Daughter of William Blackfan Juneor & Esther 
His Wife was Bom the 23 d Bay of y e Second Month about Eight o'Clock 
Mor n In y e year of our Lord 1759. 

Rachel* Blackfan Daughter of William Blackfan & Esther His Wife 
was Born the 29 th Day of y e 8 lh Month about 5 o' Clock In the after- 
noon, in the year of our Lord 1760. 

John Blackfan Son of William Blackfan & Esther His Wife was 
Born the 20 th Day of 2 d Mo. Between 8 & 9 o'Clock in y e afternoon in 
y* year of our Lord 1762. 

Hannah Blackfan Daughter of William Blackfan and Esther his 
Wife was Born y e 17 th day of 7 th Month near 2 o'Clock in y e Morning 
in y e year of our Lord 1764. 

Sarah Blackfan daughter of William Blackfan & Esther his Wife was 
born y e 26 th day of the 10 th Month in the afternoon in y e year 1766. 

Agness Blackfan daughter of William Blackfan & Esther his Wife 
was born y e 10 th day of 3 d Month in the afternoon in the year 1769. 

Thomas Blackfan born the 8 th day of 2 nd M° 1771 in the afternoon. 

William Blackfan was born the 15 th day of the first month 1773 De- 
ceased the 4 th day of the 4" 1 Month 1773. . 

William Blackfan was Born the 23 d of the 7 lh month 1774. 

Aaron Blackfan was born the 8 th day of the ll vh month 1776 De- 
ceased the 29 th day of 3 d Month 1777. 

William Blackfan Deceased the 9 th d. of 8* month 1777. 

Jesse Blackfan was born the 17 th day of 2 Qd mo. 1779. 

Genealogical Notes of the Chapman Family of Bucks 
County, Pennsylvania. — Copied from the original manuscript, part 
of which is in a dilapidated condition. 

" . . . salary for a clarks wages being but three Pence the Value of 
three Shillings and fore Pence. 



Notes and Queries. 118 

" And ia the Year 1670 — Upon the 15 Day of the 1* the Constable 
went with a warrant from a certain Justes upon an Information Given 
by "lie Lober Wood and Ralph Smith wait that philip Scarth did teach 
or Preach at a Seditious meeting who Spake only to one of the In- 
formers the Constable I Say went and laid Four Pounds of the above- 
said Scarths fine upon S d John Chapman besides five Shillings for his 
one hue as they Called it: and for the S l lines the Constable took from 
him 5 Kine which Cost him about three month before 10£ and praised 
them 14£. 10S. and sold them at the same rate Likewise in the same 
year the Constable went with a worrant upon an Information that [' ] 
Sedious meting as it was Called For which they fined him ten Shilling 
and took from him for that 10S. Goods to the value of 1£ SS. 

"On the Longest Day in the year 1G84 John Chapman with all his 
family set out from Stanhah (?) in yorkshire in order to Come to 
Ainarica. 

"They took Ship at New Castle upon the river tine and Came by 
way of Scotland and on the 12 !h Day of y e 7 mo th in the aboves d year 
they had a mighty Storm which blew so tempestously that in short it 
lir-.t Carried away their [ ] afterward? their [ ] flag Stats and 
all by the board before the sailers were able to Git them Cut. It like- 
wise took their awning above the Quarter Deck and left not as much as 
a Yard of rope above their heads. All which was done in the Space 
of half an hour and they lay thus distressed by a pitfull wreck all that 
night (tbey having lost their masts about 12 °Clock in the Day) and 
[two] Days after at the mercy of the Seas, the waves being montanious 
high occasioned by the Great storm of wind, thus they Lay I say with 
out hopes of recovery, being then about 200 Leagues from the Land of 
America but through Gods mercy they Got in Sight of the Capes of 
Virginia within [ ] Days after or thereabouts by reason of a fair wind 
[ ] a pasage of about Nine Weeks from Aberdeen to y e Capes of 
Virginia. 

"They thus being arrived in America Came and Settled in Wright's 
town about the 10 mo. Ano Doinine 1684. 

''John Chapman of Stanhaw (?) Dyed in Wright Town about the 
•V h month A.D. 1694, and was buried in the Same Township in the old 
Grave Yard or burying Ground on the west side of the Park. 

"Likewise Jane Chapman his wife Dved and was buried by him 
about the 9 th Month A.D. [1699]." 

An Epitaph on Jn° Chapman. 

Behold John Chapman 
That Christian man 
Who first began 
To settle in this Town 
From Worldly Cares 
And doubtfuli fears 
And Satans Snares 
Is here laid down 
His Soul doth rise 
Above the Skies 
In paradice 

There to ware a Lasting Crown. 
VOL. XXVII. — 8 



11 4 Notes and Queries. 

Joseph Chapman was niaried to Mary Worth Daughter of Joseph 
and Mary worth on the 19 th of 9 ;h month A.D. 1715 at Stony " Brook 
[. . . ] A.B. 1695 6 in Piscatuway. ^rf? " 

They buried one Child at Stony Brook on y e 2 d Day of the 5 th month 
1717. Sarah the Daughter of Joseph and mary Chapman was born 
the 8 th Day of y c 1 month about 11 at night in" Wright's Town A.D. 
1716 9 . Ann the Daughter of Joseph and Mary Chapman was born at 
wright town on the 29 th Day of y e 2 month about 10 at night AD 
1721. 

Joseph the son of Joseph and mary Chapman was born at Wrigh'town 
on the 13 th Day of y e 11 m° after [ ' ] in the afternoon A.D. 1723 4 . 

Isaac Chapman the Son of Joseph and mary Chapman was born the 
17 th Day of y e [4 th mo., 1725]. 

Benjamin the Son of Joseph and Mary Chapman was born y* 22 d 
Day of y e 5 th month A.D. 1727. 

Mary the Wife of Joseph Chapman Dyed y e 24 :b of the 5 th month 
1727 and was buried in wright Town meeting hous Grave Yard on the 
2G th of y e same month. 

Benjaman the Son of Joseph and Mary Chapman dyed y e 6 th of y e 
[ ] month A.D. 1727 and was buried by his Mother. 

Joseph Chapman was married unto Mary Wilkinson Daughter of 
John and mary Wilkinson on the 6 th Day of y e 6 th month A.D.I 730. 

Which S 1 Marv Wilkinson was born in hantoron in west New Jersey 
on thel7 lh ofy e 7 m° 1708. 

Joseph the Son of Joseph and Mary Chapman was born y e 18 th Day 
of y e 6 Ul month A.D. 1731. 

Mary the Daughter of Joseph and mary Chapman was born on the 
25 th Day of y e 2 d month at 6 c Clock in the morning A.D. 1733. 

Jane Chapman the Daughter of Joseph and mary Chapman was Born 
the 12 th Day of y e 9 th month A. D. 1736. 

Margaret Chapman the Daughter of Joseph and Mary Chapman 
was born on the 2 d Day of the 5 th month about 5 in the morning Anno 
Domini 1739. 

Joseph Chapman the Son of Joseph and Mary Chapman dyed was 
Buried on the 27 th of y e 11 month 1731 2 . 

mary Chapman second wife of Joseph Chapman dyed on y e 25 th of y e 
7 th month at 3 in morning and was buried in wright Town bvhis former 
wife A.D. 17 [ ]. 

Joseph Son of John and Jane Chapman the first Settlers of Wright 
Town dyed on y e 5 th Day of the 2 d month new stild and was buried Be- 
tween his wives on the 17 Ul Day of y e S d month A.D. 175 [ ]. 

Abraham Chapman Son of John and Jane Chapman dyed on the 12 th 
Day of the 2 d month and was Buried on the 14 th Day of S d month A.D. 
1755. 

John Chapman the Son of John and Jane Chapman dyed on the 9 th 
Day of the 4 ,h month And was buried in wrghtown meeting house Grave 
Yard on the [ ] Day of y e s d Month 1743. 

Mara Chapman the Daughter of John and Jane Chapman was married 
unto John Croasdel by whome she had Chidren and her said husband 
died. 

Mara Chapman was maried y* second time unto John Wildman by 
whome she had Children and She died. 

Jane Chapman the Daughter of John and Jane Chapman died. Joseph 



Notes oral Queries. 115 

Chapman was took sick on y e 8 tb of the 3 month 1752 and De- 
parted this Life y e 15 th of the same month being 67 Years and 3 Days 
old. 

Isaac Chapman Came to Shammony hollow to Live on the 10 Ml of the 
I* month 1753, and died at the same place about the 29 Day of the i» 
monnth 1775 aged 46 years. 

Scxdry Notes from Letters of Attorney regarding Sailors 
OF the R evolution (contributed by William M. Mervine). — Some 
Members of the Crew of the Continental Ship of War Saratoga, John 
Young, Commander, who gave power of attorney to sundry persons, 
with names of such persons. This vessel about to start on a cruise, 
November 5, 1780. 

Joseph Robinett, of Phila. Power of Atty. to friend Catharine Holes- 
kftmp. (Nov. 5, 1780.) 

Hugh Kirkpatrick, Actg Lieutenant of Marines, to William Geddis 
of phila., Citizen. (Dec. 11, 1780.) 

Charles King, of Chester County, Tanner, Power of Atty to wife 
and son. Elinor King and John King. (Dec. 8, 1780.) 

William Brown, to friend Robert Bailey of Philada, Shop keeper. 
(July 28, 1780).— Exem. Deed Bool; No. 11, pp. 426, 431, 532, 587. 

Power of Attorney, July 7, 1782, Hugh Smith, an officer belonging 
to the Continental Frigate Alliance, John Barry Esqr Commander, to 
hi* friend Dennis McCarthy, of Phila. — Exem. Deed Booh, No. 11, 
p. 4*6. 

Power of Attorney, July 3, 1782. William McCuilough of Phila., 
Mariner now bound on a voyage on Board the Ship Favourite, James 
Buchanan, Commander, to his friend Nicholas Caldwell of Phila. — 
Exem. Deed Bool; No. 11, p. 491. 

Power of Attorney, Thomas Ramsay of Phila. to James Nicholson 
F^qr, Commander of the Trumbull, Continental Frigate. Dec. 14, 
1780.— Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 482. 

Power of Attorney, January 7, 1782. John Caughey, Prize Master 
on Board the Ship None Such, to friend John Sirvice of Phila. — Exem. 
Deed Book, No. 11, p. 456. 

Bill of Sale, Claudius Raguet of Philadelphia, Merchant to Thomas 
Randal & Co. Robert Morris Esqr & Don Francisco Randon of Phila- 
delphia Merchants. In Consideration of the sum of Eight Thousand 
Three hundred and Twenty Six Pounds. 

The new Ship or vessel called the Duce De Luzerne, Built by Mr, 
Ijrew&ter at Kensington, in the State of Pennsylvania, Pierced for 
Twenty Guns, Besides the Bridle Parts with a head and quarter Gal- 
Kries, about 420 tons Burden &c. as she now lays at the Wharf Com- 



116 



Notes and Queries. 



monlv Culled Dewees's wharf, Commanded bv Jolm Angus. October 
7, 1782.-— Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 492. 

(Xotk.— See below, ship " Franklin," John Angus, commander, 17S1.) 

Partial list of Officers and men of the Private Ship Congress 1 George 
Geddis, Commander, which on May 23, 1781 was about to start on a 
cruise, also names of sundry persons to whom these members of the 
crew gave power of attorney to or made wills making them their sole 
legatees. 

Francis Willson, to Mi's. Elizabeth Parker, Wife of Jacob-Parker, of 
Phila. May 18, 1781. 

John Iris, to Miss Mary Jones of Phila. Tavern Keeper. 

John Tris, to same. 

Robert Carr, mariner, to the same. 

Joseph Halyer, to Polly Jones. 

Thomas Smith, to Mary Jones. 

Thomas Lambert, to Mary Jones. 

William Griffith, to ditto." 

John Riboll, to Philip Riboll of the Northern Liberties. 

Thomas Mingle, to his wife Elizabeth Mingle. 

John Brown of Phila., to his Mother, Elizabeth Brown. 

Thomas Bryan, of Phila., Landsman, to Hester Smith. 

Charles Eedding of Phila., Cordwainer, to wife Elizabeth Redding. 

Christian Cribs to Henry Fimce of Northern Liberties, baker, and 
tavernkeeper. 

John Stanley to mother Sarah Brown. 

William Barger, Mariner, to Mother, Hannah Barger. — Exem. Deed 
Booh, No. 11, pp. 341-383-385. 

Officers, Seamen and Mariners of the Ship Franklin, 2 John Angus 
Esquire, Commander, who gave letter of attorney to Mathew Hand of 
Phila., Tavernkeeper, Dec. 7, 1780.— Exem. Deed Book, So. 11, p. 332. 



Robert Bennet 
George Casle 
Wm. Anderson 
Chas. Trull 
John Collin 
Saml. Bradley 
Philip Sherwood 
Jon Vush 
Henry Davis 
John Fritz 
John Thomson 
Andrw\ Dolquist 
Henry Dier 
Lawrence Kelly 
Joel Westcott 
Anthony Jolie 
John Velong 
Wm. Davis 



John Thomson 
Mathew Remer 
Danl. Mullen 
Wm. Johnson 
John Rees 
John Humin or 

(Hunner) 
Adam Balie 
Geo. Newman 
Robert Dougherty 
Wm. Willis 
France Dilbear 
Jean Crispin 
Henry Davison 
Wm. Ponder 
Yager Gouro or Gonro 
Richd. Cook 
Joseph Ridley 



John Brown 
Thos. Briehn 
Edward Cane 
Gardner Coult 
John Streabow 
John Henderson 
Alex. Prebo 
Wm. Shirra 
Wm. Lawrance 
Matta. Rebley 
John McCloud 
Geo. Sairincles 
Chas. Leroy 
John Petters 
John Adams 
Peter Refro 



1 This privateer " Congress*' not the V. S. armed boat "Congress." (See Penna. Archives, 
2d Series, Vol. I. p. 286.) 
8 For crew of U. S. S. " Franklin," see Penna. Archives, 2d Series, Vol. I. 



Notes and Queries. 



117 



Officers and men of the Brigaritine, Fair American, who gave letter 
of attorney to Patrick Garvey of Phila. Grocer, May 28, 1781. 

Andrew Aitkin, Surgeon. Samuel Miller, Surgeons Mate. 

William Parslow, Masters Mate. Phineas Eldridge Esq. Commander. 



This vessel bound on a cruise 
No. 11, p. 338. 



of four months. — Ex em. Deed Boot, 



Officers, Seamen and Mariners of the Letter of Marque Ship Franklin, 
John Angus Esquire, Commander, who gave letter of attorney, June 
27, 1781, to Capt. James Lang of Phila., Trader. — Exem. Deed Bool; 
No. 11, p. 337. 



Thos. Brown 
David Cottrell 
Daniel Skantiing 
Join Geager 
Pierre Koinely 
Kphriain Brown 



William Roberson Joseph Wiles 



Thomas Willing 
John Robins 
William Da\is 
John Harrison 
John Andrew 



John Wintor 

Chas. Frampton, Boats. 

Jean DeSalter 

John Naught 



Officers and men of the Ship Rising Sun, Samuel Casson, 1 Com- 
mander, who gave letter of attorney to Ambrose Croker of Phila., Sept. 
10, 1781, when starting on a two months cruise, from Philada. — Rrem. 
Died Book, No. 11, p. 389. 



Lawrence Miskill 

Chas. Jones, Arm 1 " 

Conrad Been 

Henry Brooks 

John Nar 

Jacob Deitrick 

Lnah Nichols 

John Smith 

Richd Murphy 

James Anderson 

Stephen Moore 

John McDead 

Peter Decamp 

William Dixon 

A mlw. Knows (or Knons) 

Thus. Evans 

John Morrison 

Kdwd. Gaynor 

K. Cunningham 



Fredk. Lecher 
Philip Kelly 
Will Brooks 
Gasper Grible 
James Wilson 
William Deliber 
John Wade 
John Henderson 
Randolph McCartney, 
John Hamilton 
James O'Bryan 
Chas. Fields 
Jesse Crossly 
Philip Harvey 
Saml. North 
Peter Shelicker 
James Frask 
Elixd. Grahams 
Chas. Freeman 



Andrew Stits 
James Merioney 
Roger Goff 
John Kelly 
Peter Malownev 
William Smith 
Benjamin Howard 
John Prescott 
M. M. 
James Devinell 
James McClure 
Edwd. Crowe 
Joseph Martin 
Peter Gilbert 
Thos. Hughes 
John Bason 
John Rowkings 
Benj. Brown, Barber 



" Officers, Mariners and others belonging to the Privateer Ship Rising- 
Sun, Samuel Carson Commander" who gave letter of attorney to Am- 
brose Croker of Phila., Aue. 17, 1780.— Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 
378. 



., ' *;\V^ntly Samuel Casson, who was appointed first lieutenant on the U. S. S. 
~?l> > \ ov , e ?\ , ? er . *• 1778 ;_ transferred to the "General Green," April 15, 



ArcMvct, 2d Series, Vol. I. pp. 317-320.) 



1779. 



1 Frank- 
{Penna, 



118 



Notes and Queiies. 



Lawrence Miskell 
James Young 
Jiles Simmons 

Jacob Smith 
Cbas. Fields 



Jacob Ness 
Conrad Baun 
Jacob Dei t rich 

Danl. Kuhn 
Peter Moerv 



Chas. Jones 
Fredk. Lesher 

John Trescott 
Jasper Aleander 
John Shade 



Officers, Mariners and others belonging to the Ship called Revolu- 
tion, John MeNorton Esq'r., Commander, who gave letter of attornev 
to Col. Paul Cox of Phila., June 1, 1781.-— Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, 



340. 

Elias Taylor 
James Ogden 
Geo. Muv 



Thos. Marsh 
Wm. Kirby 
James Charles 



John Hall 
Dennis Larev 



Account of Cash paid by John Nicholson in part of Certifi- 
cates GRANTED FOR THE DEPRECIATION OF THE PENN A LlNE %* THE 

hands of David Kittenhouse Esquire. — 

Alligam, William . 

Barr, Thomas Capt n Lieut. 

Brown, John priv. 11 th Regt. 

Crow, Christian 

Ellis, Reuben — widow of 

Forbes, Dan 1 Serg' Art/ . 

Gordon, John Sergt. 3 d Regt. . 

Gothrop, Sam 1 

Grimes, James Corp. 1 st Regt. 

Hubley, Bernard Capt n . 

Leland, Patrick 

Le Roy, Lieut, 2 d Regt. 

Maloney, William. 

Rushworm, William 

Thompson, John . 

Young, Robert 

Sundry soldiers per James Dixon 

Sundries p d John Purdon 

do do Robert Hunter . 



Pkiljlda. Feby 11. 1782 

Music in 1760. — The following items have been selected from the in- 
ventory of a dealer in music and musical instruments in Philadelphia in 
the year 1760. 

Solos. Standley's Solos ; Cervetto Solos ; Oleo or Medley Solos ; 
Wenceslaus Wodizka Solos. 

Lessons for Harpsichord. Standley ; Albertini and De Geordini. 

Concertoes in Parts. Hasse's Favorite in F. ; Corellis Op a 6 U . 

Sematas in Parts. Lampugnani Op a 1 ; Martini Op & 1 ; Ziani - 
Humphreys. 

. Duetts. Diragini ; Teserini ; Gerhard ; Figlio's Noturnas. Tutor for 
Harpsichord ; Tutor for Violin ; Tutor for German Flute ; Tutor for 



• 




£29. 0.0 
28. 0.0 
28.19.3 


. 




29. 6.0 


, , 




23.15.4 


• 




43.10.0 
42.02.6 


• 




41. 0.0 
41. 0.0 


. 




170. 0.0 


• 




28.10.0 
18. 0.0 


. 




28.10.0 


. 




18. 0.0 


• 




29.10.0 
37. 0.0 


. 




79.15.0 


. 




. 200.16.6 


• 




. 318. 2.5 






£1235. 7.0 


(E. E 


) Ji 


sro. Nicholson 



Notes and Queries, 



119 



Common Flute ; Hasse's Concerto in F. for Harpsichord; 13urk Thur- 
moth'fl English and Irish Airs, and Scotch and Irish Airs ; Passqualis 
Thorough Bas 



Haurt 



'.- i V 



and An oi Fingering ; Harlequin Fortunatas. 
Reeds ; Violin strings, some Roman and Silver Basses. 



Account of Cash taip the 
Woylan's Reg. U Dragoons 
Ubpretiation. — 



Officers and 
at Lancaster 



Privates of Colo 
in part of their 



Col° Stephen 3foj 


-Ian . 


. 


. £425.10.0 


Capt. John Craig 


. 


. 


. 100. 0.0 


Lt. John Sullivan . 




32.10.0 


Christian Kuhn, 


Trump. Major 


50. 5.0 


Adams, Jonathan Dragoon 




25.10.0 


Akely, John 


do 


. 


27.15.0 


Alburtk, John 


do 


♦ . • 


. 25. 5.0 


Pa lit/., George 


do 


... 


. 35.15.0 


Barney, Thomas 


do 


... 


. 36.15.0 


Bcath, Boswell 


do 


. 


6. 5.0 


Bedell, David 


do 


. 


21.10.0 


Birch, Samuel 


do 


... 


17. 0.0 


Blaine, A 1 Lain 


do 


... 


25. 5.0 


Black, Michael 


do 


. . 


. 27.10.0 


Bonham, Moses 


do 


... a 


25.10.0 


Bowen, Saleritt 


do 


Sergt. 


51. 5.0 


Brewer, Daniel 


do 




27.15.0 


Broom, Samuel 


do 




14. 5.0 


Brown, Archibald (1 st Penna Regt.) 


29.10.0 


Christian, Jacob 


Dragoon 


... 


17. 0.0 


Clark, Naylor 


do 




. 24. 0.0 


Collins, Robert 


do 


. 


36. 5.0 


Coakley, Robert 


do 


. 


40. 5.0 


Cryder, David 


do 


trumpeter . 


37.15.0 


DuJiieid, Felix (7 


* Regt.) 




29.10.0 


Edwards, Cha. 


Dragoon 


. 


34.15.0 


Heard, Bennett 


do 




35.15.0 


Hewitt, Caleb 


do 


sergeant 


46.10.0 


Hilbart, John 


do 


trumpeter . 


5.15.0 


Hoagland, William do 




26.15.0 


Hopkins, William do 




38. 0.0 


Hyner, Joseph 


do 




16. 0.1 


Kmcade, Andrew 


' (Corp. 1 


1 Regt.) 


22. 5.0 


KiriL*. John 


Dragoon 




14. 0.0 


Larkins, James 


Sergt. 




39.10.0 


Leagon, John 


Dragoon 




16. 5.0 


Little, Thomas 


do 




29. 5.0 


Lott, Jeremiah 


Trumpeter . 


19.15.0 


H e Carty, Dennis 


Farrier 




45. 5.0 


Patton, James 


Dragoon 




38. 5.0 


Perrien, William 


do 




25. 5.0 


Perry, Thomas 


do 




36. 0.0 


Quarrel, James 


do 




37.15.0 


Robeson, George 


do 




34.15.0 


Satwell, Solomon 


do 


• • » 


5.10.5 



120 Notes and Querie, 



Searles, Reuben 


Dragoon 


. £25.10.0 


Shannon, David 


do 


. 32.15.0 


Sheppard, Robert 


do 


28. 5.0 


Shields, James 


do 


. 24. 0.0 


Singleton, John 


do 


. 17.10.0 


Smith, Daniel 


do 


29. 5.0 


Speeder, Jacob 


do 


. 36. 0.0 


Spraekett. Thorns 


s do 


27. 0.0 


Stout, David 


do 


25.10.0 


Swann, Joshua 


do 


. 35.15.0 


Thomas, James 


do 


. So. 0.0 


Wilson, Thomas 


Sergeant (IP" Regt.) 


. 38.15.0 


Young. Joseph 


Dragoon 


37. 0.0 



Revolutionary Letter of Judge James Burxside. — 

MOBRISTOWN, Nov. 30, 17Vb. 

Sir— 

By letter now received from Col. Biddle wrote yesterday at Elizabeth- 
town, I learned that part of Artillery of the Maryland Division and Gen. 
Woodford's Brigade are to pass through this town on their way to Middle 
Brook, that they have 1000 horses with them. Alas what shall I do 1 
Why was I not informed of it sooner? I shall do as well as I can but 
am much afraid I shall not be able to answer the demands for forage. I 
can say no more but that I am, 

Sir, your humble Servant, 

James Burxside, 
Q. M. 
Moore Fukmas Esq. 

Sundry Records of Revolutionary Service (contributed by 
William M. Mervine). — Aug. 31, 1781. Certificate signed by An- 
thony Wayne, B. G., at Trenton, January 27, 1781, stating that Simon 
Shillingberger, in Captain John Steele's Company of the Tenth Penna., 
Regiment, is entitled to half-pay during life, having served full enlist- 
ment. Also certificate of Richard Humpton, Colonel 6th Penna., late 
10th., that said Simon Shillingberger was wounded in the attack on the 
Block-House, on the 21st of July 1780, and was discharged the 27th 
January 1781. — Exem. Deed Boot:, No. 11, pp. 384, 385. 

Certificate that Thomas Tweidy, Gunner in the Penna., or 4th Bat- 
talion of Artillery, served 4 years. In the discharge of his duty on the 
29th of August 1779 against the Indians at Newtown, he received a 
wound through the leg, also on the 21st of July following at the attack 
of the Block-House, on the North River, he received a bad wound 
through his thigh which rendered him unfit for service. Signed April 
10, 1781, by Thomas Proctor, Col. Artillerv, also signed bv B. Binnev, 
D. S. S.—F.cem. Deed Boo/:, No. 11, p. 334.* 

Certificates that Lewis Myers, Sailor, belonging to the Penna. Fleet 
under Command of John Hazelwood, was wounded and lost his arm on 
board the Hancock Galley, in an action with the British Fleet and 
their Batteries on the loth of November 1777, off Province Island. 
Also that he entered on board the Hancock Galley the 14th of August 
1776, and served till he lost his arm. First Certificate signed by John 



Notes and Queries*, 121 

Ha* twood G. P. F. Apl 22, 1783. Other by Thomas Moore, Men 31, 
I77' ; i.»~ J£rm. Deed Bool; No. 11, p. 547. 

Certificate that James Brannon served his term of enlistment in the 
2nd Penna. Regt. and is entitled to I pay, having received a severe 
wound in an attack on a Block-House in Bergen County in July 1780. 
Signed at Yellow Springs, Meh 18, 1781 by Walter Stewart, Col. 2nd. 
Pa. Rcgt, — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 474. 

To Isaac Snowden, Esqr., Treasurer of the County of Philadelphia. 
Whereas it appears to us the Subscribers, by the Certificate hereunto 
annexed, that Brigadier General James Irvin in an engagement with 
the British Light Infantry at Chestnut Hill, on the fifth day of December 
<>ne thousand Seven hundred and Seventy Seven, had three of his 
fingers Shot off and also received a Contusion in his Neck which has 
left a Considerable Injury to the free motion of the same &c., And it 
nho appearing to us by a Certificate Signed, Abram Skinner Com. Gen. 
Pris., that the said James Irvin was exchanged from his Captivity on 
the 3rd day of September 1781, at which time his pay as an officer in 
tin Service of the United States of America ceased &c, that the said 
James Irvin is intitled to receive a Pension &c. You are therefore here- 
by required to pay unto the said Brigadier General James Irvin, Sixty 
Two dollars Specie per Month during the Continuance of his disability, 
from the third day of September One thousand Seven hundred and 

Eighty one &c . Signed July 19, 1782. 

Isaac Howell, 
one of the Justices of the Peace for the 
City and County of Philada. 

—Exem. Deed Booh, No. 11, p. 481. 

Powers of Attorney given by sundry soldiers for the collection of 
their pay etc. 

Henry Bodwin, of New Castle County, Delaware, to friend Benjamin 
Brearly of said county, Innholder, Dec. 5, 1782. Bodwin being late 
of Col. Armand's Corps. Pay from Mch. 1, 1781 to May 1, 1782.— 
Erem. Deed Booh, No. 11, p. 525. 

The following were all (late) Dragoons in Capt. B. Van Heers Corps. 

Jacob Miller, certificate of pay, June 26, 1782, and Power of Atty 
to his friend Solomon Lyons of Phila. Merchant, July 16, 1782. 

Henry Zullick, Power of Atty to Solomon Lyons, Sept. 7, 1782. 

George Hess, to same, July 9* 1782. 

Christian Danster, to same, Aug. 8, 1782. 

John Garlack, to same, Oct. 1, 1782. 

Philip Newman, to same, July 10, 1782. 

Philip Smith, to same, Aug. 9, 1782.— Exem, Deed Booh, No. 11, pp. 
59&-604; 

Power of Atty, John Mathias Haupt a private in Col. Armand's 
Co*ps, to Michael Halm of York Town, Penna., Mercnant. — Exem. 
Iked Booh, No. 11, p. 552. 

»lmr w 'i*? tt8 Avas ^P^ 11 of th e "Hancock." {Penna. Archives, 3d Series, Vol. 



122 Notes and Queries. 

July 4, 1782. Power of Attorney, Dr. Texier, late Surgeon of Count 
Pulaski's Legion, to friend Havm Solomon. — Exem, Deed Bool:, No. 11. 
p. 510. 

June 18, 1782. Power of Atty, Solomon Hailing, late Sen r Surgeon 
in the General Hospital, to above Havm Solomon. — Exem. Deed Book, 
No. 11, p. 512. 

June 21, 1782. Thomas Warring, late Surgeon's Mate in the General 
Hospital, to above IT. Solomon. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 513. 

January 7, 1783. John Campario having power of attorney from 
Charles Boivain, late a private in Col. Livingston's Regt., assigns 
certificates of pay to Nones and Cohen. — Exem, Deed Book, No. 11, pp. 
517, 518. 

Nov. 16, 1782. Jacques Jollibois late a Lieutenant in Col. Living- 
ston's Regiment, power of attorney to Havm Solomon, Broker. 
Acknowledged before Abraham Schuyler, Alderman of third ward of 
City of Albany, date as above. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 506. 

June 25, 1782. John Townes late of the 7th Virginia Regt., resigned, 
power of atty to Havm Solomon of Phila. Broker. — Exem. Deed Book, 
No. 11, p. 507. 

June 12, 1782. Peter Castaing Esqr., Aid de Camp to Major Gen- 
eral DuPortail, power of attorney to Havm Solomon. — Exem. Deed 
Book, No. 11, p. 509. 

January 5, 1782. Captain Augustus Losean of Col. James Living- 
ston's Regt. To his friend John Ross of Phila. — Exem. Deed Book, 
No. 11, p. 502. 

July 4, 1782. Jacob Ferguson late of the Regt. of Artillery Artifi- 
cers, to John Ross. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 503. 

Nov. 19, 1782. Certificate that Arthur Patterson, formerly a Cor- 
poral in Fan 8 Johnson's Regt., received several wounds while doing 
duty in the same, at the action of Brandy wine in the year 1777. 

Also certificate by James Fallon Senr Physn. & Surgeon to the 
General Hospital, signed at Lisrhtsfoots Hospital near to Yeliow Springs, 
July 28, 1779.— Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 504. 

Oct. 2, 1782. Capt. John Montour of Fort Pitt in State of Pa., to 
Joseph Jewell of Phila. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 494. 

Nov. 9, 1782. Power of Attorney, Joseph Nutal, late of the Invalid 
Regiment, discharged, to John Ross. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 499. 

January 30, 1782. Power of Atty, Peter Quartresage, a Captain in 
the Canadian or Albany Service, to John Ross of Phila. Witnessed by 
F. Victor, Lieutenant. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 500. 

Aug. 17, 1782. Anthony Felix Winbert of Phila., Lieutenant Colonel 
of the Continental Corp3 of Engineers in the Army of the U. S., 
Power of Attorney to his wife Allather Winbert of Phila., to collect his 
pay. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 483. 



Notes and Queries. 1 23 

January 22, 1783. John Brazil (or Bragil) late Mate of the Virginia 
Hospital and now of the City of Philadelphia. Yeoman, being about to 
depart this City, power ot' attorney to Moses Cohen of Philada., 
Merchant, to collect pay from U. S. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 523. 

Nov. 13, 1782. Certificate of pay due to John Compario, as attorney 
!<> Jean Baptiste* Lafiramfeoise, a Canadian. — Exem. Deed Booh, No. 11, 
p. 518. 

Nov. 30, 17S2. Ditto as Attorney to Lieut. Theodore Chartier a 
Canadian. — Exem. Deed Book, No. 11, p. 51 S. 

July 1 2, 1 783. Certificate of $1949.00 in pay due to William Geddis 
E«qr of Phila. Mch. 4, 1780. 

William Geddis of Delaware gives power of attorney to Messrs 
Hughes and Anthony, July 12, 1783. — Exem. Deed Booh, No. 11, p. 

Robert Crow, of Perth Amboy, in the County of Middlesex & 
Province of New Jersey late Lieut : in his Majesty's 4Sth Regiment of 
Foot and t-crved during the late war is entituled to two thousand acres 
of land, for which he made personal application to the Governor & 
Council of New York the 19th April 1769. 

The Will of Mary Washington, as registered in the 
Clei'.k's Office at Fredericksburg, Ya. — 

In the name of God ! Amen ! I, Mary Washington, of Fredericks- 
burg, in the County of Spottsylvania, being in good health, but calling 
to mind the uncertainty of this life and willing to dispose of what 
remains of my worldly estate, do make and publish this, my last will, 
rt-commending my soul into the hands of my Creator, hoping for a re- 
mission of all my sins, through the merits and mediation of Jesus 
Christ, the Savior of mankind : I dispose of all my worldly estate as 
follows: 

Imprimis — I give to my son. General George Washington, all my 
land on Accokeek Eun, in the County of Stafford, and also my negro 
boy George, to him and his heirs forever. Also my best bed, bedstead, 
and Virginia cloth curtains (the same that stands in my best room) my 
quilted blue and white quilt and my best dressing glass. 

Item. — I give and devise to my son, Charles Washington, my negro 
man Tom, to him and his assigns forever. 

Item. — I give and devise to my daughter, Betty Lewis, my phaeton 
and my bay horse. 

Rem. — I give and devise to my daughter-in-law, Hannah Washing- 
ton, my purple cloth cloak lined with shag. 

/(an. — I give and devise to my grandson, Corbin Washington, my 
negro wench, old Bet, my riding chair, and two black horses, to him 
and his assigns forever. 

Item. — I give and devise to my grandson, Fielding Lewis, my negro 
man Frederick, to him and his assigns forever, also eight silver table 
spoons, half of my crockery ware and the blue and white tea china, 
with book case, oval table, one bed, bedstead, one pair sheets, one pair 
bUnkeia, and white cotton counterpane, two table cloths, six red leather 
<^a$n\ half my pewter and one-half of my iron kitchen furniture. 



124 Notes and Queries, 

Item. — I give and devise to my grandson, Lawrence Lewis, my negro 
wench Lydia, to him and his assigns forever. 

Item. — I give and devise to my granddaughter, Bettie Carter, my 
negro woman, little Bet, and her future increase, to her and her assigns 
forever. Also my largest looking glass, my walnut writing desk with 
drawers, a square dining table, one bed. bedstead, bolster, one pillow, 
one blanket, and a pair of sheets, white Virginia cloth counterpane and 
purple curtains, my red and white tea china, teaspoons, and the other 
half of my pewter, crockery ware, and the remainder of my iron kitchen 
furniture. 

Item. — I give to my grandson, George Washington, my next best 
dressing gla>s, one bed, bedstead, bolster, one pillow, one pair sheets, 
one blanket and counterpane. 

Item. — I devise all my wearing apparel to be equally divided between 
my granddaughters, Betty Carter, Fanny Ball, and Milly Washington, 
but should my daughter, Betty Lewis, fancy any one, two or three arti- 
cles she is to have them before a division thereof. 

LASTLY, I nominate and appoint my said son, General George Wash- 
ington, executor of this my will, and as I owe few or no debts, I direct 
my executor to give no security nor to appraise my estate, but desire the 
same may be alloted to my devises, with as little trouble and delay as 
may be, desiring their acceptance thereof as all the token I now have 
to give them of my love for them. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 20th 
day of May, 1788. 

Mary Washington. 

Wit?ie-<8, John Ferneyhough. 

Signed, sealed and published in our presence, and signed by us in the 
presence of the said Mary Washington and at her desire. 

J as. Mercer. 
Joseph Walker, 

Letter of Benjamin Marshall to his Wife. — This- letter is 
addressed '-'Benjamin Marshal at Newton Hall," with the addition, 
in Marshall's handwriting, ''John Baker is desired to send this Imme- 
diately if he possibly can which will much oblige his ffr d B. M." 

Philad. Sep. 12 1777. 

My dear Sally, 

Yesterday morning between 8 & 9 0' Clock a report of Cannon was 
heard which continued till near 11 ? Clock & afterward begun to 
slacken ab l 12a Letter from the Gen 1 informing that the Enemy were 
advancing that his men were in good Spirits & hoped to give a good 
ace' since which no ace 1 till this morning about 4 o'clock. Express from 
the Gen 1 enforming that during the Heavy firing at Chads Ford on Bran- 
dywine, a Large Body of the Enemy went round & crossed a Ford ab x 6 
miles higher up where we had 2 Battalions who received them with a 
heavy fire but the Enemy ab l 5000 rushed on with tixt Bayonetts ; so 
that our people were obliged to give way before the Gen 1 could gett to 
support them, the remainder then attackt Waynes & Maxfields Bri- 
gades & after a heavy tire gott accross the Ford. Our whole Army then 
retreated, and when the aec : came away were ab l 2 mile from the Enemy. 
Gen. Washington was at Chester ab r 2 O' Clock this morning & ordc-rd 
the Army to Form behind them. Our Loss of men said to be ab ; 50, 



Notes and Queries, 125 

the Encmv considerable by their forcing the Creek — the French Noble- 
man wounded in the Leg. Coll. White of the Light Horse wounded. 
Gen. (I forgott) shot thro' the hand, Coll. Stone & V Coll, Smith of 
Manland killed. Cap 5 Forrest of Artillery wounded. & some others 
name*? not ment' 1 . We allso lost several pieces of Cannon. Expect to 
hear more particulars presently. Yesterday they hauled a number of 
Urge Cannon to the ferry on Seulkill & this morning some very heavy 
ones goes to the Swedes Ford, great number of shovells, spades, picks, 
Wheel Barrows &c were allso sent in order to through up Breastworks ; 
the Militia are all to turn out this morning as Volunteers, they having 
metf yesterday afternoon for that purpose. Gen. Livingston goes to 
Jersey in order to gett out their militia; this matter prevents any 
Business being done as all the Shops are ordered to be shutt up, & we 
cannot yet do any thing with our Salt, only Congress have engaged to 
take it at their risque. I cant say when shall come upas I cannot leave 
here till I hear how things is like to be tho' hope to be up to Morrow. 
My Dear Love to the Children & all ftr d> & am with sincere affection 
thine whilst 

Benj. Marshall. 

X. B. The Frd N & other prisoners were sent away ye-terday after- 
noon from the Masons Lodge. 



Letter of Abeam Taylor, Provincial Councillor, to Jokn 
White, ix London. — 
Dear Sir. 

My last was by Peter Keeve, wherein I inclosed you a bill of Lading 
(>>r Pistoles and 8/8 to the value of about four hundred pounds, but to 
my great mortification I hear he is since taken by the French. This is 
not so great a loss but it might be bourne, had not a much greater im- 
mediately succeeded ; two days after that bad news, the Tartar, Priva- 
teer, a tine new ship in which I was interested 3 20 th3 overset in Our 
Bay, and is irrecoverably lost, together with eighty odd men who were 
all drowned, and upwards of a thousand pounds of mine along with her. 

Mr. Allen has just buried a fine child w ch is a loss that sits very 
heavy upon him, and has prevented my knowing his thought aV the 
proposal of selling your Land to him. 

I have spoke to Mr. Peters ab l the Land in Right of Samuel Lee, 
ami will take care to do what is necessary in it, of which I will write 
you in my next, for at this time, I am too much mortified to say any 
thing more, except that I am Mess ra Swifts and 

Dear Sir, 

Your most affectionate 

humble servt., 

Abram Taylor. 

An? H 1741 

luetics. 

Captain Thomas Perkins, Pennsylvania Navy {Pennsylvania 
Archive*, Second Series, Vol. I.). — The >~avy Board at Philadelphia 
aplKUjited Thomas Perkins, 1776, second lieutenant of the armed ship 
" Ueoeral Washington ;" 1776, first lieutenant of the armed ship " Han- 
cock ;" 1777, captain of the fire-ship "Heela." 



.126 Notes and Queries. 

This Thomas Perkins is believed to be the same who married Hannah 
Ford about 1762, died in 1806, and is buried at Marcus Hook. 

If any one possesses other information about Captain Thomas Perkins, 
will thev please announce the fact? 

P. R. P. 

HOOPES. — A manuscript copy of an Arithmetic made in 1719 has re- 
cently come into the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylva- 
nia, which, when executed, was a remarkable specimen of penmanship. 
It appears to have been made by "Grace Hoopes." The donors are 
anxious to know who she was and her descendants. The following items 
are all that is known to the undersigned : 

"Grace Hoopes born 7 mo. 17, 1697, married 2 mo. 21, 1720, to Wil- 
liam Paschal, son of Thomas, of Blockley, died 5 mo. 3, 1721, leaving 
one child named Grace, born 4 mo. 26, 1721." 

The first-mentioned Grace "was the daughter of Daniel and Jane 
Hoopes, of Edgemont, the oldest of seventeen children." If any of the 
readers of the Penna. Mag. can give further information relating to 
Grace Hoopes, the elder, or her descendants, it would be of interest. 

R. J. D. 

M c Cool. — Information wanted concerning all by the name of Mc- 
Cool, and particularly the ancestors and descendants of Thomas 
McCool, who died in Baltimore County, Maryland, about 1765, leaving 
a wife, Margaret (later married Paul Geddes, of Chillisquaque, North- 
umberland County, Pennsylvania), and four children. — Martha, Agnes, 
Joseph, and Adam. Martha married Samuel Smith and Agnes was 
the wife of William Dougherty, both probably of Northumberland 
County. Adam McCool may have lived in Dauphin County at one 
time, but he later moved to Rockbridge Countv, Virginia. 

M. S. F. 

Riiyne. — Information wanted concerning the Rhyne family in Amer- 
ica. Who was Jane Rhyne (Rhine), wife of Adam McCool, of Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia? She had a brother Martin living in Bath 
County, Virginia, about 1S30, and a brother George who moved into 
Ohio before 1835. 

M. S. F. 

Kent. — Information is requested concerning Thomas Kent, a soldier 
of the Revolution, who enlisted July 1, 1776, from Cecil County, Mary- 
land, under Captain James Maxwell; married Ann Ralston, "east of 
the mountains ;" entered three hundred acres of land in Rostra ver 
Township, Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, in December, 1784; 
had a family of five in the year 1783 ; died 1835, near Waynesburg, 
Greene County, Pennsylvania, and is buried there. There is a well- 
founded tradition that he was born in Ireland, March, 1749. There 
were Ralstons in Philadelphia over a century ago, and one Robert 
Kent Ralston arrived in that city in the early part of the eighteenth 
century. 

Charles A. Kent. 

5611 Drkxel Avenue, Chicago, Illinois. 



Notes and Queries, 127 

ARNOLD. — Can any reader inform me of the parentage of General 
Benedict Arnold's mother? She was, I believe, a widow when she 
married Captain Benedict Arnold, of Norwich, — a Mrs, King, nee 
Waterman. 

Mrs. P. A. F. Stephenson. 
43 Rkyanston Square, London \\\, England. 

Thomas — Dean. — Information is wanted of Thomas Thomas, of 
Sonthwark, and Mary Dean, of Blockley, Philadelphia, who were mar- 
ried December 31, 1772, at St. Michael's Lutheran Church. Witnesses, 
Martha Thomas, John Evans, and P.lizabeth Jones. 

Montgomery. — Information is requested of the name, date of birth, 
and place of residence of the father of Captain Samuel Montgomery, 
of the Pennsylvania Line, a citizen of Shippensburg, Pennsylvania, 
who married Elizabeth McElroy. 

Bessie M. Jackson. 

Wa-hinotox, D. C. 

JSOOfc *8nCttCC5. 

The True History of the American Revolution. By Sydney 
George Fisher. Philadelphia. J. B. Lippincott Co. Svo. 437 
pages. Illustrated. $2.00 net, 
Mr. Fisher prefaces his work by asserting that the historians do not 
tell the whole history of the Revolution, and that they assume that we 
do not want to know about the controversy, or that it would be better 
for us not to know about it. He believes they are wrong and that we 
do prefer to know the truth. In tracing the Revolution from its first 
caoies to the surrender at Yorktown, he claims to have used the au- 
thorities more frankly than has been their practice, and the natural 
result is that he will create violent discussion and startle a great many 
patriotic people out of long-cherished beliefs, as well as shock many 
whose ancestors appear in unflattering guise. The chapters on General 
Howe are an interesting study of the man and the soldier, and will receive 
the consideration they deserve. The book is a sweeping and caustic 
protest against the practice of historians giving what the author claims 
to be false pictures of the Revolution ; but the Revolution is to be judged 
by iu« results, and history justifies the belief that failure was impossiole. 
Mr. Fisher's book is very interesting in whatever aspect it is taken. 

Report of the Public Archives of the City and County of 
Philadelphia. By Dr. Herman V. Ames and Dr. Albert E. 
McKinley. Washington, D.C. 1902. 115 pp. 
This report, issued by the American Historical Association, is based 
upon the investigation of the various city and county offices and the 
five principal libraries of Philadelphia. It covers three important 
q-o-hs in the history of city and county: first, the Colonial and Revolu- 
tionary jperiod, 1682 to 1780; second, the period from 1789 to 1854; 
and, third, the period since Consolidation, 1854, to the present time. 
the publication is a timely and valuable one, and the compilers must be 
congratulated on the thoroughness of their work. 



128 Notes and Queries. 

The Journal of the Reverend Silas Constant, Pastor of the 

Presbyterian Church at Yorktown, New York, with some of the 
Records of the Church and a List of his Marriages, 1784-1825, to- 
gether with Notes on the Nelson, Van Cortlandt, Warren, and 
some other Families mentioned in the Journal. By Emily Warren 
Roebling. Printed for private circulation, 1903. 4 to. 561 pages. 
The journal of the Rev. Mr. Constant, which covers a period of about 
twenty years of his life of patient toil in the ministry, in a section of the 
State of New York deficient in public records of marriages and deaths, 
contains a mine of names and dates which, by its publication through' the 
liberality of Mrs. Roebling, is made accessible to descendants and others. 
The notes on the Nelson, Van Cortlandt, and Warren families, and the 
sketch of the life and services of that brave and energetic officer of the 
Civil War, Major-General Gouverneur K. Warren, are valuable ad- 
ditions. The annotations and genealogical data were prepared by the 
editor, J. Granville Leach, LL.B., who has made a special study of his 
subjects. The extraordinary good taste, the excellent printing and paper, 
the number and beauty of the full-page photogravures and other illus- 
trations, and the specially designed head- and tail-pieces, as shown in 
this volume, merit the highest praise. 

Sally Wister's Journal. A True Narrative; being a Quaker 
Maiden's Account of her Experiences with Officers of the Conti- 
nentalArmy, 1777-1778. Edited by Albert Cook Myers. 244 
pages. Ferris & Leach, Publishers. 
The journal of Miss Sally Wister has been printed several times, 
always, however, in abridged form ; but Mr. Myers, in the volume 
under notice, has given it in its entirety, with many biographical and 
historical annotations that are helpful and interesting to the reader. 
The journalist, a Quaker maiden of Philadelphia, compelled to leave 
the city on the approach of the British army after the battle of Brandy- 
wine, found at the Foulke homestead, near Penllyn, what was hoped 
to be a secure temporary home beyond the operations of the contending 
armies. It was during her sojourn there that her personal experiences 
and the events transpiring around her were jotted down for her friend 
Deborah Norris, who subsequently became the wife of Dr. George 
Logan, of Stenton. Brimming over with spirit and frankness, the 
amusing scenes with the American officers who visited or were quartered 
at Foulke's, the glimpses of love-making, and the spirit of romance so 
apparent throughout, we feel regret that Miss Wister had not added 
many more pages to her journal. The volume is an excellent specimen 
of book-making, and the reproductions of portraits, manuscripts, relics, 
and views add much to it3 value and charm. 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OF 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol XXVII. 1903. No. 2. 



HISTORICAL NOTES OF DR. BENJAMIN RUSH, 1777. 

CONTRIBUTED BY DR. S. WEIR MITCHELL. 

[The following extracts from one of the Note-Books of Dr. Rush, in 
the Ridgway Branch of the Library Company of Philadelphia, are partic- 
ularly interesting and valuable because they contain the abstracts of the 
speeches made by the doctor and other members of Congress on the 
question whether the action of the Congress of the New England States, 
held at Providence, Rhode Island, in December of 1776, regulating the 
prices of certain domestic and foreign products, required the approval 
of Congress to make it valid ; to increase the rate of interest on Loan 
Office certificates; to refer the appointment of three major-generals to 
the general officers of the army ; and the proposition of General Charles 
I-ee, while a prisoner of war, for a conference with several members of 
Congress. Dr. Rush's criticism of Washington and several of his gen- 
erals, the condition of the army, and his characterization of the 
political attitude of the people of the United States, although, familiar 
to those who have followed his political career, are still interesting 
reading.— Ed. Penxa. Mag.] 

Decern 7 25. 1776. 
In a Congress composed of Deputies from the 4 New 
Eng* States of New Hamshire, Mass : Bay, Rhode Island k 
Connecticut, Decern* 25. 1776. They agreed to regulate 
the prices of the follow 5 articles at the following rates. 
vol. xxvii.— 9 ( 129 ) 



130 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

Farming — 3/4 ^9 diem, and mechanical labor compared 

with it in the usual proportion. 
Wheat— 116 f Bushel «S T . II; M. B; k R. I; 6/ Con: 
Bye— 4/6 D° D° D° D° 3/6 D° : 

Indian Com— 3/4 M. B., 3/6 X. H; R.I: 3/ D° 
Foot— 2/ $ lb M. B.; R. I; Con; 2/2 X. IT: 
Por/i — /4 d — /4J /4| M. B. according to weight ^ pound. 
p or k—m m /3f ? pound Connecticut. 
jr> /4j /4| — Xew Hamshire. 
j)o /3j_4i__i{} 10 de Island. 
Beef— IS i? pound M. B; X. H: R.I: In Connecticut 

24/ ~$ hundred. 
Hides — /3 d f! pound in all. 
Salt— 10 j f bushel D°. 
TFcsi in^a 2&m — 6/8 ^ gallon by Hogsh d 7/8 by the single 

gallon — & 2/ ^ quart. 
iVew J% d Jfam—3/20 ^ Hogsh d 4/ f barrel, 4/6 f single 
gallon, allowing one penny ^ gallon for every ten 
miles it is carried. 
Sugar, best Muscovado — 54/ *$ bund: by Hogs d 60/ by the 
single hundred weight & /8 d %3 pound for single pound 
allow 8 /9 fJ hund weight for every ten miles land 
carriage. 
Molasses— 3/4 f gallon by hogs d : & 3/8 f barrel & 4/ f 
single gallon — allow 2 /l ^ gallon for every 10 miles 
carriage. 
Cheese — /6 d ^ pound. 
Butter— /10 D° 
p €rt5 — 8/ ^g bushel. 
Potatoes — In the fall 1/4 1p bushel, in other seasons 2/ 

f d° 
Yam Stockings — 8/ ^ pair, 
j&fens Shoes — 8/ *$ pair. 
Salt-pork— M. B; R. Island 92/ ^ hundred; 84/ in Con; 

100/ X. Hamshire. 
Cb/fon — 3/ ^ bag 3/8 by the single pound. 
Oats— -2/ f bushel. 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rusk, 1777. 131 

Flax—lj M. B ; X. Ham ; R. 1 : 1/— f pound Con: /10 f 
pound. 

Coffee — 1/4 ^ pound in all. 

7^/iW — /7J f? pound in all. 

Tow Cloath — yard wide 2/3 ^ yard — and all coarse linn en 
in proportion. 

Flannels — Yard wide 3/6 ^ yard and other flannels in pro- 
portion, according to thier widths and qualities, & 
all woollen cloath in like proportion. 

Woollen goods — coarse linnen — Duck Ticklenburg & Osna- 
brigs shall be sold at 275 Sterling, for what cost 100 
in Europe — prize goods 250 for what cost 100 — All 
public vendues & auctions to be suppressed — wood — 
hay- — planks — leather — shingles — charcoal — mutton 
— veal — flour w th the rates of carting to be regulated 
by the states seperately. 

An acc fc of the prices given by General Howe in New 
Jersey for sundry articles : 

Hay — when bro't by the inhabitants £4 . . . . ^ ton— 

JC3..0..0 when fetched by the army. 
Wheat— $1 f bushel D° 5/6 D° 
Beef— ft* $ pound /2J D° 
Pork—IP D° D°~ D°. 
Oats— SI $ bushel 2/6 D°. 
C^ni— 3/-— D° D°. 

no pay for wood or candle. 

Upon motion in Congress whether the meeting held by 
the four New Eng d States by deputies at Providence 
Decern 1 25, 1776, was a proper one and whether it did 
not stand in need of the approbation of Congress to make 
it valid. — 

It was said by M r Sam 1 Adams : That a right to assemble 
upon all occasions to consult measures for promoting lib- 
erty & happiness was the priviledge of freemen. That it 



132 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin .Rush, 1777. 

was contested by Gov r Hutchinson & that it was dreaded 
only by tyrants. 

Mr. Bich d Henry Lee : It was said on the same side of 
the question that we were not yet confederated, therefore 
no law of the union infringed. 

Col. Wilson; on the negative said, that the design in the 
committee of the 4 New England States in sending their 

CD O 

proceedings to Congress was to demand their approbation — 
That the same was clearly intimated by the tenor of the 
appointments from Rhode Island and Connecticut, — that 
the committee had commanded, and countermanded con- 
tinental troops, — that the said troops were to be paid by 
the continent, — therefore, that the business the committee 
transacted was wholly Continental and of course, required 
the approbation of Congress. 

Mr. John Adams said, that he lately travelled thro' New 
Eng d & that he was sure that the approbation of the Con- 
gress of the meeting would give pleasure to the committee 
and their constituents. That thier meeting was founded in 
necessity. That altho' we were not confederated, the same 
principles of equity & reason should govern as if we were 
united by a confederacy — that the four New England states 
bore the same relation to the Congress that four counties 
bore to a single state. These four counties have a right to 
meet to regulate roads — and affairs that relate to the poor — 
but they have no right to tax or execute any other branch of 
legislation. In like manner the four New Eng' 1 States, or any 
other four states have a right to meet upon matters wholly 
indifferent, but they have no right to touch upon continental 
subjects — that the committee from the 4 New Eng d States 
have touched upon continental Subjects, therefore, the meeting 
stands in need of the approbation of the Congress. 

D r Rush: The desire of independance is natural not only 
to individuals but to communities. There was a time 
(near 200 years) when it was wrong to say a word ag 3 * the 
dependance of the colonies upon Great Britain — a time 
came when it was equally criminal to enforce that depend- 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bash, 1777. 133 

nncc. The time id ay come & probably will come, when it 
will be the interest of the united States to be independant 
of each other, but I can conceive of no temporal punish- 
ment to be severe eno' for that man who attempts to dis- 
solve, or weaken the union for a century or two to come. 
1" admire the proceedings of the committee assembled at 
Providence. They are full of political virtue & wisdom, 
and I think the other states will act wisely & virtuously in 
proportion as they resemble them. But I think the meeting 
is full of great & interesting consequences, and should be 
regarded with a serious & jealous eye. Thier business was 
chiefly continental, and therefore they usurped the houses 
of Congress as much as four counties would usurp the 
powers of legislation in a state, sh d they attempt to tax 
themselves. The committee have in one instance, in regu- 
lating the price of goods counterved [?] an express resolution 
of Congress ; and lastly tho' the meeting was necessary and 
no injustice intended or done by it to any state, yet it becomes 
us to remember that arbitrary power has often originated 
in justice & necessity. 

This question was decided by a majority in the Com- 
mittee of the whole house in the affirmative — but in the 
negative a few days afterwards. It was reconsidered Feb 7 
13 th . 

Feb 7 10, on motion to raise the interest of money to 6 ^ 
cent for loan office tickets, it was said in the negative — 

1. That there was no other way of laying out money. 

2. That loan office tickets are the same as money, and, 
therefore, in case of the want of money new emissions are 
equally proper. 

In the affirmative it was said by M r Sergeant, That loan 
office tickets would be confined only to one State. 

By M r Jo* Wilson: That Bonds, lands etc., were trans- 
ferable as well as loan office tickets, and therefore the 
argument of thier being the same as money is without force. 
That the money lenders had all thier money paid into them, 
that 3 millions had been received by the usurers in Pen- 



134 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

sylvania, all of which was probably in thier hands, and that 
if the interest was raised to 6 \) cent it w d procure money. 

M r John Adams : That loan offices tickets would not circu- 
late because they bore an interest. That Massachussets bay 
in the last war emitted 50,000 in notes bearing an interest 
of 6 fJ cent, which were immediately locked up and with- 
drawn from the circulation, even tho' gold Sc silver was 
plentiful among them. That new emissions would only 
increase the difficulty, that the continent would bear only 
7 millions. That unless the interest was raised, the money 
holder would employ his money in speculation in buying 
lands and in monopolizing goods, by which means, the 
necessaries of life were enhanced in thier price ; that this 
alone would regulate the price of goods, that no other 
wisdom [two lines torn] emission we would rather see our 
army disbanded, and Howe let loose to ravage the whole 
country. 

Upon calling the question the States (10 in number 
divided equally). As a proof of the impropriety of each 
state having a seperate Vote, it is remarkable that there 
were 18 members for raising the interest & 10 only against 
it. The States that voted in favor of it were New Ham- 
shire, Massachussets bay, New Jersey, Pensylvania and 
Virginia. The inhabitants of these states collectively, make 
near two-thirds of the whole inhabitants of the united States. 
[torn] political character in the same light as they do a suit 
of cloaths. They put it on & off at pleasure. But we trifle 
with all morality — we trifle with the happiness of millions 
by not holding up [two pages torn out]. 

Feb'14, 1777. 

Upon the question whether the Congress should recom- 
mend to the States to adopt the plan for reducing and 
regulating the price of labor, manufactures, imports, and 
provisions, which had been adopted in the four New England 
States. It was said in the negative by 

M r Jas. Smith, That such a recommendation would inter- 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 185 

fere with the domestic police of each State which were of 
too delicate a nature to be touched by the Congress. 

IY Bush, I am against the whole of the resolution. It is 
founded in the contrary of justice — policy & necessity as 
has been declared in the resolution. The wisdom & power 
of government have been employed in all ages to regulate 
the price of necessaries to no purpose. It was attempted 
in Erig d in the reign of Edward II by the English parlia- 
ment, but without effect. The laws for limiting the price 
of every thing were repealed, and M r Hume, who mentions 
this fact, records even the very attempt as a monument of 
human folly. The Congress with all its authority have 
failed in a former instance of regulating the price of goods. 
You have limited Bohea tea to f of a dollar, and yet it 
is daily Bold before your eyes for 30/. The committee of 
Philad* limited the price of West India goods about a year 
ago — But what was the consequence ? The merchants it is 
true sold their rum, sugar & molasses at the price limited 
by the committee, but they charged a heavy profit upon the 
barrel or the paper which contained the rum or the sugar. 
Consider, Sir, the danger of failing in this experiment. 
The Salvation of this continent depends upon the authority 
of this Congress being held as sacred as the cause of liberty 
itself. Suppose we should fail of producing the effects we 
wish for by the resolution before you. Have we any char- 
acter to spare ? Have we committed no mistakes in the 
management of the public affairs of America ? We have, 
sir ! It becomes us therefore, to be careful of the remains 
of our Authority & character. It is a common thing to cry 
aloud of the rapacity k extortion in every branch of busi- 
ness & among every class of men. This has led some 
people to decry the public virtue of this country. True Sir. 
there is not so much of it as we could wish, but there is 
much more that is sometimes allowed on this floor. We 
estimate our virtue by a false barometer, when we measure 
it by the price of goods. The extortion we complain off 
arises only from the excessive quantity of our money. STow, 



136 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 

Sir, a failure in this attempt to regulate the price of goods 
will encrease the clamors against the rapacity of dealers, 
and thus depreciate our public virtue. Consider, Sir, the 
consequence of measuring our virtue by this false standard. 
You will add weight to the arguments used at St. James's 
to explode patriotism altogether^ & by denying its existence 
in this country, destroy it forever. Persuade a woman that 
there is no such thing as chastity, & if there is that, she does 
not possess it, and she may be easily seduced if she was as 
chaste as Diana. Sir, The price of goods maybe compared 
to a number of light substances in a bason of water. The 
hand may keep them down for a while, but nothing can 
detain them on the bottom of the bason but an abstraction 
of the water. The continent labours under a universal 
malady. From the crown of her head to the Soal of her 
feet she is full of disorders. She requires the most powerful 
tonic medicines. The resolution before you is nothing but 
an opiate. It may compose the continent for a night, but 
6he will soon awaken again to a fresh sense of her pain & 
misery. 

Col: Bich d Henry Lee, (in the affirmative) M r President: 
The learned Doctor has mistook the disorder of the conti- 
nent. He labours under a spasm, and Spasms he knows 
require palliative medicines. I look upon the resolution 
before you only as a temporary remedy. But it is abso- 
lutely necessary. It is true the regulations formerly rec- 
ommended by Congress were not faithfully carried into 
execution. But this was owing to the want of regular 
goverments. iSTew & regular goverments have been insti- 
tuted in every part of America, and these will enable all 
classes of people to carry the resolutions into execution. 

M T Sam 1 Cha^e, (in the affirmative). M r President : This 
is a necessary resolution. It is true it failed formerly in 
Philad a because it abounded with tories. But it succeeded 
in Maryland. It must be done. The mines of Peru would 
not support a war at the present high price of the neces- 
saries of life. Your soldiers cannot live on thier pay. It 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 137 

must be raised, unless we limit the price of the cloathing k 
other articles necessary for them. 

J/ r Seargant — (negative). The price of goods cannot be 
regulated while the quantity of our money and the articles 
of life are allowed to fluctuate. This is k must he the ease 
with us, therefore we cannot regulate the price of anything. 

Col James Wilson — (negative). Mr President: I differ 
from the gentleman from Virginia about the possibility of 
carrying the resolution before you into execution. No 
modern governments, I am sure, have not half the vigilance 
or authority that the conventions & committees formerly 
bad, and yet these failed in this business. Connecticut, 
where the influence of good laws prevail greatly, adopted 
this plan with diffidence. There are certain things, Sir, 
which absolute power cannot do. The whole power of the 
Roman Emperors could not add a single letter to the 
Alphabet. Augustus could not compel old batch elors to 
marry. He found out his error, and wisely repealed his 
edict, least he should bring his authority into contempt. 
Let us recommend the resolution to the considerration of the 
states only without giving our opinion on it, that they may 
discuss it with unbiassed minds. Foreign trade is abso- 
lutely necessary to enable us to carry on the war. This 
resolution will put an end to it, for it will hang as a dead 
weight upon all the operations of external commerce. — 

ly Wetherspoon — (Negative). Sir, It is a wise maxim to 
avoid those things which our enemies wish us to practise. 
Now I find that our enemies have published the act of the 
Assembly of Connecticut for regulating the price of neces- 
saries in the New York paper, in order to shew our distress 
from that quarter. I believe the regulations would be just 
if the quantity of money and the scarcity of goods bore 
an exact proportion to each other. But the price of goods 
is by no means proportioned to the quantity of money in 
every thing. The encrease of p»rice began V 1 upon the 
Luxuries; 2 1 ' Necessaries ; 3 d Manufactories; & 4 ly Grain, 
and other produce of the earth. Now the reason why it 



138 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

has reached grain Sec last, is owing to thier quantity being 
plentiful & to an overproportion of money. Remember laws 
are not almighty. It is beyond the power of despotic 
princes to regulate the price of goods. Tea and salt are 
higher in proportion than any other articles of trade, owing 
entirely to thier price being limited. In Pensylvania salt 
was limited to 15/ but was sold for 60/ ^ bushel, while- at 
the same time, it was sold in Virginia, where there was no 
limitation, for 10/ a bushel. I fear if we fail in this 
measure, we shall weaken the authority of Congress — we 
shall do mischief by teaching the continent to rest upon it. 
If we limit one article — we must limit every thing — and this 
is impossible. 

M r John Adams — (Xegative). Perhaps I may here speak 
ag 51 the sense of my constituents, but I cannot help it. I 
much doubt the justice, policy & necessity of the resolu- 
tion. Its policy & necessity depend upon its practicability, 
and if it is practicable, I believe it will be unjust. It 
amounts to the same as raising the value of your money to 
double its present value, & this experiment was tried in 
vain, even in the absolute government of France. The 
high price of many articles arises from thier scarcity. If 
we regulate the price of imports we shall immediately put 
to stop to them for ever. 

D r Hush. Sir, It has been said that, the high price of 
goods in Philad a arose from the monopolies, and extortion 
of the tories. Here I must say the tories are blamed 
without cause. A similar spirit of speculation prevails 
among the whigs in Philad\ They are disposed to realise 
thier money in lands, or goods. But this is not owing 
to any timidity or disaffection among them. They fear 
the further depreciation of your money by future emis- 
sions. Stop your emissions of money, & you will stop 
speculation, & fill your treasury from the loan offices. I 
beg leave to inform Congress that the committee of 
Philad a was supported by the country people in thier 
attempt to regulate the price of West India goods, but 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 139 

were notwithstanding unsuccessful. Now, Sir, the country 
people are equally concerned with the merchants in keeping 
up the price of every thing, and in eluding laws for 
reducing them. I am not apt to reply to words, much less 
to j>lay\i]>OTL them. The gentleman from Virginia lias mis- 
called the malady of the continent. It is not a spasm, but 
a dropsy. I beg leave to prescribe two remedies for* it. 
1 ., liaising the interest of the money we borrow to 6 ^ cent ; 
this like a cold bath will give an immediate spring to our 
affairs, & 2., taxation; This like tapping, will diminish the quan- 
tity of our money, and give a proper value to what remains. 
The resolution was amended. The plan of the 4 $ew 
England states was referred only to the other states, to act 
as they tho't proper. 

Feb' 19. 1777. 

Upon the question for referring the appointment of three 
major generals, to the general officers of the army, it wa3 said 
in the negative: 

D r Bush. I have heard the Congress more than once 
called a republic. I love to realise the idea, and I hope it 
will inspire us with the virtuous principles of republican 
governments. One of the most powerful & happy com- 
monwealths in the w r orld, Rome, called her general officers 
from the plough & paid no regard to rank, service or 
seniority. We have of late been successful it is true, but I 
despair of our country being saved till the instrumentality 
of military wisdom & virtue are employed for that purpose, 
and these can never be had till we use a sovereign power in 
culling them forth where ever we find them. It is to no 
purpose to talk of the practice of despotic princes. They 
promote according to seniority it is true, but they possess an 
absolute power of recalling, disgracing, or breaking thier 
general officers as soon as they make them, and we find 
they are fond of exercing this power upon the least neglect, 
inattention, or want of success. The case is different with 
us. A general may loose a battle or a province, and we 
possess no power to recall or to displace him. If the motion 



140 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bash, 1777. 

is passed, I shall move immediately afterwards that all the 
civil power of the continent may be transferred from our 
hands into the hands of the army, <fc that they may be 
proclaimed the highest power of the people. 

D r Wethersjwon — M r President : I am against the motion. 
It will produce faction, and disputes among your generals. 
I once left the honors of the college over which I preside, 
to the choice of the senior class. But it produced so much 
confusion & ill blood, that I was obliged to resume that 
power again, and have since excercised to the satisfaction of 
my pupils as well as my own. 

Col Itich d Henry Lee; I wish the learned Doctor would 
distinguish between the practice of children k men. Our 
generals would certainly make a judicious choice, and 
would not be governed by the principles which actuate 
boys at school. 

John. Adams ; M r President — I differ from the gentleman 
who spoke last. There are certain principles which follow 
us thro' life, and none more certainly than the love of the 
first place. T\ r e see it in the forms on which Children sit 
at Schools. It prevails equally to the last period of life. 
I am sorry to find it prevails so little in this Assembly. I 
have been distressed to see some members of this house 
disposed to idolize an image which thier own hands have 
molten. I speak here of the superstituous veneration y* is 
Bometimes paid to Gen 1 Washington. Altho' I honour him 
for his good qualities, yet in this house I feel myself his 
superior. In private life I shall always acknowledge that 
he is mine. It becomes us to attend early to the restraining 
our army. This we shall find the next difficult thing to 
prevent : the depreciation of our money. I have no fears 
from the resignation of officers if junior officers are pre- 
ferred to them. If they have virtue they will continue with 
us. If not, thier resignation will not hurt us. 

Congress received a letter Feb 7 20 th 1777, from Gen 1 Lee, 
a prisoner in 2s"ew York (written by permission of Lord & 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 141 

General Howe) requesting a conference with two or throe 
members of Congress upon matters of the last importance 
t<» himself, & in his opinion to America, upon which it was 
8 a id by 

D r Rush, — M r President,— In considering of the propriety 
of this request, it becomes us 1, to attend to the present situa- 
tion of the court of Britain, 2 1?r , to the conduct & characters of 
Lord and General Howe, and 3, to the conduct, & character 
of General Lee. 1, The court of Britain is alarmed with 
the fear of a f re nek war. They wish to terminate the 
present war in America by a negociation as well as by the 
8 word. They have no terms to offer us. They mean only 
t<> deceive k divide us. 2, Lord k Gen 1 Howe w T ere chosen 
as fit instruments for seducing & deceiving the colonies. 
They have practised many arts for that purpose. Witness 
the conference they extorted from the Congress thro' Gen 1 
Sullivan last summer. They have been told by the rein- 
forcement of tories, that lately joined them, its effect upon 
the people of America, k they expect thro' a better instru- 
ment (Gen 1 Lee) to produce greater & worse effects by a 
conference with the members of Congress set on foot at 
thier request by the General. 3, General Lee with all his 
great qualities, possesses the weakness of being easily im- 
posed upon. His charecters of men are dictated by caprice 
or passion. I have seldom known him give a true charecter 
of any man. He is fond of negociations & conferences. 
lie tried to bring about an intervie w with Gen 1 Burgoyne 
at Cambridge, for that purpose. He urged a second inter- 
view with Lord Howe last summer. I believe Gen 1 Lee to 
be honest k sincerely attached to our cause, but some peo- 
ple suppose he threw himself in the way of being taken 
prisoner. Considering all these things, I maintain that a 
compliance with the general's request would be impolitic, & 
highly dangerous to the union k safety of the united States. 

M T Jil° Adams. M r President, — I am against the pro- 
posed conference. It will do mischief. The last confer- 
ence with Lord Howe did no good. The Whigs were 



142 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 

alarmed with it, and the tories complained that the reason 
why it did not end in negociation was because improper 
men were sent, and because the Congress did not relax eno' 
from its dignity. I admire Gen 1 Lee for his military 
talents, but he possesses an unbounded share of Vanity. 
This Vanity led him to correspond with Gen 1 Burgoyne, 
and induced him to propose himself as one of a committee 
to confer with Lord Howe. His Lordship has no terms to 
offer us. Tbe king's speech is decisive against us. It lets 
loose all the dogs of war & corruption upon us. But it 
carries a remedy to its terrors along with it, it holds out the 
probability of a war w th France. 

M r Chase, I am against the conference, but I move for 
the publication of Gen 1 Lee's letter to the Congress, in 
order to satisfy our constituents, who have heard that it 
contains propositions of peace. 

M r Middleton, I am against the conference for the reasons 
that have been given. Lord Howe has made use of Gen 1 
Lee as a decoy duck, to take in the colonies. I am against 
the publication of the General's letter to the Congress, Unless 
you publish with it his letter to Gen 1 Washington, in which 
he requests the company of his aid-de-camp and his dogs. 

Col. Harrison, I suspect Lord & General Howe have 
offered Gen 1 Lee his life on condition of his bringing about 
this conference, which is designed to betray us into a nego- 
ciation. It will suspend our military operations, and injure 
us in the court of France, where our commissioners are 
now soliciting an Alliance for us. The last conference w th 
Lord Howe had this effect. Let us suppose that he means 
only to confer with us about his private affairs, and let us 
pass a resolution declaring our determination to support 
him & our willingness to hear & transact any thing that 
related to his safety or interest. 

This resolution was unanimously agreed to. 

The Question for raising the interest of loan office certifi- 
cates from 4 to 6 f ct was determined in the affirmative 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 143 

by the following states; N. H; M. B ; C. ; X. J; P; V; & 
G. In the negative R. I; X. and S. C; Maryland divided. 

M r Carter Braxton, of Virginia, speaking of the [torn] 
of New England, in the Virginia convention, before the 
declaration of Independance said : ' " I abhor thier manners 
— I abhor thier laws — I abhor thier governments — I abhor 
thier religion." I say on the contrary, " I admire thier man- 
ners — I admire thier laws — I admire thier governments — I 
admire thier religion." The people of America may be 
divided into the five following classes. 

1. A rank tory. This class are advocates for uncon- 
ditional submission to Great Britain. They rejoice in all 
the misfortunes that befall the united States. They fabri- 
cate lies to deceive and divide the people of America. 
They employ their utmost ingenuity to depreciate the con- 
tinental money. 

Moderate men. This class are advocates for the situation 
of the year 1763. They have no relish for independance. 
They are influenced either 1, by a connection with men who 
hold offices under the old Government. 2 nd , by an attach- 
ment to the pomp, and hiarchy of the church of England 
which is reduced to a level with the other protestant 
churches by the Declaration of independance, or 3 l7 , by a 
fondness for those luxuries which were introduced among us 
by our commerce w th Great Britain. In this respect they 
resemble the children of Israel, who say of themselves, " We 
remember the fish which we did eat in Egypt freely, the 
cucumbers and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, 
and the garlic: But now our Soul is dried away; There is 
nothing [torn] besides the Manna before our eyes." Numb. 
ri and 5 £ 6. They think freedom too dear when purchased 
with the temporary loss of tea, coffee, sugar, and wine, 
good mutton, beef, Bread, milk, and the fruits of the earth, 
which are the manna of this country, appear as nothing at 
all in thier eyes. Lastly it is characteristic of a moderate 
man to hate all true whigs, and to love all rank tories. 



144 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

3. The timid WMgs t form a third class of the people of 
America. They entertain a terrible idea of the resources 
& power of G. Britain, and a false idea of the resources and 
power of America. The loss of a few riilemen in a Skir- 
mish, or a fort, or a Village, induce them to conclude that 
the contest is over and that America is subdued, [torn] ter- 
rified at the expense of the war as much as the sight of a 
musquet, they fly into the most obscure corners for safety. 
After a defeat, they refuse continental money, but upon the 
news of a victory they come forth, appear stout, and wonder 
that any body sh d dread the power of Britain. 

4. furious Whigs. This class of men injure the cause of 
liberty, as much by their violence as the timid Whigs do 
by thier fears. They think the Destruction of Howe's 
army of les3 consequence than the detection & punishment 
of the most insignificant tory. They wish for laws & good 
government, not so much to collect the Strength of our 
country against Great Britain, as to punish our internal 
enemies. They think the common forms of Justice sh d be 
suspended towards a tory criminal, [and] that a man who 
only speaks against our common defence [torn] toma- 
hawked, scalped, and roas[ted] alive. Lastly, they are 
always cowards, & shrink under the cover of an office, or a 
sickly family, when they are called upon to oppose the 
enemy in the field. 

5. The Staunch Whigs, form the 5 th and last class of the 
people of America. They are friends to liberty from prin- 
ciple. They esteem the loss of property, friends, even of 
life itself as nothing when compared with Slavery. Perse- 
verance & firmness belong to thier character. They are 
never dismayed with misfortunes, or unusually elated with 
undecisive advantages over our enemies. They are impla- 
cable in thier hatred as to the court of Britain. They had 
rather renounce thier existence than thier beloved indepen- 
dance. They have an unshaken [faith] in the divine justice, 
and they [es] teem it a mark of equal folly & impiety, to 
beleive that Great Britain can ever subdue America. They 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 145 

are friends to order & good government. They despise the 
little nets of the tories to injure our eause, and aim at thier 
destruction chiefly by the destruction of the army & com- 
merce of our enemies. They are just and merciful in the 
exercise of power. They esteem virtue k wisdom as the 
principal qualities in legislators, and are unwilling to trust 
power in the hands of " Bullies, bankrupts, and black- 
heads." 

6. Xeither Whigs nor Tories. These men change their 
conduct, and conversation acording to the times and thier 
company. They have no principles of any kind. 

The declaration of independance was said to have divided 
and weakened the colonies. The contrary of this was the 
case. Nothing but the signing, & recognising of the decla- 

CD CD CD ' CD CD 

ration of independance, preserved the Congress from a 
dissolution in Decem r 1776, when Howe marched to the 
Delaware. Maryland had instructed her delegates to concur 
in an accomodation, notwithstanding any measure (mean- 
ing independance) to the contrary. But further, the declara- 
tion of independance produced a secession of tories, timid, 
moderate & double minded men, from the counsels of 
America, in consequence of which the Congress, as well a3 
each of the states, have possessed ten times the vigor and 
strength they had formerly. 

April 8, 1777. 

A number of Indian chiefs came from Fort Pitt, (where a 
treaty had been held with them by commissioners appointed 
by Congress) came to Philad a in Nov' 1776. They were 
all introduced to the Congress. They took each member 
by the hand, and afterwards sat down. One of them (after a 
pause of 10 minutes) rose up and addressed the Congress in 
the following words. 

" Brothers, we received your commissioners at the little 
counsel fire at Fort Pitt. 2, We wiped the sweat from their 
bodies. We cleansed the dirt from thier ankles. We 
pulled the thorns from [their] feet. We took thier staffs 
from thier hands, and leaned them [against] the tree of 
vol. xxvii. — 10 



146 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 

peace. We took tliier belts from thier waists, and conducted 
them to the seats of peace." 

April 8th, 1777. 
Gen 1 Howe's army at Burnswick & Xew York is now in 
motion. A majority of the people of Plrilad* think that 
thier destination is up the Xorth river in order to join Gen 1 
Carl et on, so as to cut off the communication between, the 
Eastern & Southern states, agreeably to the original plan of 
the british ministry. But I think it most probable that 
thier object is Philad a , for the following reasons. 1. Because 
it is obviously ag st the interest of Howe's army to come to 
Philad a and a ignorance of thier true interest is the only 
thing that has appeared like uniformity in thier conduct. 
2 l7 . The design of the present war is to chastise the people 
of America, and this can only be done by changing the 
seat of war ; & 3 lv , to purify it of toriism and to eradicate 
timity & moderation. This can only be done by Howe's 
coming within the sphere of the attraction of the tories & 
moderate men. 4 ly . There is a false confidence in the 
situation & strength of the city of Philad a , and in the spirit 
& number of our troops. The same kind of confidence 
prev 4 in Xew York before its reduction last year. 

April 8 th , 1777. 
I think it more than probable the General Washington 
will not close the present war w th g. Britain. 1. Because 
in ordinary revolutions different characters always appear 
in thier first and last stages. 2. Because his talents are 
better fitted to unite the people of America into one body 
than to give them afterwards a national complexion. 3. Be- 
cause his talents are unequal to those degrees of discipline 
and decision, which alone can render an army finally suc- 
cessful. 4. Because he is idolised by the people of America, 
and is tho't to be absolutely necessary for us to enable us to 
carry on the w [ar] . 

The tories may be subdivided into — 

1. Advocates for supremacy of parliament. 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 147 

2. Advocates for 1763. 

3. Enemies to independance. All alike enemies to the 
cause of America. 

The Whigs may be divided into — 

1. Such as contend for power. 

2. Such as contend from resentmh 

3. Such as contend for mili y glory. 

4. Such as contend for liberty. 

5. Such as aim only at interest. 

Capt: Leslie's grave in Pluckamin churchyard, near the 
grave of Eliz th Mclick, daughter of Aaron, and Charlotte 
Melick. 

During the war between G. B : & America, all reports 
proved false that were 1 st , picked up at sea; 2 dl7 on the road 
or at ferries, & 3, from Frenchmen. 

1777 Octob' 10 th — Dined with the commander in chief of 
American army — no wine — only grog — knives & forks eno' 
for only half the company — one half the company eat 
after the other had dined at the same table. The General 
gave the head of his table to one of bis aids-de-camp, and 
eat 2* or 3 rd from him on his left side. 

State and Disorders in the American army Octob r 1777. 

1. The commander-in-chief at this time the idol of America 
—governed by Gen 1 Greene — Gen. Knox & Col. Hamilton, 
one of his aids, a young man of 21 years of age. 

2. 4 Major Generals, — Greene, Sullivan, Stirling & Ste- 
vens. The l 8t a sycophant to the general, timid, speculative, 
without enterprise; the 2 nd , weak, vain, without dignity, 
fund of scribling, in the field a madman. The 3 d , a proud, 
vain, lazy, ignorant, drunkard. The 4 th , a sordid, boasting 
cowardly sot. 

The troops dirty, undisciplined, & ragged, guns fired 100 
" day; pickets left 5 days & sentries 24 hours, without re- 
hef; bad bread; no order ; universal disgust. 



148 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 

Acc't of American army at Valley Forge March 1778. 

The encampment dirty & stinking, no forage for 7 days — 
1500 horses died from j* want of it. 3 ounces of meal & 
3 pounds of flour in 7 days. Men dirty & ragged. The 
commander-in-chief and all y a Major Generals lived in 
houses out of y e Camp. 

1777, November 9. — Came to Burlington [Xew Jersey]. 1 
November 11.— Went to Red Bank. 

November 12. — Returned today. 

November 16. — Left Burlington, and lodged at Pet. 
Talmans. 

November 17. — Came to Princetown. 
December 1. — To_Trenton and returned. 

1778, January 2. — Left Princetown and lodged at Rush 
Hill. 

January 3. — Lodged at General Sullivan's quarters. 2 
January £. — Lodged at Charles Risk's. 
January 5. — Lodged at Lancaster. 3 
January 8. — Came to Yorktown. 

1 This diary describes the movements of Dr. Rush during the occupa- 
tion of Philadelphia by the British army. A number of the annota- 
tions have been taken from his manuscripts. 

■ Dr. Eush made the following copy of a paper he saw hung up in 
General Sullivan's quarters : 

Name3 of Officers who distinguished themselves in building y" bridge 
over Shuilkill 1778. 

His Ex- T Gen 1 Honb 19 Major Gen 1 

Washington. Sullivan. 

Major Pollard, Col. Charlton, 

Major Thayer, Lieut. Mason, 

Capt. Chadwick, Maj r Cortland, 

Lieut. Parker, Maj r Brum, 

Col. Chandler, Col. Basset, 

Capt. Frye, Lieut, [torn]. 

Capt. Smith, 
Lieut. Jewet. 
* On the 7th he took tea and spent the evening at the home of Chris- 
topher Marshall. 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 149 

January SO. — Resigned my Commission; left Yorktown 
and came to Lancaster. 1 

February 12. — Came to Reading. 

February 15. — To Allentown. 

February 16.— To Bethlehem. 2 

February IS. — To Johnsons. 

February 19. — To Princetown. 

March 11. — Left Princetown. 

Match 12. — Lodged at Dr. Moore's. 

March IS. — Arrived in Camp at Valley Forge, and lodged 
with General Poor. 3 

March 14.— Lodged at Moore Hall, with Col. [Clement] 
Biddle and the Commissioners from Congress for reforming 
ye Army. 

March 16. — Lodged at Gen. Greene's. 

March 17. — Lodged at Capt. [Harry] Lee's near Camp. 

March IS.— Lodged at D r pS^chola^]"' Way's at Wilming- 
ton [Delaware]. 

March 22. — Came to Mr. Joseph Mifflins at Xotingham. 

March 23.— At Halls. 4 

March 24. — Returned to Wilmington. 

April l.—To Mr. Mifflin's. 

April S.— To Mr. Smith's. 

April 4. — Cochran's Tavern ; fall of wagoners ; no liquor ; 
a quiet house. 

April 0.—T0 Elijah Ward's. 

April 6. — Andrew Bunners. 

April 7. — At Xewtown : supped with the Commissioners, 
viz: Americans, Colonels Hamilton, Harrison, Grayson, and 
Mr. Boudinot — British: Colonels O'Hara and Stevens, and 
Capt. Fitzpatrick. 5 

1 Surgeon and Physician-General of the Middle District, Continental 
army. 

1 He lodged at the Sun Inn. 

* General Poor's brigade was located next to that of General Wayne. 
4 Klihu Hall, Mount Welcome, Cecil County, Maryland. The estate 

i* now owned by Mr. P. S. P. Conner. 

* Cf. Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. XXIV. p. 291. 



150 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

April 14. — To Burlington. 
April 16. — To Prineetown. 

April 20. — Left Prineetown and came to Mr. Evans' two 
miles from the Meetinghouse, in company with Major Hop- 
kins, Duval and Capt. . 

May 5. — Came to Wilmington. 

May 7. — At Mrs. Barclay's. 

May 8.— To Dan Smith's. 

May 9. — To Cochran's tavern. 

May 10. — To my brothers. 

May 12.— Mr Evans'. 

May 13. — To Prineetown. 

May 27.- — Left Prineetown with my wife and lodged at 
Mr. Hood's near Howell's Ferry. 

May 28. — Lodged at Mr. Evans'. 

May 29. — Came to my brothers. 

June 6. — Went to Capt, Alisons'. 1 

June 8. — Returned to my brothers. 

June 10. — Set off for Mr. Hall's and lodged at Mr. Mif- 
flins. 

June 11.— Reached Mr. Hall's. 

June 17. — Left Mr. Hall's, and lodged at Mr. Smith's. 

June 18. — Returned to my brother's. 

June 20. — Set off, for Philadelphia, lodged at Mr. Craw- 
ford's. 

June 21. — Arrived in Philadelphia. 

July 17. — Returned with Mrs. Rush and settled again in 
our old house in Philadelphia. 2 

1 A nephew of Rev. Dr. Francis Alison, of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, living in Chester County. 

* "Dr. Benjamin Rush and Julia Stockton were married January 11, 
1776, at Princeton, by the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon;" and he further re- 
cords, "John Rush, son of the above, born July 17, 1777, between the 
hours of 12 and 1 in the morning, at Elihu Hall's Esq., at Mount Wel- 
come, Cecil County, Mary* and baptised July 20 th following by the 
Rev d Dr. John Ewing." John "stood alone at 6 months supported 
by a wall." Dr. Rush lived in the house formerly Chief- Justice Ship- 
pen'3, on Fourth Street opposite Willings Alley. 



Some Letters of Franklin' } s Correspondents. 151 



SOME LETTERS OF FRANKLIN'S CORRESPONDENTS. 

[From the Franklin Papers in the American Philosophical Society.] 

Portsmouth April 17th. 1775. 
Dear Sir : 

As Major Trent is the Bearer of this Letter, it is the less 
necessary for me now to be very particular in ray Commu- 
nications. I presented, as you desired, your Respects to 
Lord Camden, and his Lordship requested me to tell you, 
that he should have been much pleased to have seen you, be- 
fore you embarked ; — That the Chancellor's Decision in your 
Case, is entirely political, and that, if during the Adminis- 
tration of the present Men, — An Appeal should be made, 
from the Court of Chancery to the House of Lords,— you 
would certainly meet with the same Fate there, as you had 
below. — In a few Days after the Hollidays, His Lordship 
moves for the total Repeal of the Quebeck Act; and if 
Lord Chatham's Health will admit of it, — He will certainly 
second the Motion :■■ — And in the House of Commons, Sir 
George Saville — moves to amend this shameful Act. — There 
have been several Conferences, between Lord Camden and 
Sir George upon the Subject; But although the latter 
wishes the total Repeal, — yet some of the Rockinghams 
think it is too much to attempt, and therefore, in a friendly 
way, it is settled between them, — To move in the different 
Houses, in the different Ways, I have mentioned The Fate 
of these Motions, there can be no doubt about; — But yet, it 
is thought Right to lay a proper Ground for Repeal — In 
Case our Countrymen shall act so unitedly and decisively,— 
in their Plans of Non Exportation &c. — as to compel the 
Court to abandon the present Set of Ministers. I am realy 
grieved at the Publication of Mr. Galloway's extraordinary 
Pamphlet. Our great F'riends in both Houses, are ex- 
tremely angry at it, and express themselves in most resentful 



152 Some Letters of -Franklin's Correspondents. 

Terms, against the Author ; — While the Courtiers rejoice 
at that Part of the Pamphlet, which represents our Divisions 
and Controversy's, as to Boundaries and Modes of Peligion, 
our Incompetency to resist the Power of this Country 
And the undecided State of the Congress, — for several 
Weeks, — as to what realy were the Eights of America ; — yet 
the Courtiers at the same Time treat with ineffable Contempt, 
the Plan of Union proposed, and which they say, by not 
being adopted — offended the Author's Pride, and has been 
the happy means, of their being satisfactorily confirmed in 
their Ideas, of the Weakness and Division of the Colonies; 
and by perseverance, — They shall unquestionably obtain, a 
perfect Submission. M r Pope, you remember, has wisely 
said " How shall we reason but from w T hat we know" — On 
which I shall only make this short observation, that if our 
Friend M r Galloway, had properly known, — The real Plans 
of this arbitrary Administration, He would never, I am 
persuaded, — have committed Himself, in the very indiscreet 
Manner, that He has done. — Major Trent carrys out with 
Him, the restraining Act for Pennsylvania, ]STew Jersey &c. 
And lest any Xews, unfavorable to the Designs of Govern- 
ment, — might arrive from Governor Colden, — Administra- 
tion used great Industry, in accelerating it through the 
House of Lords, — In Order, that 2s"ew York might not, if 
possible, be inserted in it; They placing much confidence in 
the Fidelity and Loyalty of the Delancey's and their Friends, 
to dissolve the Union of America. The Generals, Burgoyne, 
Howe and Clinton are now here, waiting only for a favor- 
able Wind, — To sail for Boston. — There it is to be deter- 
mined, — How two of them are to be disposed of; — One of 
them, with two or three Regiments, it being here decided, 
shall be stationed at Xew York, to support the King's 
Friends, so called, in that Colony. — Several persons, as 
Spies are sent to each of the Provinces, to collect Intelli- 
gence, — and observe and report the Conduct of People 
in general, and some in particular. — Major Skeene returns 
for that, or some other such servile, and dishonorable 



Some Letters of Frank? in* s Correspondents, 153 

Purpose. lie is in the same Ship with Major Trent. — It 
wotild surely be presumption in me fco offer any Intimations 
to you, as to what Part, — America ought immediately to 
take; Put it is M x Levy's and M r Steady's sincere Opinion, 
that if the new Congress will firmly insist on and see 
inviolably maintained throughout America, — The Non Ex- 
portation and Xon Importation Plans, — and at the same 
Time will effectually arm in Case of the worst, — that the 
Magnitude of these Measures will infallibly force its own 
Way ; and American Freedom will be soon fixed on an im- 
movable Basis. — Whenever any Thing material occurs, — 
you may depend upon having it immediately communi- 
cated to you ; And in the mean Time, — give me leave to 
inform you that I have obtained a very full and satisfactory 
Opinion from Serjeant Glynn ( — The best Lawyer, Lord 
Camden assures me, in England) — "Upon the Title to our 
Indian Lands, — (which M r Trent "Will shew you) And 
permit me to ask the favor of you, — To assist this Gentle- 
man in obtaining concurrant Opinions from M r Galloway, — 
M r Dickinson, and the Lawyers from Virginia &c. who may 
be at the Congress; As this is certainly the favorable 
Crisis, to establish Titles for Lands, fairly obtained from 
the native Proprietors. — I am Dear Sir with the sincerest 
Esteem 

Your most obd* k faithful Serv* 

S. Wharton. 
Dear Sir : 

Some time since M r W m Lee forwarded my letter to you 
advising the payment of £100 from the Constitutional 
Society into the hands of your Bankers Mess r£ Brown, 
Collinson & Co. towards relieving the distressed Inhabitants 
of Boston. 

On the 23 d Ins 4 they voted £100 more for their relief 
which is also paid into the hands of the same Gentlemen on 
your Ace* and both sums wait your demand and appli- 
cation. 

Kecent accounts from America give information of an 



154 Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 

unprovoked attack by a detachment from the regular troops 
at Boston against the Provincials which as far as we yet 
know reflects as little honour on the British Military as our 
Politicks do on the British Legislature. 

I entertain the best hopes that America directed by 
wisdom similar to your own will act with sufficient firmness 
to maintain the rights of free tho loyal subjects. 

All reasonable men with whom I converse still continue 
fixed in opinion against the right of taxing America not 
represented in Parliament. I am with much respect aud 
great Esteem 

Dear Sir 

Your very obedient 
Humble Servant 

Ricii d Oliver. 
Loxdox 31 st May 1775. 

July 6th, 1775. 

Dear Sir : 

I write to you more to prove my remembrance of you, 
than for the importance of anything I have to com- 
municate. 

The two defeats near Boston seem to have made little im- 
pression on the Ministry. They still talk of great things 
to be expected from their generals & troops when united. 
One of your judgment will draw more information from 
the single word Rebels used in the Gazette, than from any- 
thing I can say. Far from retracting they mean to ex- 
asperate, in perfect confidence of being successful. It is 
the curse of fools to be secure ; & I trust their fate will 
prove, that the end of the wicked is punishment. 

L d G-. Germaine, the Father of the military murder Bill, 
is Dictator in all the military operations against America. 
As Cowards are often confident when danger is at a dis- 
tance, this man is not only bold himself but inspires the 
King & his Ministers with equal confidence. 

The report is that L d John Murray's Regiment of High- 



Some Letters cf Franklin's Correspondents, 155 

landers & others to be raised by Col. Fraser are to be sent 
over. The former I believe is true. The Scotch will tight 
with two times the rancour & not half the bravery of the 
english. I cannot conceive them to be formidable foes if 
bravely opposed. Against timid or flying enemies they 
act heroically. 

The dissatisfaction of the Public here certainly increases 
every day. Shortly it will arrive to that degree at which 
an untoward event or national calamity will kindle a flame 
destructive to all those who have planned these fatal meas- 
ures. You will see by the proceedings of the Common 
J I all what are the sentiments of the City of London. I 
am much deceived or the Nation in general will speak the 
same language in a little time. Happily however America 
is capable of working her own salvation, or the influence of 
corruption k dissipation here would render escape from the 
hand of tyranny extremely doubtful. 

The Revolutions of great Empires have often been fore'cl 
by the follies of w r eak & wicked men ; but never before I 
think, did the follv of man sin so obstinately against the 
evidence of accumulated instruction. An overruling Provi- 
dence seems to employ their ignorance & rashuess for pur- 
poses which wisdom w r ould foresee & shrink from. 

It will be of great use in proving the propriety of our 
proceedings to state the number of Petitions from all the 
Provinces which have been presented in vain. Not being 
in possession of them, nor knowing how to get them but 
by the Speaker of each Province sending the part of their 
Journals which contain them, I must beg the favor of you 
to endeavor to obtain that for me. There will be a 
moment, I am sure, when stating the repeatedly rejected 
Petitions of America here, will bring down vengeance 
upon the heads of her inveterate enemies. 

Some Gentlemen here have lately found by experiments 
that man can bear 180 degrees of heat & a do^ 230, with- 
out injury for 30 minutes. The heat of the Dog's body 
examined immediately did not exceed 130. This proves 



156 Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 

what I long ago observ'd in some experiments on Frogs that 
the animal Body, when living, was endued with a power of 
generating Cold as well as heat. A. L. 

Golden Square July 31, 1775 
Dear Sir : 

I am very glad to collect by a Phrase in the letter from 
the Congress to the Canadians, that they think once more 
of imploring the Attention of their Sovereign. I can give 
you no information of the State of the Ministry, I shd be 
one of the last to be informed of their counsels. The 
great fear that I entertain is least they shd make things 
desperate with America, in order to screen themselves. I 
can easily foresee, that in short time, we shall have very 
little communication or intelligence from America, but 
what the Ministry please to retail out to us and that modi- 
fied as they shall think proper. If they act the part of Go- 
betweens making mischief and can intercept the Communi- 
cations between the two Countries, they may make each 
Country think ill of the other by a course of mutual mis- 
representations. All the accounts that were laid upon the 
table of the House of Commons last year were garbled 
just for the purpose of misleading our judgments ; And 
the same will probably all ways be the Conduct of men who 
have an interest to foment a quarrel between the two Coun- 
tries, with a view to justify themselves ex post facto and 
upon subsequent act3 of violence and ill blood, w ch are 
inseparable from a state of war to deceive the people of 
England into a persuasion, that our brethren in America 
were from the first ill disposed to this Country. The min- 
istry have the Command of the sea and thereby of all cor- 
respondence. They will permit none but the most violent 
libels against the Americans to be sent over to you in order 
to make you believe, that the Spirit of this Country is 
against you. They may, on the other hand, give to us just 
what accounts they please. Both Countries must be at their 
pleasure for the representation of things. For instance 



Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 167 

in the Gazette account of the 19th of April they say : 
Such was the Cruelty & barbarity of the rebels, that they 
scalped and cut off the ears of some of the wounded men 
who fell into their hands. The worst impressions must be 
expected to arise upon the minds of the people of both 
countries from such articles as these, w ch can only be calcu- 
lated to foment ill blood. For these Considerations, I most 
earnestly entreat, that our brethren in America will not give 
credit to any unfavorable reports that may be sent over to 
them, when a free communication of intelligence is inter- 
cepted. Disbelieve all such reports and trust to the gener- 
osity and justice of the minds of the people. You will 
certainly find the nation just, generous & affectionate to 
you. The general sentiments and feelings of this country 
have been greatly shocked by the Gazettes of blood, not 
that of enemies but of our brethren & fellow subjects. I 
hope that even these horrid events will not turn off 
the General Congress from making some proposals for 
accommodation. The people of England cannot be alienated 
from those of their own blood, their own brethren and 
friends in America if they still find you earnest for recon- 
cilement. You know that the heart of this Country wa3 
not alienated from you when you left us. Your friends, 
Mess"* Osborne, Falconer & Read bring you more recent 
intelligence; being discreet and intelligent persons, they 
can judge of the temper of this Country and they will tell 
you, that it is not unfavorable to you. Whatever you hear 
to the contrary believe it not. Rely on the Candour of the 
people of England and state facts. I hear particularly of 
great remittances daily coming over. Shew us how scrupu- 
lous you have been to pay your debts, and collect if you 
can an Estimate of the remittances made this year. Any 
pains and labour will be well bestowed to vindicate your- 
selves and your character to this country and to pos- 
terity. Passion may sway for a while but reason must 
prevail in the end. Let your friends here have all possible 
materials to do justice to your Cause. Votes of assemblies 



158 Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 

petitions addresses facts dates, and the historical evidence of 
all transactions from the very beginning of these unfor- 
tunate troubles. I fear that I shall repeat the same things 
over k over, in all my letters, till I weary you, but I am 
most earnest to leave no chance untried, and to exert every 
possible means of reconciliation. Let your friends here 
have all possible materials to do justice to your cause and 
to strengthen their endeavours to restore harmony and con- 
fidence between the two Countries. Let us strive to the 
last. Let us leave nothing undone. All is lost if we 
despair. I remain Dear Sir 

with the greatest respect 

to your person and character 
your much obliged friend 

G. B. 
To Doctor Franklin. 

Dear Sir : 

I had lately the honour of acquainting you by Capt. 
Read with some particulars which I now confirm, and 
although but little of importance has since occurred I am 
induced to trouble you again with a few suggestions 
respecting the title of the different Indian tribes of America 
to the property and jurisdiction of their Territories. 

You will doubtless remember that our friend M r Wharton 
had collected and put together some important facts & 
observations relating to this subject & as his sentiments 
thereon were perfectly agreable to my own we composed 
and printed, soon after your departure, a small Pamphlet, in 
Vindication of the Rights of the Aborigines of America; 
one of which, M r Thorn 8 Wharton was desired to shew you, 
and lest that may have miscarried another is herewith 
sent for your acceptance ; not that I suppose any new argu- 
ments will be necessary for your Conviction on this topic ; 
being satisfied from the liberality and extensive circuit of 
your reflections, as well as from particular conversations 
with which you have favoured me that you have long per- 
ceived the absurdity of all distinctions between the temporal 



Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 159 

rights of mankind founded on any supposed defect in their 
religious opinions, and have rejected those pretensions on 
which former Popes availing themselves of the ignorance & 
superstition then prevailing over all Europe, arrogantly 
assumed a right to dispose of the persons & countries of unbe- 
lieving nations in Asia, Africa & America; a right which 
is now universally ridiculed by all whose minds are eman- 
cipated from the shackles of superstitious prejudice. And 
indeed the aborigines of America being the primitive 
occupiers of that continent and having obtained the posses- 
sion of it from the Creator & most rightful disposer of the 
Earth, without that injustice & violence by which other 
nations have frequently acquired their territories, were by 
the laws of Nature & Nations justly intituled to the full 
and absolute dominion & property of that continent. 

Before America had been discovered the inhabitants 
could not possibly have owed any allegiance or subjection 
to any foreign state, and nothing could be acquired by a 
discovery of countries previously inhabited and possessed — 
and therefore the American Indians must still have an 
indisputable title to the jurisdiction and property of all 
parts of that continent, which have not been obtained from 
them by purchase, cession or justifiable conquest — This 
truth was indeed well known and so sensibly felt by the 
first settlers in our colonies, that tho protected by grants 
from the Crown they appear never to have relied on those 
grants, nor to have considered them as any other than 
Political Distributions of Country, which gave them no 
title to the soil until it should be fairly obtained from the 
Indians themselves — and the same maxims were likewise 
adopted by the Lords of Council, in their decision respect- 
ing the appeal of the Moheagan Indians against the colony 
of Connecticut; and in truth the British Government on 
many occasions and particularly in the negociations with 
tiie Court of France in 1775 and in the purchase of lands 
on the Ohio, made in behalf of the Crown from the six 
Nations in 1768 has publickly acknowledged & confirmed 



160 Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 

the title of the Indian Nations of America to their respec- 
tive Countries — The King has indeed from political views 
assumed a right of restraining the Indians from conveying 
their lands to any hut those who may he authorized by the 
Crown to purchase them ; every reason however, and every 
principle of justice, supporting the limited right, which is 
thus allowed them, must operate as strongly in favor of 
their full and unlimited right over the lands in question. 
For as the property of the Indians in their respective terri- 
tories is original and underived, except from the Divine 
Creator, it must by a necessary consequence be full, abso- 
lute, exclusive and indefeasable. — I write not indeed to 
convince you of these truths of which you are already 
satisfied, but to suggest to you a particular application of 
them. — You know it has been generally though unthink- 
ingly believed here, that the lands on which our colonies 
in America have been settled, were before such settlement 
the property of the British state, and that this has been 
assumed as a fundamental proposition by almost every 
writer in favour of Parliamentary Supremacy, and that the 
dependance & subjection of the colonies to the Legislature 
of Great Britain has been from thence most strongly, 
though erroneously infered and maintained — A regard 
therefore to the civil rights of our countrymen in America, 
a3 well as to that equal & common justice which belongs 
to the Indians demands that this fundamental & per- 
nicious error should be speedily & publickly corrected & 
exploded ; which could not be so properly and effectually 
done as by that respectable body the Congress, whose 
declaration in support of the absolute right of the natives to 
their territories, would for ever exterminate this Error in 
America, and probably in Europe likewise — There is besides 
another consideration which should, I think, induce the 
Congress to this proceeding — There can be no doubt, but if 
the present hostile invasion of the colonies will be the case, 
so long as their is any hope of success, and if the forces to 
be sent from hence should be found unequal to this unnatural 



Some Letters of Fi'tm klin's Corespondents. 1G1 

purpose, that endeavours will be used to excite the Indians 
of America, to butcher the inhabitants of the colonics, to 
the end, that bv an accumulation of distress and carnasre, 
they may the sooner be reduced to submission. These exe- 
crable attempts however might I think be effectually frus- 
trated and the affections of the Indians unalterably secured 
if the Congress should publickly assert k maintain the full 
and absolute right of the natives to sell k convey their lands 
to such purchasers as may offer the best prices, without 
any of those restraints from the Crown which have hitherto 
rendered this (almost the only) property of the Indians of 
but little value to them. — You know, sir, how jealous these 
natives have long been of our intentions toward them on 
this subject and I think an act of so much justice and so 
essentially conducive to their most important interests could 
not fail to conciliate their friendship to those who should 
thus espouse their cause and assert their rights. This 
indeed is now rendered the more expedient by the per- 
nicious views of the Government manifested in the Que- 
bec act and in the expressions which lately escaped from 
the ministerial speakers against Lord Camden's motion. — 
To bind all the future settlements of British America in 
chains of despotism appears to have been the design of that 
part of the act which so enormously extends the limits of 
Quebec, but the ministry being conscious of the rights of the 
Indians have cautiously worded this part of the act, which 
declares " that all the territories islands and countries in 
North America belonging" to the Crown of Great Britain 
bounded" within the limits therein described shall " be 
annexed to and made part and parcel of the Province of 
Quebec" — and therefore if it be proved, as may easily be 
done, that the countries of the Indians within those limits 
do not belong to the Crown of Great Britain but to the 
different Indian nations by whom they are possessed and 
who have been often treated with as independent allies, 
these countries will then be detached from the Province of 
Quebec k rescued from the despotism which must otherwise 
VOL. XXVII. — 11 



102 Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 

be imposed upon them and also from those quit rents and 
other reservations which have lately accompanied all Royal 
grants in America k which are so frequently adduced to 
support the Supremacy of Parliament, as has been already 
mentioned. 

I shall .however respectfully submit the justice of these 
observations, the use to which they may be capable of being 
applied, and the time and manner of their application to 
your superior wisdom — and have only to add to the com- 
munications of my former letter that five regiments con- 
taining in all about fifteen hundred men are soon to proceed 
from Ireland to America. — I strongly hope however, that the 
ill success which I am persuaded will attend all the attempts 
of the Army k Xavy in America this summer may at the 
commencement of next winter compel the present ministry 
to quit the helm, which they have so unwisely and wickedly 
conducted and that they may be succeeded by others who 
will contribute to a permanent and equitable reconciliation 
between Great Britain and the Colonies. I shall be happy 
at all times to hear of your welfare & to receive & execute 
any commands with which you may think fit to honour me. 
I am with great esteem & respect 
Dear Sir 

Your much obliged 

& most devoted Hub. Serv* 

Downing Street London EdwD Bancroft. 

Aug 81 7 th 1775. 

D R Franklin. 

_ London 12 th Aug et 1775. 

Dear S R 6 

With pleasure your friends received the agreable intelli- 
gence of your safe arrival and health. 

Inclos'd I return a Letter for you directed to our care — 
From different accounts I am pleased to observe the great 
unanimity that prevails thro the Continent; your advice was 
never more wanted, hope it will tend to restore that invalu- 
able blessing to which our unhappy Colonies have been so 



Some Letters of Franklin's Common dents. 103 

long strangers, from the best accounts we can collect think 
the Ministry still seem determined to pursue rigerous meas- 
ures, more troops & men of War are going to protect those 
already there till the spring, when a large reinforcement 
of fresh ones are to accomplish all these designs, (little 
thinking) what we must naturally suppose will happen 
"before that period arrives, from a total stoppage in the 
Trade to America; but supposing it possible to be other- 
ways, it is my Opinion, these Attempts to inforce these 
measures by the sword is impracticable — it is evident 
they have got so far in the mire as not to be able to return 
back with any degree of Credit to themselves, therefore 
seem determined to pursue, tho it may terminate in the 
ruin of both Countries — since the battle of the 17 June our 
reproch of Cowardice however is wiped off. 

The Publick papers would inform you of the death of 
our poor friend M r Quincy, it was great concern to us ; we 
lament him as an agreable acquaintance and a sincere 
friend to the interest of his Country; had a satisfaction 
however to think his papers fell into the hands of the 
Congress. 

I sincerely wish a continuance of your unanimity — May 
Peace be established upon a firm and lasting basis, so 
ardently wishes your sincere 

friend & most hum lle Ser* 

To Tho s Bromfield. 

Doctor Franklin 

Capt. Newman who is fa Philadelphia 
desired to deliver this 
with his own hand. 

Perth- Amboy, Aug £t 14, 1775. 
Honoured Father, 

I wrote' to you by the Stage on Thursday last since 
which I have not heard from you. 

As you were so kind as to say that you had no objection 
to doing anything for me that might be in your Power re- 
specting the Lands in the Traders Grant from the Indians, 



164: Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 

I send you enclosed a Copy of a Letter on that Subject 
from M r George Morgan, together with my Answer open, 
which, after Perusal, please to Seal and Deliver. — I should 
be glad of your Sentiments respecting the Contents as soon 
as your Leisure will permit. 

I have read Mess" Walpole & Sargent's Letter to you, 
and observe that since you left England they have received 
the strongest assurances that our Grants shall be perfected ; 
and that they request that their Plan of Possessing & 
Leasing the Lands contracted for with Government may be 
"kept as private as possible, for should it be known on 
their side of the "Water it might rather prejudice us than 
do us any service." I think it proper therefore to suggest 
to you that, in my opinion, it is hardly possible that such 
a Transaction will be kept so secret as they think necessary, 
and consequently that you and Major Trent ought to weigh 
well the Consequences before you adopt the Measure. 

I wonder Trent should make as an Excuse for not clear- 
ing the Judgments to Tilghman, or paying the Jersey Debt 
for Croghan, that he has nothing of Croghan's in his 
hands, when by Croghan's letter to me the judgment to 
Tilghman was principally, if not solely for a debt of Trent's 
own, and, by his Ace* against Trent, there is a Ballance 
due to him of about 17 or 1800X. M r Bernard Gratz 
(your JSTeighbour) has the Acc fc & a Power to receive the 
Ball. & to pay it to me. Do send for Mm and he will shew 
to you and make you acquainted with the Affair of the 
Judgment. He lately promised to write to me as soon as 
he could get Trent's Answer. Do let him know that I 
have not yet had a line from him. 

We are all well & join in affectionate Duty to you and 
Love to the Family 

I am, Hon rd Sir, 

Your ever dutiful Son 

W K Franklin 

P.S. — I should be glad to have a line from you by the 
Po3t to let me know if I may expect to see you here — 



Same Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 165 

whether you approve of my coming to Philad. — when it 
will be proper Billy should be there in order to go to the 
College. 

The above & enclosed were copied by him. 

London Sep r 6. 1775. 
Dear Sir : 

I have your Favour of July 7th acknowledging the 
receipt of mine of April 8th and May oth and am very 
sorry you 6eem to think matters are now gone so far as to 
be past all Accomodation. But as you tell me that Words 
& Arguments are now of no use, I shall not trouble you 
with many, only permit me to express my surprise and 
concern at your saying, all tends to a separation. Perhaps 
the wisest Heads and honestest Hearts on your side the 
"Water do not see all the Consequences of such an Event ; 
for it cannot be denied, that you have [torn] to [torn] 
present Strength, Riches & Consideration by your [torn] 
with [torn] and the protection you have received from the 
[torn] of this Country. Xobody can say what will be 
your [torn] w r hen that Protection is not only withdrawn, 
but that very [torn] exerted against you. We may not 
indeed recover you for Customers, and in that Case I hope 
we shall, as we do now T , find other markets for the Com- 
modities w T e can spare, but it should not be forgotten on 
your Part that at the Commencement of our Commercial 
Intercourse, and for many years after, the Merchants of 
this Country supplied you with a Variety of Goods which 
were then absolutely necessary to your Subsistance and 
Comfort (and what perhaps you cannot yet well do wholly 
without) at no inconsiderable Risque, and with a Liberality 
of Credit, which probably no other European Nation would 
or could afford to give you. It has indeed turned out to 
be a very beneficial Commerce to Britain as well as to you. 
But does she not deserve it ? Surely she does. As for the 
Colonies paying their Debts, nobody here seems to give 
themselves any Concern on that Head. Whatever be the 



166 Some Letters of IPrankMrts Correspondents. 

Convulsions of States, private Men will always discharge 
their just Debt if they are honest and able. Of your Integ- 
rity we have had long Experience, and of your Ability 
there can be little Doubt when you can make such a sacri- 
fice of present Interest, and such expensive preparations for 
Resistance, when you think the sacred voice of Liberty 
calls for it. Certain it is, that the Parliament were igno- 
rant of your present Opulence when, at the conclusion of 
the late "War, they refunded you a large Sum, which they 
conceived you had expended beyond your Ability : But 
tliis, while it discovered how little they knew of your real 
Wealth, shewed at the same time how little disposed 
they were to fleece or oppress you. Nor should this be 
altogether forgotten. 

I own the Unanimity & Firmness you discover in the 
Prosecution of this Quarrel excells my Expectation. But 
this is not much to be wondered at, when one considers, 
how easy it is for a few violent men with you (counte- 
nanced & encouraged as they were by the Clamors of the 
Opposition here) to spirit up the great mass of the People 
under the specious Pretence that they had no alternative 
but to die Freemen or to live Slaves. This how [torn] 
well know, is by no means the case. You know your 
friends have been constantly increasing ever since the Ee- 
peal of the Stamp Act; in particular, you will remember, 
the Distinction you then made between external & internal 
Taxes, the former of which you admitted we had a right to 
impose, and which was precisely the Case of the Tea Duty, 
now so odious with you. So that at length you have 
brought the Matter to this simple Question, " Shall the 
British Colonies remain any longer a part of the British 
Empire ?" — This is the simple point you have now drawn 
the Swords to decide. For not to talk of Taxation and 
Representation of which I see no End, I believe there is no 
Precedent of the Inhabitants of any Province however 
distant, belonging to a state, having as you have the same 
Privileges with those born in the Mother Country and 



Some Letters of JPranklin's Correspondents. 167 

enjoying the Protection of its Laws and its Tower, not 
being subject to the Legislature of that State. In what 
manner our Legislature could best exercise their Power in 
taxing you, in Consistence with the Principles of the Con- 
stitution, which more amply than in any other State upon 
Earth provides for and guards the Liberty of the Subject, 
it might perhaps be still no difficult matter to discover, 
were you seriously disposed to acknowledge that the Par- 
liament of England has any Right at all to make Laws to 
bind you, a Right, which tho you have hitherto submitted 
to the Exercise of, in a Variety of the most essential and 
important Acts of Legislation, you now wholly renounce 
and disclaim. 

You see how soon I have forgot that Words and Argu- 
ments are out of the Question, but I have insensibly drawn 
out this Letter to a Length which I did not intend when I 
begun it, as for this once forgive me. Perhaps these may 
be my last Words to you upon this Subject, and should 
they turn out to be my last in every Sense, I can truly say 
they come from an unprejudiced Mind, always open to 
better information, and from a Heart sincerely disposed to 
promote the Happiness of my Fellow Creatures. 

I am glad you are this Year blest as we are with a plen- 
tiful Harvest. Corn has been of late a very beneficial 
article of Commerce to you (for the Benefits of Com- 
merce are [torn] you have generally much more than 
is necessary for [torn] Consumption ; but as it is a Com- 
modity that will not keep [torn] you, and one from the 
Produce of which your Farmers are enabled to purchase all 
the other necessaries of Life, will not the present Obstruc- 
tion to their Exportation of it be severely felt by that useful 
part of the Community ? — The Evils of War are extensive 
and innumerable. May the present and all Wars (if Wars 
there must be) terminate so as to leave the greatest possible 
numbers of human Beings free and happy. In this par- 
ticular I arn sure we are of one Mind. 

There is nothing new here nor can there be till the Par- 



168 Some Leilas of Franklin's Correspondents. 

liament reassembles which will be the 26th of next month. 
I shall then, as I have done always, have my Ears open to 
all that is said pro and con. I hope still (for I never cease 
to hope even in the greatest Extremities) that something 
may be luckily hit on to stop the Progress of this unnatural 
and destructive Quarrel, which I must own the Declaration 
of the Congress you inclosed to me, seems more calculated 
to perpetuate than any of your Publications I have yet seen. 
They say, among other things that Foreign Assistance, if 
necessary, is undoubtedly attainable. Alas ! do you consider 
the Danger of calling in Foreign Assistance ? Where is 
the Foreign State you can with Safety and Propriety apply 
to ? How many Nations have been ruined and enslaved by 
calling in Foreign Assistance ! But I suppose this is only 
thrown out in terrorem and was never meant to be seriously 
put in Practice. 

I am very happy to hear from yourself that you are well 
and hearty. That you are busier than ever I can easily 
believe. I flatter myself you will live till the Peace and 
Liberty and Happiness of your native Country are estab- 
lished upon the surest and most lasting foundations, and 
that you will not have the unspeakable Mortification to 
leave it in the State of Anarchy in which it is now in- 
volved. More has it already suffered and much more it is 
likely to suffer in a few Years from this Contest, than the 
amount of all the Taxes the British Parliament (always 
considering themselves as the Representatives of every 
British subject) should probably have imposed on them for 
a Century to come. 

My Family are all well and desire to be remembered to 
you. I am 

•Dear Sir 

Your affectionate humble Servant 
Will : Strahan. 

Since writing the above I have read the last Petition of the 
Congress to the King, to which your name is annexed. It 
appears to me to be couched in very loose Terms, neither 



Some Letters of IPranklin's Coirespvndcnts. 1G9 

making any Concessions, or pointing out any feasible Plan 
of Reconciliation. It plainly appears, indeed, to be written 
after you was convinced that Words and Arguments were 
of no Use. I dare say none of the Persons who sign it, 
expected it could have any Effect here, tho it may have a 
good deal with the ignorant Part of your Provincials. By 
the way, may it not be justly apprehended that the People 
of Property in America, after having put Arms into the 
Hands of the inferior Class, and taught them the Use of 
them, will one Day find it no easy Matter to persuade them 
to lay them down again ? In my Opinion you have much 
more Reason to dread being enslaved by some of your own 
Citizens, than by the British Senate. You will smile at my 
Folly perhaps, but I am fully persuaded that this Contest 
will not only give a deadly Check to your growing Power 
and Prosperity, but greatly endanger those very Liberties 
you have now taken up Arms to defend. 

Loxdox, 13 Feb* 1776. 
Dear Sir 

I lament this unhappy war, as on more serious accounts, 
so not a little that it renders my correspondence with you 
so precarious. I have had three letters from you, and have 
written as often, but the last, by Mr. Temple, I have been in- 
formed he could not take. What is become of it I cannot tell. 

This accompanies a copy of my second volume of Obser- 
vations on air, and of a pamphlet, which may perhaps make 
you smile. Major Carleton, brother to the Governor of 
Quebec, has undertaken to convey the parcel to you. 

By the same hand you will receive a most excellent 
pamphlet by Dr. Price, which, if anything can, will, I hope, 
make some impression upon this infatuated nation. An 
edition of a thousand has been nearly sold in two days. 
But when L d G. Germaine is at the head of affairs, it cannot 
be expected that anything like reason or moderation should 
be attended to. Everything breathes rancour and despera- 
tion and nothing but absolute impotence will stop their 



170 Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents, 

proceedings. We therefore look upon a final separation from 
you as a certain and speedy event. If anything can unite us, 
it must be the immediate adopting of the measures proposed 
by L d Shelburnc, and mentioned in Dr. Price's pamphlet. 

As, however, it is most probable that you will be driven 
to the necessity of governing yourselves, I hope you have 
wisdom to guard against the rocks that we have fatally split 
upon, and make some better provision for securing your 
natural rights against the incroachment of power, in whom- 
soever placed. 

Amidst the alarms and distresses of war, it may perhaps 
give you some pleasure to be informed that I have been 
very successful in the prosecution of my experiments since 
the publication of my second volume. I have lately sent to 
the Royal society some observations on blood (which I be- 
lieve have given great satisfaction to my medical friends) 
proving that the use of it in respiration is to discharge 
phlogiston from the system, that it has the same power of 
affecting air when congealed and out of the body that it 
has when fluid and in the body and acts thro a bladder and 
a large quantity of serum, as well as in immediate contact 
with the air. In pure air it becomes of a florid red, and in 
phlogisticated air black; and the air to which it has been 
exposed is affected in the same manner as it is by respiration, 
the calcination of metals, or any other phlogistic process. 

I am now in a very promising course of experiments on 
metals, from all of which, dissolved in spirits of nitre, I get 
first nitrous air as before, and then distilling to dryness from 
the same materials fixed air, and dephlogisticated air. This 
proves that fixed air is certainly of the nitrous acid. I have, 
however, got no fixed air from gold or silver. You will 
smile when I tell you I do not absolutely despair of the 
transmutation of metals. 

In one of your letters you mention your having made a 
valuable discovery on your passage to America, and promise 
to write me a particular account of it. If you ever did this, 
the letter has miscarried, for which I shall be sorry and the 



Some Letters of Franklin's Gorres pendents : 171 

more so as I now almost despair of hearing from you any 
more till these troubles be settled. 

The club of honest whigs, as you justly call them, think 
themselves much honoured by your having been one of 
them, and also by your kind remembrance of them. Our 
zeal in the good cause is not abated. You are often the 
subject of our conversation. 

Not to burden my friend too much, I give him only one 
copy of my book, but I hope you will communicate it to 
Professor Winthrop, with my most respectful compliments. 



I am, as ever, 



truly yours 

Joseph Priestee!*. 



P.S. — Lord Shelburne and Col 1 Barre were pleased with 
your remembrance of them, and desire their best respects 
and good wishes in return. The best thing I can wish the 
friendly bearer of this letter is that he may fall into your 
hands, as I am sure he will meet with good treatment, 
and perhaps have the happiness of conversing with you, a 
happiness which I now regret. Your old servant, Fevre, 
often mentions you with affection and respect. He is, in all 
respects, an excellent servant. I value him much both on 
his own account and yours. He seems to be very happy. 
A\ rta Stephenson is much as usual. He can talk about 
nothing but you. 

I^*t>on, Feb. 24, 177G 
Dear Sir : 

It is so long since I have had the pleasure of hearing 
from you that I fear the administration has but too effectu- 
ally stopt the Channels of Communication between this 
Country and its colonies. I have airways dreaded this 
event as fatal & final to the prospect of national reconcilia- 
tion. When in any contention the parties are not only 
studiously kept asunder, but mischief-making go-betweens 
exert every art and practise every fraud to inflame jeal- 
ousies, animosities and resentments between them. It is 
but too obvious to fear that your own prophetic words sh d 



172 Sortie Letters of Franklin 's Correspondents* 

be accomplished, that instead of that cordial affection that 
once and so long existed & that harmony so suitable to the 
happiness, safety, strength and wellfare of both countries, an 
implacable malice and mutual hatred, such as we see subsist- 
ing between the Spaniards and Portugueze, the Geno [torn] 
and corsicans, sh d fatally take root between the present 
state and its Colonies. These fears are not abated by the 
consideration of the incessant injuries, w ch have been and 
\v cb continue to be heapt upon our unhappy fellow-subjects 
in America. These injuries are indeed brought upon them 
by the administration, who usurps the personality and 
authority w ch they pretend to derive from the people, but 
from the distance between us and our american breth- 
ren, and the false evidence mutually transmitted from one to 
the other by a treacherous administration, I greatly fear 
that national resentment will become indiscriminate. It is 
inseparable from human nature that the mind under any 
grievous suffering, especially injury, will be distracted and 
broken from its [torn] and most affectionate connexions 
w ch may happen to be but accidentally & collaterally involved. 
The affection of States to each other consists of the combi- 
nation of personal affections, parentage and intercourse; 
when blood is shed, and the parent weeps for his son, the 
widow for her husband, brother for brother, an inextinguish- 
able resentment arises, the appeal for blood. Those unfor- 
tunates who have lost their relations and friends become 
furious, and in those who have them yet to lose, horrors and 
fears take place of and drive out affection, the bonds of 
attachment are let loose and all the tumultuous passions are 
set afloat. I know that you are as sensible of these conse- 
quences as any one can be, you have foreseen them afar off, 
you have predicted them, you have done every thing in 
your power to soften animosities and to put off the evil day. 
I hope still that you will not despair. Your age, experience, 
character, humanity and example of moderation in disre- 
garding those injuries and insults w ch have been offered to 
yourself, give you the best title to plead with your country- 



Some Letters of Franklin's Corespondents. 173 

men, to suspend their resentments, to discriminate those 
who have not injured them, and to remember the ties of 
affection between themselves and their fellow-subjects in 
England. I see the influence of your Counsels in the Con- 
gress. I see the distinction clearly made between the min- 
istry and the people of England, but I fear at the same time 
the seeds of jealousy are struggling to break out. The 
address from the Congress to the assembly of Jamaica 
speaks of the people of England as dissipated and corrupt. 
The people of England are far otherwise. They are just 
and generous and if it were put to the sense of the 
people of England, you w d not be left in any doubt whether 
it was want of will or want of power to do you justice. 
You know the blot of our constitution by w ch to our 
disgrace and to your misfortune, a corrupt ministry, shel- 
tered by parliamentary influence, are out of our immediate 
Controul. A day of account may come, when the justice 
of the nation may prevail, and if it comes not too late, it 
may prove a day of reconciliation and cordial reunion 
between us and America. The trial is with you, to guard 
your resentments from becoming indiscriminate, and a 
great trial it is [torn] the assistance and guidance of good 
men like yourself to abate popular fury, but unexampled as 
the forbearance of America has hitherto been, believe me, 
that fury w ch among nations is inseparable from accumu- 
lated injury, is rising. You must exert all your discretion 
to take at least the chance of keeping it low till the fiery 
trial may abate. I cannot tell what efforts the ministry 
have in their malicious purpose to try. I am amazed at 
their desperate & headstrong hardiness to proceed in an un- 
dertaking w ch gives them so little prospect of success, and such 
certainty of the severest responsibility to this country when 
they rouse themselves to the enquiry. The only machinery 
of the administration w° h is to be feared is, least the course 
of their injustice and tyranny in America sir 4 throw your 
countrymen into fury beyond the bounds of forbearance by 
cruelties exciting implacable hatred and upon that hatred so 



174 Some Letters of Franklin's Correspondents. 

raised "by themselves to attack the [torn] of the people of 
England thereby to keep off enquiry from themselves. 
They are masters of all communication & consequently ot 
the representation of facts to their own purposes. They 
will send false accounts to you of the disposition of the 
people here towards you, and if they can drive you hy any 
means to acts of ^reconciliation they will endeavour to 
raise implacable disposition on this side of the water upon 
the false suggestion of w ch they are now endeavouring to urge 
you on. We who are friends to both countries wish to 
prevent such fatal jealousies and misunderstandings. — Many 
of your best friends in England regret that the Congress 
has not made some specific and definite proposition upon 
w ch the sense of the people of England might have been 
consulted. A people at large cannot enter into historical 
details, especially when facts are so studiously confounded 
and misrepresented, but still they c d judge of a simple propo- 
sition. If any such had been made, I think it w d have been 
the most likely method to have captivated the good will of 
the nation. While the propositions of the Congress are 
generall and indefinite, the ministry treat them as general 
words meaning little or nothing in fact. But I think 
the further prosecution of hostile measures c d not be 
supported by the ministry if they were to refuse any definite 
and equitable ofYer of accommodation made on the part of 
America. If it be possible let the two countries be once 
more reunited in affection. It is not simply peace that we 
ought to strive for, but reconciliation w ch is more than 
peace. We may have peace with foreign states, but it 
must be reconciliation alone that can unite us as one people. 
However forlorn the prospect may be, let not the common 
friends slacken their endeavours. Constancy is our only 
hope. All is lost if we despair. I am Dear Sir 
With the greatest regard 

and esteem very affectionately yours 

To Dr. Franklin G. B. 

Philadelphia. 



Some Letters of Fran klin's Correspon den is, 175 

London 31" 3 d / Mo. 177G. 

I could not with any satisfaction avoid informing my 
Friend Doctor Franklin that Lord Howe continues as 
respectable a Character at this hour, as when we last 
parted — a Hint, that I thought, in every point of view, 
consistent for me to communicate to my respectable Friend, 
at this critical Conjuncture; with this addition, that what- 
ever the mission of Lord Howe may prove, I am firmly 
persuaded that it will not be for want of inclination in him, 
should the Ollive Branch not rise superior to the direful din 
of war — In this Sentiment, I am not alone, as my much 
valued & able fellow Labourer in the desireable Work of 
Peace most cordially joins me and however the M: D. & 
myself differ in opinion from others, we daily have the 
satisfaction of hearing from all Parties. 

Approbation of the Man, who, we have wished, should 
wear the Laurels, by reuniting the Colonies to the Mother 
Country — an achievement deserving of more honours & 
which must be productive of more heartfelt Satisfaction to a 
Good Man than the Destruction of an Annada. 
I am Thy respectful Friend 

David Barclay. 

Doctor Benjamin Franklin in America. 



176 Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



LOSSES OF THE MILITARY AND -NAVAL FOECES 
ENGAGED IX THE WAR OF THE AMERICAN 
REVOLUTION. 

[The following lists of officers of the British army and navy killed and 
wounded, and of the British, American, French, Spanish, and Dutch men- 
of-war captured and destroyed during the American Revolution, was com- 
piled about the year 1784 by Lieutenant George Inman, of H. K. M. Twent} r - 
sixth Foot, whose narrative of his services during the war was printed in 
the Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. VII. p. 237. While it cannot be 
supposed to be exhaustively complete, it would be difficult now to bring 
together so extensive a series of lists of such a character.] 

List of Officers killed since the Commencement of the War 
19 th April 1775, Regiments etc. and officers of Marines 
serving on Shore. 

Generals. 
Regts Where killed 

44 th Brig. Gen. Agnew Germantown 

"24 ,jl Brig. Gen. Fraser Saratoga 

Colonels and Lt. Colonels. 

•Guards Colonel Howard On his passage home 

Lt. Col. Hall \ 

" Lt. Col. Stewart (• Carolinas 

•33* Lt, Col. Webster ) 

5 ,h Lt, Col. Walcot 

15 th Lt. Col. Bird 

22 d Lt. Col. Abercrombie Bunker's Hill 

-35 th Lt. Col. Carr White Plains 

40 th Lt. Col. Grant Long Island 

45 th Lt. Col. Monckton Monmouth 

62 d Lt. Col. Campbell Forts Montgomery & Clinton 



}« 



ermantown 



29 tu Lt, Col. Gordon Near Chamble 

Majors. 

U4 th Major Grant Near Saratoga 

40 th Major Montgomery New London 

43 d Major Spendlove Bunker's Hill 

.52 d Major Williams " " 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 177 



Regts 




Where killed 


Marines 


Major Pitcairn 


Bunker's Hill 


58 th 


Major Burke 


Gibraltar 


63 d 


Major Sill 


Forts Montgomery & Clinton 


71 


Major Menzies 


On board transport, Boston 
Harbour 


u 


Major Ferguson 


Carolina 


95 th 


Major Pierson 


Island of Jersey 


98 th 


Major Hutchinson 


East Indies 




Capta, 


ins. 


Guards 


Hon. Captain Finch 


Near Weathersfield, Jersey 


n 


Captain Schutz 


Carolina 


40 th 


Captain Wolfe 


Near Valley Forge Pa. 


<< 


Captain Craige 


New London 


Guards 


Captain Maynard 


) 


<( 


Captain Goodrich 


>- Carolinas 


« 


Captain Lord Douglass 


■ J 


Artillery 


Captain Jones 


Saratoga 


<( 


Captain Reeves 


Gibraltar 


4 th 


Captain Evelyn 


Frogs Neck 


5 ,u 


Captain Downes 


Bunker's Hill 


It 


Captain Gore 


Monmouth 


It 


Captain Charlton 


Germantown 


7 th 


Captain Helyar 


Carolina 


9 th 


Captain Stapylton 


Saratoga 


14 ih 


Captain Fordyce 


Near Norfolk, Virginia 


17 th 


Captain Sir Alexander 
Murray 


Long Island 


ti 


Captain Tew 


Stoney Point 


it 


Honble Captain Leslie 


Princeton 


23 1 


Captain Wills 


Monmouth 


26* 


Captain Stuart 


Montgomery Fort 


28 th 


Captain Deering 


White Plains 


«< 


Captain Hay 


St Lucia 


*« 


Captain Elliott 


St Kitts 


S3 4 


Captain Cotton 
Captain Malcolm 


r Near Cambden, Carolina 


(< 


Captain Kerr 


Yorktown, Virginia 


35 


Captain Lyons 


Bunker's Hill 


« 


Captain Phillips 


Near Princeton, Jersey 


52* 


Captain Addison 


") 


n 


Captain Smith 


V Bunker's Hill 


tt 


Captain Davidson 


3 


VOL. 


xxvn. — 12 





178 Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Regta 




Where killed 


52* 


Captain Nelson 


Long Island 


n 


Captain Williamson 


Princeton 


a 


Captain Powell 


Monmouth 


63* 


Captain Drury 


Brandy wine 


64 


Captain Nairne 


44 


65 


Captain Hudson 


Bunker's Hill 


67 


Captain Sharwin 


a n 


69 


Captain Ross 


St Kitts 


71 


Capt Campbell 


Near Savannah, Georgia 


it 
it 


Capt Campbell 
Capt Cameron 


y Carolina 


88* 


Capt Brown 


On his passage from the Island 
of Rattan to Jamaica 


100* 


Capt Crawford 


In a transport at St Jago 


Marines 
u 


Capt Ellis 
Capt Campbell 


} Bunker's Hill 


it 


Capt Logan 


Long Island 


n 


Capt Clugston 


Monaica East Indies 


35 


Capt L Gore 


White Plains 


10 th 


Capt Mcintosh 


a a 


98 


Capt. Brox. Jenkinson On board the Burford in the 






East Indies 


Marines 


Captain Ragg 


On board the Majue friend [?] 


38* 


Captain Norman 


Near Elizabethtown Jersey 


53 d 


Captain White 


Saratoga 




Lieutenants, 


Artillery 


Lt Lovell 


Long Island 




Lt Disaguliers 


Near Woodbridge, Jersey 




Lt Wallace 


Georgia 




Lt O'Hara 


Carolina 




Lt Vaughn 


Monmouth 




Lt Cleyland 


Saratoga 




Lt Grumly 


Gibraltar 


1" Foot 


Lt Wilson 


J St Kitts 


it 


Lt Clark 


3 d 


Lt Beckwith 


Carolina 


4* 


Lt Knight 


Lexington 


5 th 


Lt Harris 


St Lucia 


9* 


Lt Westrope 


r Saratoga 


a 


Lt Wright 


10* 


Lt Verner 


Bunker's Hill 


it 


Lt Blenerhassett 


Staten Island 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 179 



Regis 



14' 



15 th 

40 :b 
«i 

42 
43 
44 

47 



02 



62 



C3 



16 th 

17 
10 
20 



21 



22 
23 



24 ,J 



Lt Napier 
Lt Leslie 
Lt Bruere 
Lt Faulkiner 
Lt Cunningham 
Lt Barber 
Lt Smith 
Lt Gilchrist 
Lt Hull 
Lt Kennedy 
Lt Hilliard 
Lt Gould 
Lt McCleod 
Lt Grann 
Lt Doyle 
Lt Higgins 
Lt Eeynell 
Lt Hervey 
Lt Stuart 
Lt Dalrymple 
Lt "Wrixon 
Lt Money 
Lt Cope 
Lt Gibson 
Lt Pinefeather 
Lt Westenra 
Lt Carrol 
Lt Calderwood 
Lt Morgan 
Lt Hickman 
Lt Lucas 
Lt Cooke 
Lt Obins 
Lt Currie 
Lt Mackenzie 
Lt Robinson 
Lt Turnbull 
Lt Cunningham 
Lt Robinson 
Lt Mair 
Lt Guy on 
Lt Gordon 



Where killed 

Near Norfolk, Virginia 

Bunker's Hill 

Brandvwine 

Gibraltar 

Brandvwine 
New London 
Monmouth 
Lexington 
Monmouth 

Bunker's Hill 

Near Wilming 
Bunker's Hill 
Brandywine 
Bunker's Hill 

Saratoga 

Bunker's Hill 
Fort Montgomery 

Carolina 

Near Philadelphia 
St Kitts 
Pensacola 
Georgia 
Germantown 
Eutaw Carolina 

Near Saratoga 



• Near Saratoga 

Near Brunswick Jerseys 
Near Guilford, Carolina 

r Yorktown, Virginia 

By a rebel centry near Cam- 
bridge w r hen Prisoner 






180 Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Regts 




Where killed 


2C>* 


Lt Gordou 


Fort Montgomery 


27 th 


Lt Minchin 


Brandywine 


29 th 


Lt Douglass 


Saratoga 


33 

tt 


Lt Druuimond 
Lt Harris 


Y Brandywine 


35 th 


Lt Bard 


Bunker's Hill 


<< 


Lt Joeelyn 


White Plains 


63 d 


Lt Lloyd 


Carolina 


it 


Lt Lyster 
Lt Dunn 


r York town Virginia 


64 th 


Lt Freeman 


Charleston S. C. 


65 


Lt Smith 


Bunker's Hill 


?1 8t 


Lt Campbell 


Near Cambden, Carolina 


tt 


Lt McKenzie 


Fort Montgomery 


it 


Lt McPherson 


Carolina 


tc 


Lt Fraser 


Yorktown Virginia 


74 th 


Lt Campbell 


tt tt 


80 th 
it 


Lt Alston 
Lt Belvaird 


r Virginia 


88 th 


Lt French 


On his passage from the Island 
of Rattan to Jamaica 


tt 


Lt Charles Stuart 


East Indies 


60 th 


Lt Finley 


Georgia 


98 


Lt Griffin 


> On board transports at St. Jago 
j with Commodore Johnston 


100 


Lt McDonald 


Marines 


Lt Shea 


~) 


tt 


Lt Finnie 


l Bunker's Hill 


" 


Lt Gardner 


) 


tt 


Lt Cole thrust 


Boston Lighthouse 


tt 


Lt Haggart 


Saratoga 


tt 
tt 


Lt Davis 
Lt Crew 


f Minorca 


tt 


Lt Barrett 


Monaica East Indies 


38' h 


Lt Dutton 


Bunker's Hill ? 


ti 


Lt Johnston 


Brandywine 


it 


Lt Edwards 


Worcester East Indies 


Marines 


Lt Mounier 


West Indies 



Ensigns and Cornets. 

16 th Dragoons Cornet Geary Jerseys 

17 " Cornet Ogilvie Virginia 

4 th Foot Ensign Haddon Germantown 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution* 



181 



Rcgts 



Where killed 



5* 


Ensign Currie 


On board ship West Indies 


15 th 


Ensign Frederick 


Gerinantown 


17 * 


Ensign Phillips 


a 


22 d 


En n Proctor 


Rhode Island 


< i 


Adams 


<( a 


S3 


En n Talbot 


Guilford S Carolina 


40 
it 


En n Whillock 
En n Hyde 


r New London 


52 


En n Hall 


Near Woodbridge Jersey 


62 


En n Taylor 


Near Saratoga 


c« 
it 


En n Phillips 
En n Young 


r Near Saratoga 


C4 


En n Grant 


Germ an town 


«< 


En n Laton 


Carolina 


71 
<« 


En n MePherson 
En 11 Grant 


r Carolina 


(1 


En n McGregor 
En n Cameron 


r Siege of Charleston 


98 


En n Morris 


On board a transport at St Jago 


22 


En n Dowling 


Rhode Island 


S5 


En n Eagle 


White Plains 


14 


En n Hesketh 


Bunker Hill 



List of Officers Wounded since: 19 th April 1775 belonging 
to His Majesty's Regular Forces, with the Marine Offi- 
cers serving on Shore. 



Generals. 



Regis 




Where wounded 


46 


Major General Vaughn 


York Island 


42 


Brig r Gen. Stirling 


Near Elizabethtown, Jersey 


Guards 


Brig r Gen. O'Hara 


Guilford, Carolina 


Guards 


Brig r Gen. Trelawney 


Monmouth 


51" 


Brig 1 Gen. Pringlle 


Minorca 




Colonels and Lt, 


. Colonels. 


Guards 


Col. Howard 


Guilford, Carolina 


3 d Foot 


Lt. Col. Stewart 


Eutaw " 


10* 


Lt Col Smith 


Lexington 


23* 


Lt Col Bernard 


tt 


S3 4 


Lt Col Webster 


Cambden, Carolina 


40* 


Lt Col Musgrave 


Frogs Neck 



182 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Kegt3 




Where wounded 


45 th 


Lt Coi Monckton 


Long Island 


54 th 


Lt Col Eyre 


New Londou 


55 


Lt Col Meadows 


Brandywine 


62 


Lt Col Anstruthers 


Saratoga 


79 


Lt Col Tarlton 


Yorktown, Virg* 


20 


Lt Col Lind 


Saratoga 


5* 


Lt Col Walcot 


Bronks Kiver 




Majors. 


Artillery 


Major Lewis 


Gibraltar 


3 d Foot 


Honble Major Leslie 


Carolina 


9 th 


Major Forbes 


Saratoga 


10 th 


Major Gardner 


Monmouth 


17 th 


Major Sturbenzie 


York Island & Jerseys 


20 th 


Major Ackland 


Saratoga 


24 th 


Major Agnew 


iC 


27 th 


Major Conran 


Danbury 


42 1 


Major Murray 


York Island 


44 th 


Major Hope 


Danbury 


47 


Major Smith 


Bunker Hill 


53 


Major Earl Balcarras 


Saratoga 


62 


Major Harnage 


it 


63 


Major Weyuis 


S° Carolina 


64 


Major McLeroth 


Brandywine 


65 


Major Butter 


Bunker Hill 


72 


Major Horsfall 


Gibraltar 


76 


Major Earl of Caithne^ 


>s Elisabethtown, Jersey 


52 


Major Humphreys 


"Woodbridge Jersey 




Captains. 


Guards 


Capt Bellew 


Monmouth 


ct 


Capt Swanton 


Guilford Carolina 


Guards 


Capt Maitland 


Guilford Carolina 


Artillery 


Capt Huddleston 
Capt Lemoine 


\ Bunker Hill 


a 


' Capt Blomfield 


Saratoga 


- <( 


Capt Charlton 




a 


Capt Fade 


Minorca 




Capt Grove 
Capt Seward 


r Gibraltar 


1* Foot 


Capt Wallace 
Capt Buckeridge 


J- St Kitt3 



Military and Naval Losses in the /{evolution. 



183 



Regts 






Where wounded 


4* Foot 

it 


Gapi 

Capi 


: West 
t Bel four 


| Bunker Hill 


It 


Capi 


t Thorpe 


Danbury & Germ an town 


it 


Capt Rawdon 


Brandywine 


5 th Foot 


Capt Marsden 
Capt Harris 


J Bunker Hill 


tt 


Cap1 


: Baker 




tt 


Capt Jackson 


Bunker Hill 


•7 th 


Capt Xewmarth 


Carolina 


ti 


Capt Montgomery 
Capt Swetenhani 


r Saratoga 


10 

tt 


tt 
tt 


Parsons 
Fitzgerald 


J- Bunker Hill 


15 th 


n 


Match-all 


York Island 


tt 


a 


Ditmas 


Danbury, York Island & Ge: 
mantown 


it 


tt 


Goldfrapp 


Germantown 


tt 
tt 


tt 

tt 


Cathcart 
Douglas 


r Brandywine 


16 


it 


Forster 


Pensacola 


17 


tt 


Brereton 


Monmouth 


ic 


it 


McPherson 


Princeton 


20 


tt 


Weyms 


) 


tt 


a 


Dowling 


y Saratoga 


it 


a 


Farquhar 


3 


21 


tt 


Ramsey 


tt 


23 


tt 


Blakeney 


Bunker Hill 


<< 


tt 


Grove 


Long Island 


tt 


a 


Mecan 


Brandywine 


tt 


a 


Drury 


Camden S. Carolina 


n 


tt 


Peters 


Carolina 


24 


tt 


Strangeway3 


r Saratoga 


a 


tt 


Blake 


27 Ul 


tt 


Rutherford 


Danbury 


28 th 


a 


Taylor 


White Plains 


it 


tt 


Daly 


St Lucia 


tt 


tt 


Smith 


StKitt3 


31 


tt 


Green 


Saratoga 


33 


it 


Dansey 


Brandywine 


34 th 


tt 


Harris 


r Saratoga 


<>- 


tt 


Ross 


35 


it 


Drew 


Bunker Hill 


«< 


a 


Fitzgerald 


White Plains 



184 Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Regts 
35 Capt Massey 


Where wounded 
White Plains 


38 th 


1 Boyd 


Bunker Hill 


ti t 


1 Caker 


ti a 


40 


1 Simcoe 


Brandywine <fe Monmouth 


43 


' MeKenzie 


Bunker Hill 


ii < 


1 Richardson 


Near Elizabethtown Jersey 


44 


' Kennedy 
* Brown 


Y Long Island 


46 


' Lloyd 


Near Woodbridge Jersey 


n ■ t 


' Laton 


Monmouth 


47 


1 Oreg 


Bunker Hill & Saratoga 


<< t 

ti t 


1 England 
1 Alcoek 


| Bunker Hill 


49 


1 Stewart 
' Wade 


r Brandywine 


50 


1 Savage 


Gibraltar 


52 


' Nelson 


Bunker Hill 


tt i 


' Barry 


S. Carolina 


54 


1 Powell 


New London 


55 


1 Downing 


St Lucia 


(< t 


1 Fisher 


Germantown 


57 


{ Sir James Murray Brandywine & White Marsh 


ti t 


* Brownlow 


Fort Montgomery 


59 


' Pawlet 


Boston Lines 


61 


1 Muett 


Gibraltar 


62 

tt i 


1 Shrimpton 

1 Bunbury 


r Saratoga 


63 


' Folliott 
1 Stopford 


\ Bunker Hill 


tt i 

tt i 


1 Nesbitt 
1 Jones 


I Forts Montgomery & Clintor 


a t 


' St Leger 


Eutaw S Carolina 


64 


1 Calder 


Danbury 


65 


1 Sinclair 


Bunker Hill 


69 


' Cunningham 


St Kitts 


70 « 


1 Ferguson 


Brandywine 


71 


' Sir James Bairc 


Germantown 


<< t 


' Fraser 


Danbury 


<< < 


1 Campbell 


Cambden 


• < < 


' McCleod 


Siege of Charleston 


73 


1 Foulis 


Gibraltar 


ti t 


1 MeKenzie 


ti 


84 


' Campbell 


Eutaw S. Carolina 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 185 



Regts 


Where wounded 




87 


Capt. Ogle 


On board the Montague 
Indies 


W 


64 


" Strong 


Eutaw S. Carolina 




78 


" Mai tl and 


Monarca E. Indies 




Marines ' ' Sou ter 


Lexington 




•< 


" A v erne 


Bunker Hill 




n 


" Chudliegh 


tt tt 




tt 


" Johnston 


Bunker Hill 




tt 


" Strickland 


St Kitts 




tt 


" Harman 


Minorca 




it 


" Adam 


Maquainme E Indies 






Lieuten 


ants. 




Engine 


ers Lt. Darcy 

1 * Johnston 


> Minorca 




n 


" Page 


Bunker Hill 




Artillei 


7 " Shuttle worth 


a a 




n 


" Shand 


tt tt 




it 


" Frost 


Germantown 




it 


" Smith 


r Saratoga 




it 


" Howarth 




tt 


" Pemble 


Rhode Island 




it 


1 ' Marquois 


Cambden 




n 


" Bougure 






it 


" Wilmington 






it 
n 


* l Irwin 

" Woodward 


r Minorca 




n 

it 


" Boag 
" Godfrey 


r Gibraltar 




n 


" Lay 


Carolina 




40* Fc 


ot " DeCourcy 


Brandywine 




tt i 


i a 


Princeton 
Germantown 




it « 


1 " Doyle 




< i < 


* " Forbes 


(i 




tt t 


' " Forbes 


St Lucia 




42 


" Peebles 


Bonum Town 




<< i 


1 " Crammond 


Long Island 




<< i 


' " Grant 


Siege of Charleston 




tt i 


' " Grant 


~) 




n i 


' " Graham 


V White Plains 




tt i 


" McCleod 


J 




43 


" Weer 


Germantown 





186 fiElitary and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Regis 




Whore wounded 


43 Foot 


Lt. Mair 


Long Island 


<( a 


" Robinson 


Bunker Hill 


tt it 


" Dalrymple 


c( tt 


44 " 


" Nicholas 


Christian Bridge Maryland 


tt it 


" Brown 


Long Island 


17 th Dragoons 


1 ' Loftus 


White Plains 


a a 


" Pateshall 


Carolina 


1 st Foot 


' ' Pemberton 


St. Kitts 


3 " 


" Hamilton 


Carolina 


4 " 

tt tt 


" Barron 
" Brown 


| Bunker Hill 


tt it 


" Gould 


Lexington 


tt tt 


" Champagine 


y Germantown 


tt tt 


" Arbuthnot 


tt n 


" Kernble 


) 


tt it 


" West 


Near Philadelphia 


tt a 


" Bowdens 


Germantown 


5 th " 

tt a 


« Cox 

" Hawkshaw 


r Lexington 


tt tt 

it it 


" McClentick 
" Croker 


| Bunker Hill 


tt tt 


" Pratt 


St Lucia 


•7th. tt 


" Hamer 


English Neighbourhood, Jersey 


9 th " 


" Kowe 


) 


tt tt 


" Murray 


{■ Saratoga 


tt it 


tl Prince 


5 


10 th " 


" Kelly 


Lexington & Bunker Hill 


tt tt 
tt a 


" Pettigrew 
" Hamilton 


| Bunker Hill 


44 " 


" Stark 


Germantown 


tt it 


" Kelly 


Monmouth 


45 " 


* ' Buxton 


Brandywine 


46 " 


" Paumier 


Monmouth 


tt a 


11 Gomme 


St Lucia 


tt tt 


" Caldwell 


W r est Indies 


tt tt 


" Laurin 


White Plains 


47 " 


" McCleod 


Lexington 


a a 


11 England 


Bunker Hill 


49 " 


" Powell 


(< c« 


a a 


" Armstrong 


Brandywine 


it tt 


" Boberts 


White Plains 


51 " 
n tt 


" Fuller 
" Hull 


r Minorca 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



18 



Regts 






where wounded 


52 Foot 

it tt 


Lt. 

it 


Thompson 
Crawford 


J- Bunker Hill 


a a 


tt 


Addison 


Long Island 


a (( 


a 


Hunter 


Near Valley Forge 


a tt 


a 


St George 


Germantown 


it a 


a 


Grose 


Fort Montgomery & Monniouth 


n tt 


tt 


Russel 


Fort Montgomery 


ti a 


tt 


Collier 


Fort Washington 


53 " 

tt a 


tt 

a 


Haughton 
Cullan 


r Saratoga 


12 th " 


tt 


Hastings 


Danbury 


a a 


tt 


Lowe 


) 


tt it 


tt 


Thornton 


V Gibraltar 


a a 


a 


Tweedie 


3 


14 " 


it 


Batut 


Near Norfolk Va. 


15 th " 


tt 


Ball 


Germantown 


it tt 


ti 


Rawdon 


White Plains 


tt tt 


it 


Leigh 


York Island 


tt tt 


ti 


Thomas 


Germantown 


16 " 


ti 


Hazleton 


Georgia 


17 " 


a 


Morgan 


Long Island 


tt n 


tt 


O'Brien 


Princeton 


a it 


tt 


Ankettle 


Near Philadelphia 


18 •'< 


ti 


Richardson 


Bunker Hill 


19 " 


it 


Lord Fitzgerald 


S Carolina 


21 " 
it tt 


a 
tt 


Featherstone 
Rutherford 


r Saratoga 


22 " 


tt 


Hamilton 


Rhode Island 


tt n 


tt 


Rutherford 


Frogs Neck 


a tt 


tt 


French 


Near Philadelphia 


tt tt 


ti 


White 


Siege of Charleston 


tt tt 


a 


Cleghorne 


Rhode Island 


23 " 
ti tt 


tt 

a 


Beckwith 
Cochrane 


I Bunker Hill 


54 " 


a 


Daunt 


New London 


55 " 


tt 


Campbell 


Princeton 


58 " 


n 


Whitthani 


Gibraltar 


59 " 


it 


Haynes 


Bunker Hill 


60 » 


it 


Ward 


Pensacola 


62 " 


a 


Jones 


Saratoga 


63 " 


it 


Bail 


Brandywine 


t* n 


a 


Campbell 


Eutaw S° Carolina 


tt a 


n 


Beacroft 


Carolina 



188 dlilitary and Kaval Losses in the Revolution. 



F.egt« 




Where wounded 


64 Foot Lt. Peters 




lilt t 


1 Jacobs 




11 (I t 


' Torriano 


• Brandywine 


tin t 


1 Wynyard 




it n i 


' Freeman 




it it t 
tt it t 


1 Graham ") 

, ^ „ r Lutaw & Carolina 

1 Co well J 


65 " ' 

n tt t 


1 Paxton V , 

, „ . f Bunker Hill 

1 Hayles J 


60 " 

it it t 


' Clarke 1 B T _ 
. * > St Kitts 
1 Browne J 


71 " 


1 Campbell 


Germantown 


it n t 


' Fraser 


Fort Montgomery 


tin t 


• Cummins 


Stoney Point 


it n t 


' Grant 


Camden 


23 d " 


• Lcnthall 


Bunker Hill 


nit t 


' Price 


Danbury 


24 " 

tt it t 


< Brttenly } Saratoga 


26 '* 

n it i 


1 McDonald ^ „ 

< Dalhunty } Fort Montgomery 


27 " 


1 Birch 


Brandyrvine 


28 " 


' Jepson 


York Island 


n tt i 


' Edwards 


Brandywine 


29 " ' 


1 Dowling 


( 


n tt i 


1 Williams 


► Saratoga 


tin i 


1 Steel ^ 




30 " 


1 Anketh 


Carolina 


33 " 


1 Nichols 


Brandywine 


tt tt t 

nit t 


< Wynyard \ n . ,. 

, tt r r Near Cambden 


nit * 
it n * 


1 Salvin ) 

• Beaver } Carolina 


tt n i 


' Carson 


Yorktown 


34 " 


' Kichardson 


Saratoga 


35 " « 


* Campbell 


Bunker Hill 


it n t 


1 Massey 


n a 


it tt t 


1 Williams 


St Lucia 


ti tt t 


' Banns 


White Plains 


71 " 


' Wilson 


Siege of Charleston 


72 " 


1 Budworth 


Gibraltar 


itn t 


1 McNamara 


a 


73 " 


1 Wharton 


a 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. ISO 





Beats 






where wounded 


73 Foot 


Lt. 


McKenzie 


Gibraltar 


76 " 


«.' 


Weyms 


Virginia 


<i it 


r< 


Robertson 


Yorktown Va 


SO " 


(i 


Cumming 


Virginia 


87 " 


C( 


Flight 


On board the Montaque W. I. 


9S " 


a 


Hind 


On board a transport at St Jago 


Marines 


t( 


McDonald 


Lexington 


•' 


(< 


Potter 


n 






el 


Ragg 


) 






C< 


Dyer 


[ Bunker Hill 






it 


Brisbane 


J 






It 


Nugent 


Long Island 






tt 


Desborough 


Monmouth 






It 


Griffiths 


St Kitts 






tc 


Murry 
Orr 


r Jupert Enst Indies 






tt 


Furier 


r Magician West Indies 






a 


Minto 






tt 


Rich d Williams 


Sultan East Indies 






tt 


Johnston 


Worcester East Indies 




it 
tt 


Chapman 
Cook 


r Brandywine 


n 


tt 


Buckeridge 


Germ an town 


tt 


ti 


Lightburne 


Yorktown 


35 


it 


Sutherland 


Lexington 


tt 


tt 


Christie 


~) 


a 


tt 


House 


[ Bunker Hill 


a 


it 


Myers 


) 


78 th 


a 


Bartholomew 


Sultan East Indies 


(< 


tt 


Stewart 


a ic a 


tt 


tt 


Sandilands 


r Monarco E. Indies 


it 


tt 


Armstrong 


93 


tt 


Thompson 


Superb E. Indies 


22 


tt 


Hamilton 


Bristol 


tt 


tt 


Cleghorne 


Rhode Island 






Ensigns. 


Guards 


En 


Q Stuart 


Guilford, Carolina 


4* Foot 


(< 


Dickson 


) 


»« a 


a 


Schoen 


> Germantown 


<< <.' 


tt 


Blenman 


) 


5 « 


tt 


Charlton 


\ Bunker Hill 


«* 


t i 


tt 


Belaquire 



190 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Regis 


Where wounded 


5 Foot En n Andrew 


Brandy wine 


(1 4 


• " Thomas 
11 Stuart 


r Gcrmantown 


10 « 


4 " Lister 


Lexington 


14 ■ 


1 " Hesketh 


Bunker Hill 


17 ' 


' <f In man 


Princeton 


<« < 


" Phillips 


a 


«« < 


1 " Sinclair 


Stony Point 


38 th ' 


1 " Swiney 


Bunker Hill 


39 ' 


1 " Martin 


Gibraltar 


40 th ' 
< < < 


i (< 


Princeton 
Germantown 


1 " Campbell 


46 « 


' ' ' Bristow 


Brandy wine 


47 ' 


1 " Baldwin 


Lexington 


51 < 


* " Napier 


Minorca 


52 ' 


' Honble En n 


Chet- ~\ 




wynd 


I Bunker Hill 


<< « 


' " Graeme 


) 


<< « 


' ' ' Thomas 


Fort Montgomery 


54 ' 


1 " Rainsforth 


New London 


55 * 


' ' ' Shuldam 


Germantown 


t< < 


* " Campbell 


Princeton 


62 « 


1 " Blake 


Saratoga 


20* ' 


' " Conn ell 


Saratoga 


22 d * 


' " Borland 


Rhode Island 


27 ' 


' " Minchin 


Danbury 


33 < 


1 " Collington 


Camden 


(i i 


" Kelly 


) 


<( < 


1 " Gore 


> Carolina 


<< < 


' " Hughes 


3 


38 < 


1 '■' Sargeant 


Bunker Hill 


62 < 


' " Harvey 


Saratoga 


63 ■ 


* " Murray 


Eutaw Carolina 


64 « 


1 " Mercer 


Danbury 


n t 


' M Freeman 


" 


69 ' 


' " Chambers 


St Kitts 


98 ■ 


* " Scott 


On board a transport at St Jago 


22 « 


* " Craven 


Jersey 


Sta 


ff Officers Killed ajjd Wounded since 19 April 1775. 




Killed 




l rt F< 


>ot Q r M Shurigan 


St Kitts 


15 


" Surgeon Boyes 


a 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution, 



191 





Killed 




G2Foot 


Adjt Fitzgeral 


Saratoga 


Guards 


Sir James Clark 
Wounded 


< i 


38^ 


Qurtr M Mitchell 


Bunker Hill 


Guards 


Adjt Colquhoun 


Guilford So. Carolina 


l ft Foot 


Surgeon Young 


St Kitts 


4 " 


Adjt Hunt 


Gerinantown 


th " 


" Fielding 


Saratoga 


33 " 


" Fox 


Carolina 


56 " 


Surgeon Chisholm 


Gibraltar 


72 " 


Q r M Andrews 


it 



Commissary &c Killed & Wounded. 



Killed 




Parkin 


Yorktown 


Brindley 


Near Elizabeth town 



Officers Killed by Accident etc., or Lost at Sea, since 1775. 



Killed 
l rt Foot Major Balfour 



55 



26 

14 
54 
22 

64 
79 



Capt Trevor 



En n Johnston 

En n Lloyd 
Major Andre 
Lt Currie 

Lt Mercer 
Capt n Mormsey 



2* Troop H Lt James Riddell 
G* G d « 

2* Dragoons Lt Cunningham, 
Scotch Grays 



Shot by his own brother by 
accident when out shooting 
in Scotland 

Killed in a duel with En 3 
Power of the same Reg* at 
German town near Philadel- 
phia 

Shot himself on board a trans- 
port in the Delaware 

Poisoned himself in London 

Hanged by the Rebels 

Killed by a fall from his horse, 
Long Island 

Do do do 

Killed in a rencounter with 
Cornet Hamilton at Manches- 
ter 

Killed in a duel with Lt Cun- 
ningham of Scotch Grays, 
near London 

Died of his wounds received in 
a duel with Lt Riddell 



192 Military and Naval Losses in Oie Revolution. 



22 



Killed 
Lt Dow ling 



Foot Guards Lt. Col. Thomas 



88 Foot 



a (< 



Lt Dobbison 



OQtb a 


Capt. Battersea 


46 " 


Lt. Lloyd 


26 " 


En Q Bolton 


38 " 


En n Haddin 



Capt Tollemache 



Lt Pennington 



Capt. Moyston 



73 d 


Lt. Waugh 




Lost at Sea 


27 ,h 


Lt. Col. Mitchell 


40, 


Surgeon Knowles 


5* 


Lt. Hamilton 


44 th 


Capt. Ridsdale 


u 


Lt. Hutchinson 


u 


Lt Coiden 


(( 


Ens. Drummond 


32 


Lt. Marsh 


it 


En n Sandyman 



His death occasioned by leap- 
ing, New York 

Killed in a duel with Col. Gor- 
don who was also wounded, 
near London 

Killed in a duel at Jamaica 
with Lt. Sir Alexander Sin- 
clair, who was likewise wound- 
ed, but recovered 

Killed himself in London 

Killed in a duel 1787 with the 
Surgeon of the Regt, his name 
Jobson, in Ireland 

Killed in a duel 1787 with En a 
Forster, Montreal 

Killed in a duel at Plymouth 
by Lt Campbell of same Reg'-, 
who w r as also wounded 1783 

Of the Navy killed in a duel at 
New York 1778 by CoL Pen- 
nington of the Guards who was 
badly wounded at same time 

Of the Syren Frigate killed at 
Cape Fear North Carolina by 
Lt Cumings of the ■Marines be- 
longing to the same ship 1776 

Of the Navy killed near London 
in a duel with Lt Clarke on 
half-pay, formerly of the 43 d , 
1784 

Killed in the East Indies in a 
duel with Lord TV™ Murray 

On board the Beaver prize 
which was lost in the Hurri- 
cane in the West Indies 

Fell overboard on his passage 
home from W. I. 

On board a transport which was 
lost on her passage from New 
York to Quebec 

\ Shipwrecked on the coast of 
j Ireland 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



193 





Lost at Sea 


42 Foot 


Lt McLean 


82 


Lt. Snodgrass 


46 


Lt Wilson 


85 


Major Pole 


(i 


Lt Dobbyn 


tt 


Lt Brooke 


tt 


Lt Maxwell 


i< 


Ens n Finney 




Capt. Phillips 



Marines 



Lt. Currie 



Drowned near New York 
Shipwrecked near i" " 
On his passage from New York 
to West Indies 

On board the Ville de Paris when 
she foundered at sea, on her 
passage from Jamaica 

Formerly a Lt. in the 70, but 
got the Capt. Lieuten'cy of 
Fannings, drowned in the 
Bay of Fundy, Nova Scotia, 
1784 

Royal George at Portsmouth 
Harbour 



Volunteers Serving with the Army. 



4 ,h Foot 



38 
4 



Killed 
Count Gabrousky 



Wounded 
James Cumings 
Moultrie 
Currie 
Campbell 
Forrest 
Geo. Inman 



A Polish Nobleman, Aid de 
Camp to Sir Henry Clinton — 
Fort Montgomery 

Brandywine 

Germantown 

tt t( 

Bunker Hill 
Germantown 
Long Island 



Captains of the Royal Navy Killed & Wounded since 1775. 

Killed. 
Capt. Morris 
" St. John 
" Griffith 
" Everith 
4 ' Watson 
" Nott 
' ' Bayne 
" Blair 

VOL. XXVII. — 13 



Bristol 


50 j 


*uns 


Fort Sulliva 


Intrepid 


64 


tt 


West Indies 


Conqueror 


74 


(C 


tt a 


Ruby 


64 


It 


it tt 


Conqueror 


74 


iC 


<( tt 


Centaur 


74 


(( 


IC li 


Alfred 


74 


(( 


tt tt 


Anson 


64 


it 


a a 



194 jlfiUtary and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Killed 










Capt. Lord Robert Man- 


Resolution 


74 guns 


West Indies 


ners 










11 Farmer 


Quebec 


32 


it 


Channel 


" Pownall 


Apollo 


32 


ti 


Bay of Biscay 


" Jones 


Penelope 


24 


it 


West Indies 


" Macartney 


Princess Amelia -80 


a 


North Seas 


u Evans 


Charleston 


28 


11 


N. America 


" Smith 


Trepapy 


14 


it 


North America 


" Stevens 


Superb 


70 


a 


East Indies 


" Reynolds 


Exeter 


64 


11 


a tt 


" Hay ward 


Crescent 


28 


tt 


Bay 


" Cook 


Resolution 


32 


tt 


By Savages near 
Hotinoti 


*\ Maclelan 


Superb 


74 


tt 




" Watt 


Sultan 


74 


tt 




" Wood 


Hero 


74 


ct 


• East Indies 


" Lumley 


Isis 


50 


tt 




Wounded 










Capt. Scott 


Experiment 






Fort Sullivan 


'• Graeme 








North Sea 


" Robinson 


Shrewsbury 






America 


11 Windsor 


Fox 


32 


li 


Bay Biscay 


" Thomas 


Ulysses 


44 


tt 


W. Indies 


" Uoulton 


Montague 


74 


tt 


tt n 


" Newnham 










" Stirling 










t( Savage 








America 


" Fielding 


Ganges 


74 


tt 


Off Gibraltar 


11 Rogers 










" Bandier 


L Hector 


74 


It 


Off Newfoundland 


" Askin 


Swan Sloop 






In the Sound near 
New York 



Lt* Jordan 

' Deacoul 

1 Hooper 

1 Darn 

1 Monckton 

1 Wigmore 

* Littleton 



Lieutenants Royal Navy Killed since 1775. 
Bunker Hill 



Lt. Randall 

" Forrest 

* Parry 

" Hutchins 

" Keith 

" Gwatkin 

" Wimbleton 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution, 



195 



Ellery 

Jordan 

Dalby 

Gomm 

Harrington 

Plowden 

Thornbou rough 

Wright 

Brown 

Gibson 

Arden 

Waghorne 

Hinekly 

Skipsey 

Maxwell 

Hill 

Smith 

Leggate 

Vickes 

Edwards 

Wool ridge 

Sutton 

McLellan 

Twy cross 

Douglass 

Forbes 

Cochrane 

Steward 

Smith 

Smith 

Brett 

Childs 



Lt. 


Hele 


tt 


Brice 


ti 


Hobart 


tt 


Collowhill 


tt 


Lampen 


ti 


Johnston 


tt 


Campbell 


it 


Elliott 


tt 


Patey 


tt 


Brown 


tt 


Elliott 


tt 


Cornish 


it 


Incledon 


tt 


Trelawney 


tt 


Dundas 


tt 


McDuall 


tt 


Wheattey 


it 


Willis 


tt 


Eastley 


ti 


Hankey 


it 


Burgess 


tt 


Trigge 


tt 


Tyre 


tt 


Chapman 


tt 


Wilson 


tt 


Gascoyne 


tt 


Wood 


tt 


Drew 


tt 


Huges 


tt 


Newcombe 


tt 


Jones 



Lt. Mathews 
Whitworth 
Armrink 
Thompson 
Saunders 
Waghorne 
Atkinson 
Jordan 



Lieutenants Royal Navy, Lost at Sea. 
Pheasant, Cutter 



> Tartar, a prize 

> Royal George 
Repulse, Cutter 



Channel 
America 

Off Savannah 

Spithead 

Off Yarmouth 



106 



ilfilitary and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 



Lt Trelevan 

" Lindsay 

" Scott 

'■« Bretton 

11 Nichols 

" Appleby 

" Scott 

" Da via 



Brittania 



Kentish Rock 



Captain? of the Royal Navy Lost at Sea, with the Ships 
they Commanded, since April 1775. 



Admiral Kernpenfelt 


Royal George 


100 


Spithead 


Corn. Wfilshingham 

("apt. Nicholas 


> Thunderer 


74 


West Indies 


" Wilkinson 


Ville de Paris 


104 


Western Ocean 


4< Cadogan 


Glorieux 


74 


a a 


11 Casket 


Stirling Castle 


64 


West Indies 


|{ Davis 


Repulse 


32 


Coast of America 


11 Appleby 


Blanche 


42 


West Indies 


" Brine 


Andromeda 


28 


U (l 


" Lloyd 


Laurell 


28 


tt It 


" Walker 


Scarbourough 


20 


It It 


11 Druramond 


Beaver, prize 


18 


tt tc 


" Mi 11 bank 


Barbadoes 


14 


a tt 


11 Johnston 


Cameleon 


14 


(i a 


" Lloyd 


Shark 


28 


North America 


" Rodney 

" Eastwood 


Ferrett 
Pomona 


18 
18 


!» West Indies 


" Shirley 


Vestal 


20 


Newfoundland Station 


" Caiteret 


Druid 


16 




" Gore 


Pegasus 


10 


Newfoundland Station 


" Burden 


Drake 


14 




" Botham 


Dispatch 


14 


North America 


" Warre 
" Lock 
" Selby 


Swallow 

Falcon 

North 


16 
18 
20 


Cape of Good. Hope 
> Coast of America 


" Wallace 


Thunderer 


138 


British Channel 


" Drake 


Delight 


16 


On her passage to 
America 


'■ Hawkins 


Deal Castle 


24 


West Indies 


" Bulteal 


Termagant 


18 


Channel 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution, 



19' 



Ships of War lost Since Jaxy 1775. 



1780 



Name of the Ships 


Guns 


Commander 


Where 


Pomona 


18 


T. Eastwood 


West Indies 


Savage 


8 


H. Bromedge 


Isl d of Scaterrie 


Repulse 


32 


H. Davis 


North America 


Ferrett 


18 


Rodney 


West Indies 


Liverpool 


28 


H. Bcllew" 


Long Island 


Earl of Bute (AS 


)26 


B. Hill 


Gulf of Florida ' 


Mercury 


24 


J. Montague 


North Biver 


Vestal 


20 


J. Shirley 


Newfoundland 


Syren 


28 


T. Furncaux 


Near Rhode Island 


Pegasus 


16 


J. Gore 


Newfoundland 


Sprightly Cutter 


12 


Lt. Hill 


Guernsey 


Somerset 


70 


G. Curry 


Cape Cod 


Arethusa 


32 


C. H. Everitt 


Off Ushant 


Grampus A S. 
Tortoise A S. 


32 
32 


J. Frodshaw ) __ „ 
J.Brinton } Newfoundland 


Mermaid 


28 


J. Hawkes 


Near Cape Henlopen 


Zebra 


16 


H. Collins 


Egg Harbour 


Swallow 


16 


C. Warre 


Cape of Good Hope 


Cupid 


16 


W. Carlyon 


Newfoundland 


Dispatch 


14 


J. Both am 


North America 


Spy (Sh) 


12 


T. L. Frederick 


Newfoundland 


Otter 


10 


J. Wright 


Florida 


Hussar 


28 


C. M. Pole 


Near Hell Gate 


North 


20 


G. Selby 


Near Halifax 


Quebec 


32 


G. Farmer 


Blown up 


Viper 


16 


Lord Harvey 


St Lawrence 


Tapugeur (cutter 


)14 


Lord Fitzgerald 


West Indies 


Thunder 


74 


Com. Walsh ing- 1 
ham 




Thunderer 


— 


Capt. Nicholas 




Stirling Castle 


64 


" Casket 


Lost in ye Hurricane 


Phoenix 


44 


Sir H. Parker 


in the West Indies 


Le Blanche 


42 


S. Appleby 




Laurel 


28 


T. Lloyd 




Andromeda 


28 


H. Boyne 




Deal Castle 


24 


J. Hawkins 




Scarborough 


24 


S. H. Walker 




Beaver's Prize 

Barbadoes 

Cameleon 


16 
14 
14 


Drummond 
R. Millbank 
J. Johnston 


, Lost in ye Hurricane 
in the West Indies 


Endeavor 
Victor 


14 
10 


P. Wooldrige 





198 Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 





Name of the Ships 


Guns 


Commander 


Where 


1780 


Defiance 


64 


M. Jacobs 


On Savannah Bar 


re 


Leviathan 


50 


R. Lambeth 


On her passage from 
Jamaica 


tt 


Sartine 


32 


R. Simonton 


East Indies 


tt 


Shark 


28 


H. Lloyd 


North America 


tt 


Beilona 


18 


F. Find ley 


Mouth of the Elbe 


tt 


Nimble Cutter 


12 


W. Furnivall 


Morenti Bay 


tt 


Incendiary (F S. 


) 8 


A. Merrick 


Near the Isle of Wight 


1781 


Culloden 


74 


G. Balfour 


East End of Long 
Island 


<< 


Thetis 


32 


R. Linzee 


St Lucia 


tt 


Greyhound 


28 


W. Fox 


Near Deal 


tt 


Pelican 


24 


C. Collinwood 


At Jamaica 


n 


Syren 


24 


J. Valliant 


Near Cuchmeer Haveu 


tt 


Echo 


18 


J. Manly 


Plymouth Sound 


a 


Swallow 


16 


T. Wells 


On Long Island 


tt 


Hope 


16 


W. Thomas 


Off Savannah 


tt 


Duke of Cum- 
berland 


16 


E. Marsh 


Newfoundland, St. 
Mary 


tt 


Delight 


16 


T. Drake 


On her passage to 
America 


tt 


Racehorse 


14 


T. Brisac 


Beachy Head 


tt 


Pheasant 


14 


G. Mathews 


Pas. to Guernsey 


n 


Rattlesnake 
Rover 


14 




En^f; Tnflif"* 


tt 


14 


J. Duncan 


America 


tt 


Conflagration F S. 8 


J. Duncan 


tt 


It 


Thunderer B C 


8 


J. Wallace 


British Channel 


1782 


Royal George 


100 


Ad. Kempenfeld 
M. Waghorne 


- Spithead 


tt 


Ville de Paris 


104 


Wilkinson 


Lost on their passage 


tt 


Glorieux 


74 


T. Cadogan 


from Jamaica on 


tt 


L'Hector 


74 


Bouchier 


the Banks of New- 


tt 


Centaur 


74 


J. Ingleside 


foundland Sept. 


tt 


Ramillies 


74 


S. Moriarty 


1782 


tt 


Santa Monica 


36 


J. Linsee 


Off Tortola 


tt 


Blonde 


32 


E. Thornborough 


Off Nantucket 


tt 


Solebay 


28 


C. Everitt 


Off Nevis 


it 


Hinchinbrooke 


28 




Jamaica 


tt 


Brittania (A S) 


20 


M. Davis 


Kentish Rock 


tt 


Swan 


16 


Robertson 


OffWaterford 


tt 


Repulse Cut 


14 


J. Atkinson 


Off Yarmouth 


tt 


Oott^i orji n t 








tt 


Publas 


32 


Parker 


Fayal 


1783 


Termagant 


18 


Balteal 


British Channel 



JlJiiitary and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 199 



Ships of War Burnt or Destroyed. 



1777 



1778 



tt 

1779 

tt 

tt 

1780 



1781 



1782 



Augusta 

Acteon 

Merlin 

Cruiser 

Juno 

Lark 

Orpheus 

Cerberus 

King Fisher 

Flora 
Falcon 

Supply 

Swill 
Glasgow 

Kose 

Savannah 

Cornwall 

Vigilant 

Culloden 

Terrible 

Charon 

Vulcan Fl 

Guadaloupe 

Fowey 

Mentor 

Molly Al 

Firebrand 

Minorca 

Shrewsbury 



64 
28 
18 
8 
32 
32 
32 
28 
16 

32 
16 



1783 Torbay 



16 
24 

20 
14 

74 
20 
74 
74 
44 

8 
28 
24 
20 
20 

8 
18 
74 

74 



F. Reynolds 
C. Atkins 
J. Reeve 
P. Parry 



Mud Fort, Delaware 1 
Fort Sullivan 
MudFort,Delawaref Bumt 



Coast of Carolina 



Lt. Dalrymple 
R. Smith 
C. Hudson 
J. Syinons 
A. Graeme 

J. Brisbane 
Lt. Harmwood 



20 J. Nesmith 



J. Tathwell 
T. Lloyd 

P. Brown 
Fisher 
T. Edwards 
Goldsborough 
Unservicable 
W. C. Finch 
J. Symonds 
G. Palmer 
G. Robinson 
P. Aplin 
R. Deane 
W. Long 
A. Hill 



Coffin 



Burnt at Rhode Island 
to prevent their fall- 
ing into the enemy's 
hands 

Sunk at Rhode Island 

— the latter since 

weighed & lost 
By accident at St 

Kitts 
Burnt off Cape Henry 
Burnt by accident at 

Jamaica 
Sunk on Savannah Bar 

do do 

Destroyed at St Lucia 
Burnt off Beaufort 
Long Island America 
Burnt near New York 
Burnt in the Chese- 

peake 
Sunk in the Chese- 

peake 
Burnt at Pensacola 

" off P° Linas 

" Channel 
Sunk at Mahon 
Unservicable West 

Indies 



List of His Majesty's Ships taken by the Enemy since 

Jany 1775. 



Ships' Names 


No. of By whom 
Guns Commanded 


By whom Taken 


„^ _ , At what 
Where Taken tima 


Anient 


&i P. Boteler 


Combined Fleet 


Channel 1775 


Experiment 


50 & J« Wallace 


D'Estaing's Fleet 


Ofl Georgia 1779 


Hannibal 


50 A. Christie 


SufTrien Fleet 


Off Sumatra, E. 1732 
Indies 



200 Military and Naval Losses in the devolution. 



Ships' Karnes 


No. of By whom 
Guus Commanded 


By whom Taken 


Where Taken At 


■what 
time 


Sera pis 


44 


P. Pearson 


Paul Jones 


Ofi Scarborough 


1779 


Romulus 


44 


G. Gayton 


Turneau's Fleet 


Off ye Chesepeak 


17S1 


Iris 


32 


G. Dawson 


j De Grasse 


Of! do 


17S1 


Richmond 


32 


C. Hudson 






Montreal 


32 


S. Douglass 


Two French Men 
of War 


In the Mediterra- 
nean 


1779 


Minerva 


32 


J. Stott 


By the French 


" West Indies 


1778 


Fox 


28 


Hon. T. Windsor 


St Junou Frigate 


Bay Biscay 


" 


Active 


28 


VV. Williams 


By the French 


West Indies 


" 


Crescent 


28 


Hon. F. Pakenham " 


Of! Gibraltar 


1781 


Lively 


24 


R. Biggs 


L'Iphigenie 


West Indies 


1778 


Penelope 


24 


J. Jones 


Spanish prisoners 
on board 


Near ye Havannah 


17S0 


Sandwich 


24 


W. Bert 


The French 


Off Charleston 


17S1 


Arid 


20 


T. MeKenzie 


Lt Amazon 


.. •• 


1779 


gphynx 


20 


. R. Sutton 


The French 


West Indies 


" 


Counters oi 


20 


T. Piercey 


Paul Jones 


Off Scarborough 


" 


Scarbro 












Unicorn 


20 


T. L. Frederick 


French 


West Indies 


1780 


Germain 


20 


G. A. Keppel 


" 


North America 


1781 


Gronoque 


20 


W. Tabourdin 


French 


At the capitulation 
of Demerara 


1782 


Chafer 
Ceres 


18 
18 




L Bellona 
L'Iphigenie 


East Indies 
West Indies 


,i 


J, R. Dacres 


1778 


Rover 


18 


Lt Savage 


The French 


West Indies 


1780 


Fortune 


18 


Lt Robertson 


" 


" 


" 


iv>rt Royal 


18 


T. Kelly 


The Spaniards 


Pensacola 


1781 


Sylph 


IS 


L. Graeme 


The French 


Demerara 


1782 


R-nc-gal 


16 


J. Ingliss 


D'Estaing 


America 


1778 


Thorn 


16 


W. Wardlaw 


By two American 
Frigates 




1779 


Weazel 


16 


L. Robertson 


Lt Bourdeaux 


West Indies 


" 


Coureur 


16 


C. Major 


The Americans 


Newfoundland 


1780 


St Firnin 


16 


J. Faulkener 


The Spaniards 


Near Gibraltar 


1781 


Cormorant 


16 


R. McEvoy 


Count de Grasse 


Off Charleston 


14 


Aia'anta 


16 


J. Edwards 


The Americans 


Near Halifax 


*.« 


Savage 


16 


C. Stirling 


« ii 


Off Charleston 


" 


Shelahnagig 


16 


J. K. Shcppard 


The French 


West Indies 


" 


Barbuda 


116 

I 16 


F. Pender 




\ _.-.,. v. 


1782 


Btormont 


C. Paul 




[Capitulation of 




Rodney 


16 


J. D. Brisbane 




f Demerara 


«.< 


Alligator 


16 


J. Frodsham 


LtFee 


Near the Lizard 


" 


Zephyr 


14 


T. West 


The French 


Mediterranean 


1778 


Drake 


14 


G. Burden 


Paul Jones 


Belfast Lough 


" 


West Florida 


14 


Lt J. Payne 


The Americans 


Pensacola 


1779 


Hope 


14 


M. Hindman 


American Privateer 




'« 


Fairy 


14 


J. Browne 


The French 




1780 


Jack all, Cuttei 


• 14 


J. Gibson 


The Crew 


From the Downs 


" 


True Briton 


14 


Hon bl P. Napier 


The French 




1781 


Snake 


14 


W. Jackson 


Americans 




" 


Trepassey 


14 


J. Smith 


Americans 


Near Newfoundland 1781 


Hope cutter 


14 


L. Vickers 


French 


Irish Channel 


" 


Antigua 


14 


J. Hutt 


<« 


West Indies 


" 


Fly cutler 


14 


M. Ponsonby 


" 


<• i< 


«'« 


Bonetta 


14 


R. Dundas 


De Grasse 


Chesepeak 


" 


Lc>yalist 


14 


R. Williams 


<• 


<» 


«« 


Pigmy cutler 


14 


T. Dyson 


French 


Dunkirk 


" 


Gibraltar A B 


14 


W. Anderson 


Spaniards 


Gibraltar 


11 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 201 



Ships' Names 


No. of By whom 
Guns Commanded 


By whom Taken 


Where Taken 


At what 
time 


Gen. Monde 


14 


J. Rogers 


Hyder Ali, Ameri- 
can Sh. 


North America 


1782 


Raccoon 


14 




French Frigate 


.. 


•• 


Bolton 


12 


Lt Sneyd 


Americans 




177j 


Racehorse 


12 




" 




1770 


York 


12 


T. Washcoff 


D'Estaing's Fleet 


America 


1778 


Hinchinbrooke 


! 12 




Americans 


" 


" 


Helena 


12 


T. Hicks 


L Sensible F. F. 


" 


•• 


York 


12 


Lt Dobree 


D'Estaing 


Grenada 


1779 


Active, Bg 


12 


Lt. Graeme 


Americans 


Near New York 


17S0 


Alert, Cutter 


10 


W. G. Fairfax 


L« Innon F. F. 


Bay 


1778 


Enterprise 


10 




Americans 


America 


" 


Diligent 


10 




" 


Newfoundland 


'* 


Harlem 


10 


Lt Knight 


" 


" 


" 


Thunder Bb 


8 


J. Gambier 


D'Estaing's Fleet 


America 


1778 


Folkston 


8 


Lt. W. Smith 


" " 


" 


" 


(Cutter) • 












Holderness 


8 




Combing Fleet 


Channel 


1779 


(Cutter) 












Argo 


44 


Capt. Butchart 


French Ships 


West Indies, retaken 17b3 



soon after by the 
Invincible 74 



Ships of War Taken from the French during the War. 



Names 
Ville de Bans 
Glorieux 
L' Hector 
Le Begase 
L'Ardent 
L'Cator 
Le Jason 
Minazare 
L'Actionaire 
Le Brothi 

Le Compte D'Artois 
Solitare 

Name unknown 
Le Concorde 

L'Artois 
La Fayette 

L Belleforest 

L'Hebe 

L'Aigli 

L'Lyon 
L Fortune 
Impc-rieux 
Belle Poule 
Le Brudente 
Le Blanchl 
Le Mop.nieur 
Le Nymph 



Guns 
104] 

74 j 

74 

64 

64) 

64 J 

64 

64 

64 

64 

64 

64 

40 



By Whom 
Lord Rodney 

&" Jno. Jervis 
Lord Rodney 

Lord Hood 

Capt. Luttrell 
Hon. F. Maitland 
A dm. Digby 
Capt. McBride 
Capt. Collins 
Capt. Butchart 
R. Lin zee 



44 R. Howe 

42 B. Carteret 

40 Frivateers 

40 H. Trollope 

40 K. Elphiston 



A. Gardner 
Adm. Rowley 
Adm. Graves 
Sir Jas Wallace 
M. Everitt 
Adm. Rowley 
1A Longford 
W. B. Williams 



When 



Where 



12* April 1782 V West Indies 



2 ! 



1782 
12* April 1782 

19 April 1782 

1782 

1780 

1781 
1782 
1783 

1780 
1781 

1781 
1782 
1782 

1779 

1781 
1779 
1779 

1780 



Off Brest 

West Indies 

Jlona B a s s a g e, West 

Indies 
Bay 

Channel 
Off Brest 
Off Cape Clear 
West Indies 

Off St Kitts West 

Indies 
Coast of Fortugal 
Banks of Newfound- 
land 

Channel 

Near the Delaware 

America 
America 
West Indies 
North America 
Bay Biscay 
West Indies 

British Channel 
Off Brest 



202 3Iilitary and Naval Losses in the Revolution* 



Names 


Guns 


By Whom 


When 


Where 


L'Amazone 


36 


E. Salter 


1732 


North America, after 
retaken 


I. Licome 
L' Pallas 


3° 1 

' ~ J Lord Kepple 


1778 


Channel 


L Dana 


32 


S. J. Wallace 


1779 


Concale Bay 


Bireau 


32 


P. Pownall 


" 


Channel 


Alemene 


32 


G. A. Byron 


" 


West Indies 


Sarttne 


32 


& Edw 1 Vernou 


" 


East Indies 


L'Espe ranee 


32 


G. Montague 


1780 


North America 


L'Americaine 


32 


Hon. W. Waldegrave 


1781 


Channel 


Le Magieiene 


32 


A. S. Douglass 


" 


North America 


Cologni 


32 


Patton & Stewart 


" 


North Seas 


L Amiable 


32 


Lord Hood 


19 April 1782 


Mona Passage West 
Indies 


L Sybil 


36 


Capt Russell 


Feby 1783 


Off New York 


Duguessaau 


30 


T. Boston 


1780 


Channel 


L Erin 


28 


Adm. Rowley 


" 


West Indies 


Le Menagere 


2S 


Adm. Parker 


" 


" «' 


Le Mamonde 


28 


G. A. Byron 


a 


" " 


Due D'Coigney 


28 


Sir W. Burnaby 


" 


Channel 


Le Neekar 


28 


W. Grant 


1781 


East Indies 


Le Franklin 


28 


J. Cowlins 


(t 


Near Jamaica 


Le Coquette 


23 


Capt. King 


1783 


West Indies 


Le Robecque 


20 


Capt Pellew 


1781 


Off Ireland 


Le Hercule 


26 


Hon F. Maitland 


1779 


West Indies 


Le Audacieuse 


24 


Hon. T. Cadogan 


" 


Bay 


Rohan Soubise 


24 


J. Brown 


1781 


North Sea 


Le Compte D'Artois 


20 


M. Robinson 


1779 


Channel 


Jean Bart 


20 


J. Douglass 


" 


" 


Le Com pas 


20 


Adm. Parker 


i< 


West Indies 


Le Charlotte 


20 


C. Fortescue 


1780 


Channel 


Princess D'Robecq 


20 


M. Squire 


u 


North Sea 


Marquise de Lejua- 


20 


T. Lloyd & E. Everitt 


(i 


Channel 


lay 










L A venture 


20 


Adm. Arbuthnot 


«« 


Charleston 


Du Guay Truin 


20 


P. Reeve 


" 


Channel 


Le Due D'Estioac 


20 


R. Man 


1781 


" 


Le Perli 


IS 


R. Home 


1780 


Coast of Portugal 


Reynard 


18 


J. Hartwell 


" 


West Indies 


Le Senegal 


18 


I. Ingliss 


" 


River Gambia E. I. 


L' Abundance 


18 


Adm. Kempenfeld 


1781 


Off Brest 


Alert 


18 


J. Lutridge 


" 


North America 


Ceres 


18 


Lord Hood 


1782 


Mona Passage 


L'Espion 


18 


E. Dod 


(C 


Off St Christophers 


Le Revenge 


16 


J. Montague 


1781 


Channel 


Hussard 


16 


Sir J* Wallace 


1779 


Bay 


Due de Chartres 


16 


J. Peyton 


1781 


" 


Royal Loui3 


16 


Adm. Digby 


1781 


North America 


Le Frederic 


16 


Adm. Darby 


" 


Channel 


Harlequin 


16 


S. Reeve 


" 


Off Newfoundland 


Lamea 


16 


A. Courtney 


1782 


Channel 


Anti Briton 


16 


R. P. Cooper 


" 


Irish Channel 


Le Mutine 


14 


P. Pownall 


1779 


Channel 


LePilote 


14 


Reynolds 


«« 


<i 


Le Victoire 


14 


P. P. Cooper 


1782 


Irish Channel 


Le Bamardine 


14 


H. S. Conway 


(i 


Channel 


Coureur 


14 


Lord Kepple 


1778 


" 


Le Temeraire 


10 


J. Melcombe 


1782 


" 


Le Gloire S 


8 


Adm. Darby 


1781 


" 



Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution, 
Spanish Ships of War Captured. 



203 



Phoenix, now Gib- 80 ] 

raltar 
Diligente 70 

Mon area TO 

Princessa 70 

Guinuscuano, now 61 

P. William 
St Michael 



San Carlos 

Santa Monica 
Santa Marganta 
Santa Lucadio 
San Carlos 
San Raphael 
San Buono 
Santa Teresa 
San Firmin 
San Vincente 
Le Grana 
Santa Catolina 



- Lord Rodney 



72 Sir Roger Curtis 

50 C. Inglis 

36 G. Montague 
36 Com. Johnston 
36 Sir Geo Collier 
32 

30 

_ . [ Lord Rodney 

24 

16 

11 

28 R. Man 

22 Capt. Stoney 



Febry 



1780 Off Cape St Vincent 



1783 Europa Point, Gib- 
raltar 
1779 Near Jamaica, Spanish 
Main 
" In the Bay 
" Coast of Portugal 
" Bay 



1780 Cape St Vincent 



1781 Bay 
1783 Jamaica 



Dutch Ships Captured. 



Names 


Gun3 By Whom 


Mars (now Prince 


60 Lord Rodney 


Edward) 




Princess Carolina 


50 Com. Stewart 


Rotterdam 


50 G. K. Elphinston 


Castor 


36 W. R. Williams 


Mars 

St Eustatia 


32 ) 

| Lord Rodney 


Hercules (now 


24 "j 


Orestes) 


{• Artois, McBride 



When 


Where 


1781 


Near St Eustatiuq West 




Indies 


<( 


Off the Downs 


" 


The British Channel 


" 


Off Gibraltar 


<i 


St Eustatia 


.< 


North Sea 



Mars (now Pylades) 24 



American Ships Captured. 



Names 


Guns 


By what Ship and Commander 


When 


Whetx 


Charles town 


40 


Diomede Astrea & 


T. L. Frederick 


1782 


Off the Dela- 






others 


M. Squires etc 




ware 


Confederacy 


36 


Orpheus & Roe- 
buck 


Capt. Col pay 
& A. S. Douglass 


1781 


America 


Hancock (late 


32 


Rainbow 


Sir Geo. Collier 


1777 


Off Halifax 


Iris) 










America 


Raliegh 


32 


Experiment etc 


Sir J03 Wallace 


1778 


Near Virginia 


Providence 


32 




Adni. Arbuthnot 


1780 


Charleston S. C. 


Trumbull 


32 




Adm. Digby 


1781 


North America 


Delaware 


28 


Troops at Phila- 
delphia 




1777 


Off Philadelphia 


Virginia 


28 


Emerald etc 




1778 


In the Chese- 

peak 


Boston (now 


23 




Adm. Arbuthnot 


1780 


Charleston S C 


Charleston) 













204 



Military and Naval Losses in (he Hevolutipn. 



Nntrus 1 


Guns 


By what Ship i 


•irul Commander 


When 


Where 


Protector (cow 


26 


Roebuck & Medea 


Douglass <t- Duncan 


1780 


America 


Hussar) 












Belisarius 


24 


Medea 


II. Duncan 


1781 


" 


Gcu. Washington 


22 


Chatham 


Gordon 


•• 


" 


Oliver Cromwell 


20 


Beaver 


J. Jones 


1777 


it 


Cabot 


20 


Cabot 


A. Berkley 


" 


,4 


Trumbull (now 


20 


Venus 


J. Ferguson 


" 


" 


Tobago) 












Am. Tartar (Ilin- 


20 


Bienfaisant 


J. McBride 


" 


" 


chinbrocke) 










' 


Portsmouth 


26 


Experiment 


Sir J. Wallace 


1778 


" 


6t Peter 


20 


Aurora 


J. Cummings 


" 


" 


Hampden 

Monmouth 


* } Rainbow 


Sir Geo. Collier 


'« 


At Penobscot 


Bunker Hill (now 


20 




Adm. Barrington 


u 


West Indies 


Surprise) 












Gen. Sullivan 


20 


Licorne 


T. Cadogan 


1779 


Channel 


Jason 


20 


Surprise 


S. Reeve 


" 


North America 


Oliver Cromwell 


20 


Daphne etc 


Sir John Chiverny 


" 


• i •• 


Cnmberland (late 


20 


Pomona 


W. Waldegrave 


" 


West Indies 


Rover) 












Hetty 


20 


Iris 


J. Hawkes 


1780 


North America 


Gen. Mifflin 


20 


Hyena 


Thompson 


1781 


ii it 


Lexington 


18 


Alert 


J. Bazely 


1777 


Channel 


Ranger (late 


18 




Adm. Arbuthnot 


17S0 


Charleston 


Halifax) 












Washington (late 


18 




it >> 


" 


it 


Gen. Mack) 












Aurora (now 


18 




Adm. Graves 


1781 


North America 


Mentor) 












Duke Cumberland 16 




Adm. Edwards 


" 


Newfoundland 


Rattlesnake (now 


16 




Adm. Digby 


" 


America 


Cormorant) 












Beaumont 


14 




Adm. Arbuthnot 


1780 


Charleston 


Morning Star 


14 




Adm. Edwards 


1781 


Newfoundland 


Venus 


14 


Belisarius 


R. Graves 


" 


North America 



French Ships of the Line and Frigates Lost or Destroyed. 



Le Diadem 


74 


Le Caesar 


74 


Le Scipio 


64 


Le Palmier 


74 


Le Magnifique 


74 


L Argonauth 


70 


Le Burgoyne 


74 


Lege re 


36 


\a: Voleur 


26 


Le Recluse 


24 


La Capricieuse 


36 



Sunk 12* Apl. by Lord Rodney, West Indies 

Blown up after the action " " 

Stranded in Samaria Bay 

Foundered on her passage from West Indies 
Lost in Boston Harbour 
Lost at St. Jago 

Lost on her passage from America to the West Indies 
Nonsuch, Sr J« Wallace 1779 in the Bay 

j Experiment & others " Concale Bay 

Le Prudente & Licorne 1780 Bay 



Spanish Ships of the Line and Frigates Lost or Destroyed. 



San Julian 
St Domingo 
Santa Catalina 



| Lord Rodney January 1780 

Success, C. M. Pole 1782 



At the Relief of Gibraltar 
Near Gibraltar 



.Military and Naval Losses in the Revolution. 
Dutch Ships of the Line Lost or Destroyed. 

HollAiidia 61 Sunk by Adm. Parker off the Dogger Bank 

Union 54 North Sea 17S2 Dogger Bank 

Prince William 61 Lost at the Texel 

Joseph 50 Lost 

Leydenbourg 64 Lost, East Indies 

American Ships Destroyed. 



Warren 


32 By a Squadron unde 


r Sir Geo. Collier at Penobscot 


1777 


Washington 
Effingham 


3° ) 

J- By the troops on the Delaware 


" 


Randolph 


36 Under Capt. Nicholas Biddle, blown up by the Yarmouth, 


177$ 




off Charleston 






Rattle-snake 


20 By the Swift, Capt. Tathwell, off Cape Henry Virginia 


" 


Bricoli 


44 1 






Queen of Franc? 
Trusty 


23 

J- By the Squadron under Admiral Arbuthnot, at Charleston 


17-^J 


Gen. Moultrie 


20 J 








Killed 


Wounded 




Brig. Genls 


2 


Generate 


5 


Cols. & Lt. Cols. 12 


Cols & Lt Cols 


13 


Majors 


11 


Majors 


19 


Captains 


55 


Capts 


107 


Lieuts 


94 


Lieuts 


192 


Cornets & En; 


signs 24 


Ensigns 


43 







Staff 


8 




198 






Naval Capts 


23 




337 


" Lieuts 


26 


Naval Capts 


13 







" Lieuts 


51 




247 




451 


Lost at Sea 


Killed in duels 


29 


Admirals 


1 






Commodores 


1 


Killed 


291 


Captains 


26 


" in duels 


29 


Lieuts 


16 


Wounded 


451 



291 



Total 



771 



206 A Lyndon Tavern in 1699. 



A LONDON TAVERN IN 1699. 

[The following account is reprinted from the London Spy for Febru- 
ary, 1G99. This magazine was a kind of plebeian Spectator which ap- 
peared from 1G9S to 1700. It was quite popular in the first half of the 
eighteenth century, and the fourth edition, from which we are copying, 
bears date 1753. The author was Edward Ward (1667-1731), of 
whom a full account will be found in the Dictionary of National Biog- 
raphy. He is mentioned in Pope's Dunciad. There is also an account 
of him, with extracts from the Spy, in The Gentleman'' s Magazine for 
October, 1S57, pp. 355-365. The copy of Ward's magazine used by 
us was presented to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1891 by 
William Middleton Bartram, and came from the library of John Bar- 
tram the botanist. The edition is apparently unique in Philadelphia, 
but the University of Pennsylvania possesses that of 1703. 

Although written on a low plane, Ward's magazine is valuable to the 
antiquarian as a picture of London life at the end of the seventeenth 
century. The extracts in The Gentleman's Magazine were made with 
this view. Several points on costume may be seen, — e.g. , the bon- 
grace or umbrella, a name for the broad-brimmed hat. What we now 
call umbrellas were not used in England until about 1750. The 
"flapping umbrellas" of our Quaker drinkers were the wide hat-brims 
of the time, allowed to hang and flap, instead of being looped or 
"cocked" in the fashion. (See Amelia Mott Gummere's Quaker, p. 
63.) Another fact worth noting is the expression that Friends had 
been "allowed of late to be good judges of the comfortable creature." 
George Fox died in 1G91, so that our scene dates from eight years after 
his death, when the stern presence which loose livers w T ere so justly 
afraid of was no longer present to rebuke.] 

THE LONDON SPY. PAET IV. 

A Description of a Quaker's Tavern in Finch-Lane. The 

Quakers method of drinking. A Song. A Character of 

the Vintner. . . . 

Being now well tired with the Day's Fatigue, our thirsty 

Veins and drooping Spirits call'd for the Assistance of a 

cordial Flask. In order to gratify our craving Appetites 

with this Refreshment, we stood a while debating what 

Tavern we should chuse to enrich our Minds with unadul- 



A London lavem in 1699, 207 

(crated Juice. My Friend recollected a little sanctified Anv'n- 
adab in Finch-Lane, whose Purple Nectar had acquired a 
singular Reputation among the staggering Zealots of the tober 
Fraternity, who are allowed of late to be as good Judges of 
the comfortable Creature, as a Protestant Priest, or a Latitude 
narian Fuddle-Cap, who (as Books play) drink wine on Sun- 
days* 

To this salutiferous Fountain of Xature's choicest Juleps, 
our Inclinations led us, though we knew the little Ruler of 
the Mansion intended it chiefly for watering the Lambs of 
Grace, and not to succour the evil Offspring of a reprobate 
Generation. 

When we had entered our Land of Promise, which over- 
flowed with more healthful Riches than either Milk or 
Honey, we found all Things were as silent as the mourning- 
Attendants at a rich Man's Funeral ; no ringing of Bar- 
bell, bawling of Drawers, or rattling of Pot-lids ; but a 
general Hush ordered to be kept thro' the whole Family, as 
a Warning to all Tipplers at their Entrance, how they make 
a iSToise to awake the Spirit, lest it move the Masters and 
Drawers to stand still when you call them, and refuse to 
draw you any more Wine, for fear the Inward Man should 
break out into open Disorder. 

In the Entry we met two or three blushing Saints, who 
had been holding forth so long over the Glass, that had it 
not been for their flapping Umbrella's, Puritanical Goats, 
and diminutive Cravats, shap'd like the Rose of a Parson's 
Hatband, I should have taken them, by their scarlet Faces, 
to be good Christians. They pass'd by us as upright and as 
stiff as so many Figures in a Raree-show ; as if a Touch of 
the Hat had been committing of Sacrilege, or a ceremoni- 
ous 'Nod a rank Idolatry. 

A drunken-look' d Drawer, disguis'd in a sober Garb, like 
a Wolf in Sheep's Cloathing, or the Devil in a Fryar's Habit, 
shew'd us into the Kitchen, which we told him we were 
desirous of being in, as Cricket's covet Ovens, for the sake 
of their Warmth: Several of Father Ramsey's slouching 



208 A London Tavern in 1699. 

Disciples sat hovering over their Half-pints, like so many 
coy Gossips over their Quarterns of Brandy, as if they were 
afraid any body should see them ; they cast as many fro- 
ward Looks upon us Swordsmen, as so many Misers would 
be apt to do upon a Couple of spunging Acquaintance; 
staring as if they took us for some of the Wild-Irish, that 
should have cut their Throats in the beginning of the 
Revolution. 

However, we bid ourselves welcome into their Company ; 
and were forced for want of room, the kitchen being well 
fill'd, to mix Higgle-de-piggle-dt\ as the Rooks among the Jack- 
Daws upon the Battlements of a Church Steeple : They 
Leering at us under their Bon-graces, with as much Con- 
tempt as so many Primitive Christians at a Couple of 
Pagans. 

We, like true Protestant Topers, scorning the Hypocrisy of 
Tippling by Half pints, as if we drank rather to wash away 
our Sins than our Sorrows, appeard bare-fac'd, call'd for a 
Quart at once, and soon discover'd our Religion by our 
Drinking ; whilst they, like true Puritans, gifted with abun- 
dance of holy Cheats, were unwilling to be catch'd over 
more than half a pint, though they'll drink twenty at a 
Sitting. 

The Wine prov'd extraordinary, which indeed was no 
more than we expected, when we found ourselves sur- 
rounded with so many spiritual Mum-chances, whose religious 
Looks shew them to be true Lovers of what the Bighteous 
are too apt to esteem as the chiefest blessing of Providence. 

We had not sat long, observing the Humours of the 
drowthy Saints about us, but several amongst them began 
to look as chearful, as if they had drowned the terrible 
Apprehensions of Futurity, and thought no more of Dam- 
nation than a of a Twelvemonth's standing. 

The Drawer now was constantly employ'd in replenishing 
their scanty Measures ; for once warmed they began to drink 
so fast, 'twas the business of one Servant to keep them 
doing. ^Notwithstanding their great Aversion to external 



A London Tavern in 1699. 209 

Ceremony, one pluck'd off his Hat, and ask'd his next 
Neighbour, What dost think, Friend, fids cost me t But before 
thou tellest me, let me drink; and I hope thou understand' st my 
Meaning. This I suppose was the canting Method of paying 
more than ordinary Veneration to some particular Thoughts, 
which, by this Stratagem, was rendered intelligible to each 
other : For I took ISTotice this allegorical Method of drinking 
some obliging Health was observ'd through the whole 
Society, with the Reverence of uncover'd Heads, under a 
crafty Pretence of examining into the Price of each other's 
Hats; and when they were desirous to elevate their lethar- 
g'ck Spirits with the Circulation of a Bumper, one fills it and 
offers the prevailing Temptation to his Left-hand Com- 
panion, in these Words, saying, Friend, does the Spirit more 
thee to receive the good Oreo tare thus plentifully ? The other 
replies, Yea, do thou take and enjoy the D*uiis of thy oxen 
Labour, and by the Help of Grace I will drink another as full. 
Thus did the liquorish Saints quaff it about as merrily, 
after their precise canting Manner, as so many Country 
Parsons over a Tub of Ale, when freed from the remarks 
of their censorious Parishioners ; till, like reprobaie Sinners, 
who have not the Fear of Providence before their Eyes, 
they were deluded by Satan into a wicked State of Drunk- 
enness. 

By this Time the subtile Spirits of the noble Juice had 
given us a fresh Motion of the Wheels of Life, and corrob- 
orated those Springs which impart Vigour and Activity to 
the whole Engine of Mortality; insomuch that my Friend 
must needs be so frolicksome to tune his Pipes, and enter- 
tain us with a Song; in order to try whether those who 
were deaf to Reason and good Manners, had any Ears to- 
wards Musick with their Wine, which are usually held to 
be such inseparable Companions, that the true Relish of the 
one can never be enjoyed without the Assistance of the 
other : And because the Words happen'd in some Measure 
applicable to that present Juncture, I have thought it not 
amiss to insert them. 

VOL. XXVII. — 14 



210 A London Tavern in 1699. 

SONG. 

AV'hy should Christians be restrained 

From the brisk enlivening Juice, 
Heaven only has ordain' d 

(Thro' Love to Man) for human Use? 
Should not Claret be deny'd ' 

To the Turh f they'd v>iser grow ; 
Lay their Alcoran aside, 

And soon believe as Christians do. 

Chorus. 

For Wine and Religion, like Musick and Wine, 
As they're good in themselves, do to Goodness incline ; 
And make both the Spirit and Flesh so divine, 
That our Faces and Graces both equally shine: 
Then still let the Bumper round Christendom pass, 
For Paradise lost may be found in a Glass. 

Just as my Friend had ended his Sonnet in came the 
little Lord of the tippling Tenement, about the Height of 
a Nine-pin, with his Head in a Hat of such capacious Di- 
mensions, that his Body was as much drown'd under the 
disproportions! Brims of this unconscionable Castor, as a 
Pigmy under the Umbrage of a Giant's Bon-grace, or a Mouse 
crept into a . . . pan. He was button' d into a plain Vest- 
ment that touch'd no Part of his Body but his Shoulders; 
his Coat being so large, and his Carcase so little, that it 
hung about him like a Maulkin upon a Cross-stick in a 
Country pease-field : His Arms hung dangling like a Mob's 
Taffy mounted upon a Red-Herring on St. David's Day, 
and liis Legs so slender, they bid defiance to any Parish 
Stocks. 

He waited a little while the Motion of the Spirit, and 
when he had compos'd his Countenance, and put himself 
into a fit Posture for Reproof, he breaks out into the follow- 
ing Oration, Pray, Friend, forbear this prophane Hollowing and 
Hooting in my House ; the wicked Noise thou makest among my 
sola- Friends is -neither pleasing to them nor me ; and since 1 
find the Wine is too powerful for thy Inward Man, I must needs 



A London Tavern in 1699. 211 

tell thee, I will draw thee no more of it; I therefore desire thee to 
pay for what thou host had, and depart my House; for I do not 
like thy Ways, nor does any body here approve of iky ranting 
Doings. 

We were not much surpriz'd at this Piece of fanatical 
Civility, it being no more than what we expected ; hut the 
Manner of his Delivery render d his Words so very diverting, 
that we could not forbear laughing him into such a Passion, 
that the Looks of the little Saint discovered as great a Devil 
in his Heart, as a pious Disciple of his Bigness could he 
well possess'd with : Then, according to his Request, we 
paid our Reckoning, and left him in the Condition of 
Vinegar and Crab's-Eyes mix'd ; that is, upon a great 
Ferment. 

From thence (pursuant to my Friend's Inclinations) we 
adjourn'd to the Sign of the Angel in Fenckurch-street. 



212 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor 



THOMAS JANNEY, PROVINCIAL COUNCILLOR. 

BY MILES WRITE, JR., BALTIMORE, MD. 

. Thomas Janney, the second son of Thomas l and Eliza- 
beth (Worthingtou) Janney, was born at Styall, in the town- 
ship of Pownall Fee, parish of TTilmslow, Macclesfield Hun- 
dred, county Cheshire, England, in 1633, and, according 
to the church records of Wilmslow parish, was baptized 11 
January, 1634. Among the numbers of the rural population 
of Midland England who in the middle of the seventeenth 
century found, in the religion preached by George Fox, the 
spiritual rest and strength they longed for were Thomas 
and Elizabeth Janney and their six children. Concerning 
their son Thomas, the subject of this article, w T e are told 
that, 2 

"Whilst still young, the Lord was graciously pleased to visit him 
with the regenerating influence of his Holy Spirit, through which, as he 
bowed in obedience thereto, the work of sanctification was commenced 
and carried on in him. He was convinced of the Truth as held by 
Friends, (at the first preaching thereof in Cheshire), about the year 
1654, he being in the twenty-first year of his age." "The next year 
he received a gift in the ministry, preaching the gospel of Christ freely, 
and travelled into many parts of England, and also in Ireland, and had 
a fervent and sound testimony for truth, and his conversation and course 
of life accorded with his doctrine," and the Lord blessed his labours 
of love. " He suffered imprisonments and fines for his faithful testimony 
against tithes and for his attendance of religious meetings, but none 
of these things moved bim. His chief concern appeared to be that the 
blessed Truth might prosper in the earth, and that the name of the Lord 
might be magnified. He was an example of great meekness, combined 
with ardent zeal ; and thus his labours for the good of others being 
sweetened by divine love, were eminently successful in reclaiming 



1 For an account of Thomas Janney' s English ancestors, see "The 
Quaker Janneys of Cheshire" in Publications So. Hist. Assoc, vol, © 

3 The Friend, vol. xxvii. p. 340 ; Piety Promoted, ed. 1789, vol. i. 
p. 228. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 213 

offenders. His zeal did not cause him to reprove with asperity, neither 
did his love lead him to pass by offences against the Truth. His love 
led him to reprove error for the good of the erring and the benefit of 
others, and his zeal taught him that his Master's work could only be 
done in his Master's Spirit." 

The full extent to which he suffered imprisonment and 
fines is at present unknown. In 1663, according to Besse,' 
he suffered distress of goods for tithes ; and in the lists oi 
sufferings for the years 1664, 1665, 1671, and 1673 the 
name of Thomas Janney appears. As in these years the 
" Jr." is not used, it is uncertain whether the subject of this 
article or his father is referred to : but several other authors, 
including Griffith Owen, his friend and fellow-traveller, state 
that he several times suffered imprisonments and cruelties 
of sinners for truth's sake. 

In 1669 Thomas " Janny," John Abraham, and John 
Burnyeat, among others, visited Ireland 2 " in the service ol 
Truth," " and many in divers parts of the Nation were con- 
vinced of the Truth, and joined with Friends." 

In 7th mo., 16 7 7, 3 he wrote the preface to a book by Alex- 
ander Lawrence, entitled "An Answer to a Book pub- 
lished by Richard Smith, of TTest Chester, wherein The 
People of God called Quakers (more particularly in this 
County of Cheshire) are cleared from Wrong, Injustice, and 
False Accusations by him charged upon them." In 1679 
he and thirty-two others signed a testimony 4 against "Wil- 
liam Rogers, of Bristol, for having written " against a book 
of Robert Barclay's entitled < The Anarchy of the Ranters.' " 

The minutes of Morley Monthly Meeting of Friends 
mention the appointment and service of Thomas Janney on 
various committees, and he doubtless was engaged in much 
religious work of which we have no record, and in all 

1 Besse's Suffering? of the Quakers, vol. i. pp. 104, 105. 

2 Rutty's Hist, of Friends in Ireland, l~t exL, p. 132. 

3 Jos. Smith's Catalogue of Friends' Books ; Doykstown Democrat, July 
29, 1897. 

* Thomas Evans's Exposition of the Faith of Friends, l>d edL, p. sxvii. 



214 7 hornets Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

probability was at this time well known to and associated 
with George Fox, a3 he was to William Penn and other 
prominent members of the Society. In England, 1 and 
afterwards in America, he was prominent in the councils 
and work of the Society, and finally closed his life while on 
a religious visit to the Friends of his native country. His 
was a life of service. He married 9th mo. 24, 1660, at 
James Harrison's house in Fownall Fee, Margery Heath, 
late of Horton in the county of Stafford. James Harrison, 
»t whose house the marriage took place, had married Anne 
Heath, a sister of Margery, 5th mo. 1, 1655, at which time 
his residence was given as Kendal, Westmoreland; 2 and in 
1663 William Yardley, of Ransclough, Staffordshire, mar- 
ried Jane Heath, another sister, j^o further definite infor- 
mation has been obtained concerning the immediate family 
of Margery Heath. Andrew Heath, who in 1682 accom- 
panied William Yardley to America, may have been a 
brother's son. 

In Friends' Records the residence of Thomas and Mar- 
gery Janney is described as Pownall Fee, except in the 
years 1665 and 1666, when it is given as Cheadle and 
Cheadlc Holme. A letter to Thomas Janney from Phineas 
Pemberton, dated 5th mo. 3, 1682, requesting him to come 
to the funeral of the latter's daughter Anne, was addressed 
" Thomas Janney, Shaddow Moss, Cheshire." 3 As all these 
places were within five miles or less of Styall, this, the place 
of his birth, was doubtless his residence during the greater 
part if not all the time of hi3 life in England. 

He appears to have purchased, 6th mo. 12, 1682, 4 a tract of 
250 acres of land in Pennsylvania, and his father having 
died 12th mo., 1677, his mother in 12th mo., 1681/2, and 

1 Genealogy of Sharpies* Family, p. 27. 

1 He afterwards moved to Pownall Fee, Cheshire, where his children, 
Samuel, Phoebe, and Job, were born. 

8 "Thomas Janney," by Oliver Hough, in. Doylestoum Democrat, July 
29, 1897. 

* See Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 3, fol. 140. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 215 

James Harrison and William Yardlcy, and perhaps others 
of his or his wife's relatives, having previously removed to 
Pennsylvania, whence doubtless they sent favorable reports 
as to the country and the advantages it offered to settlers, 
and especially to members of the Society of Friends, who 
there were entirely free from the persecutions to which tbev 
were subjected in England, Thomas Janney, in 1683, took 
passage for himself and family to America in the ship 
"Endeavor," of London. They arrived in the Delaware 
River the 29th of 7th mo. (September), 1683, 1 and settled in 
that part of Bucks County, Pa., which was afterwards 
Makcfield township. 

The Book of Arrivals in Bucks County prior to 1687, 
prepared by Phineas Pemberton, the husband of Margery 
Janney 's niece, is still in existence at Doylestown, and con- 
tains the following entry: 2 " Thomas Janney, of Shiall, in 
the County of Chester, yeoman and Marjory, his wife. xVr- 
rived in Deleware Eiver the 29 th of the 7 th M ., 1683, in the 
'Endeavor,' of London. The M r ., George Thorp. Children, 
Jacob, Thomas, Abel, k Joseph Janney. Servants, John 
Xeild, to serve 5 years, and have 50 acres of land. Hannah 
Falkner, to serve 4 years; loose 29 th 7 M% 1687. To have 
50 acres of land." 

Some few persons who settled in Bucks County and are 
recorded in Pemberton's Book are also mentioned in a 
similar Book of Arrivals at Philadelphia between 1682 and 
1687, and among them Thomas Janney and family, some 
of whose names are therein incorrectly spelled, as shown by 
the following entry : 3 " in the Endeavour of London, A Ketch 
George Thorp M r . * * * * Thomas Janeway & Mar- 
garet bis wife late of Poonnall in Cheshire Husbandman 
<jame in ditto shippe. [Children] Jacob, Thomas, Abell, 

1 All dates in this article prior to 1752 are Old Style. 

5 Pa. Mag. Hist, axd Biog., vol. ix. p. 226; Battle's Bucks Co., 
Pa., pp. 180, 440. 

* Pa. Mag. Hlst. axd Biog., vol. viii. p. 330 ; Futkey and Cope's 
Chater Co., Pa., p. 22. 



216 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

[and] Joseph Janeway. [Servants] John Neild [or Wild], 
Hannah ffalkner [?]." 

What heeame of Hannah Falkner I do not know ; but 
John ISTeild evidently married and accumulated some prop- 
erty, for his will, of which Abel Janney, Jr., was a witness, 
was dated 12 mo. 1, 1728, and proved 6 October, 1747. In it 
he left to his wife Judith 7 pounds yearly ; to his son John 
150 acres, to his son James 86 acres, and to his daughters 
Martha and Jane 10 pounds each. "Whether or not lie was 
the John Xeild who purchased in England, in 1682, 1 250 
acres of land in Pennsylvania does not appear. 

Exactly how much land Thomas Janney owned I do not 
know. According to Thomas Holme's Map of Bucks Co., 
Pa., begun in 1G81, 2 he had two tracts of land, one fronting 
on the Delaware River, about a mile below the present 
Yardley, having a frontage of a quarter to half a mile on 
the river, and extending inland about three miles. In the 
" Minutes of the Board of Property of the Province of 
Pennsylvania" it is stated 3 that, 7 rno. 26, 1691, a patent 
was signed for Thomas Janney for 550 acres in Bucks 
County. This patent, which is the only conveyance of land 
to Thomas Janney that is recorded in Bucks County, 4 calls 
for 550 acres on the Delaware River. It is quite possible 
that other patents or deeds to him were recorded in Phila- 
delphia, as the first books of deeds in the Philadelphia 
Record Office were damaged before any copies were made, 
and the record of many early patents is utterly obliterated. 
This 550-acre tract was in the original township of Make- 
field, now Lower Makefield township, and it was upon it 
that he originally settled; and upon this plantation, except 
when in Philadelphia attending the Council, or on religious 
visits to other Colonies, he resided during the twelve years 

1 Hazard's Annals of Pa., p. 641. 

* Probably first published in 1684 ; and reproduced in both Davis's 
Bucks Co., Pa., and Battle's Bucks Co., Pa., and also in Fiske's Dutch 
and Quaker Colonies. 

' Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. xix. p. 73. 

* Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 2, fol. 6. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 217 

that he remained in Pennsylvania. It was out of this tract 
that he gave a lot of 72 square yards to Falls Meeting for a 
burial-ground in 1690. This lot was situated on the high 
ground overlooking the river, and the graveyard, with its 
stone fence around it, is still to be seen on the road below 
Yardley. The other and larger tract of about 1000 acres, 1 
on the inland side of the township, adjoined the back of his 
home plantation, and ran back of the river lots for about 
two and a half miles, was of varying width, extended back 
nearly to Newtown, and was very well watered, Core Creek 
running through it. "When the township lines were after- 
wards more accurately laid down, part of this tract fell in 
Kewtown township, and this part of the tract has remained 
in the possession of the Janney family until the present 
time. There was a saw-mill 2 on the farm from its settle- 
ment in 1683 until 1872. A grist-mill was erected by 
Jacob Janney in 1816, and was still in use a few years ago, 
and near Core Creek is now situated the family mansion, 
the main part of which is said to have been built about 
1750 by Thomas Janney, the grandson of the original 
owner. 

In his will Thomas Janney left to his son Abel " all 
that tract of land bought of Charles Byles," and therefore the 
236 acres which Byles deeded to Abel Janney in 1694, but 
the deed for which was not recorded till after the death oi 
Thomas Janney, were doubtless bought by the latter. The 
only other tract mentioned in his will seems to have been 
the 550-acre tract on the river; but he evidently had owned 
other tracts, the deeds for which are not recorded in Bucks 
County, as the resurvey made by John Cutler in pursuance 
of warrants issued August 11, 1702, 3 and subsequently, 
showed that Thomas Janney had 4450 acres in Falls town- 
ship, Bucks County. He also appears to have held title to 
some land in Xew Jersey. A deed from Samuel Jennings 

1 Doylestown Democrat, July 29, 1897. 
1 Battle's Bucks Co., Pa., p. 1016. 
•Davis's Bucks Co., Pa., pp. 193, 194. 



218 Thomas Jamwj, Provincial Councillor. 

and Thomas Budd " on ye Publick account" to Thomas 
Holmes, William Bates, Thomas "Jenney," and Edward 
Newbie for 300 acres, dated 10 mo. (December) 20, 1685, is 
recorded at Trenton, in which he is described as " Thomas 
Jenney of ye county of Bucks in y e sd. Province of Penn- 
sylvania, yeoman." This deed is mentioned in Clement's 
Newton Settlers 1 as having been made in trust for Edward 
Newbie, the second son of Mark, in 1685, when, after his 
death, Mark Xewbie's banking operations were settled up. 

Thomas Janney w T as related by blood or marriage with 
many of the most prominent settlers of the county. James 
Harrison and William Yardley, his brothers-in-law, who, 
like him, had suffered imprisonments in England, preceded 
him to Pennsylvania, where they became large land-owners 
and were prominent in both civil and religious affairs. James 
Harrison early became interested in Penn's "Divine Experi- 
ment," and in 1681 was appointed agent for the sale of 
lands in Pennsylvania ; he afterwards became Penn's Stew- 
ard at Pennsbury; one of the first Commissioners of Prop- 
erty; a member of the Council and Assembly; a Pro- 
vincial Judge; a Puisne Judge; a Justice of the Peace; 
etc., 2 and was appointed by Penn as one of the guardians 
of his son Springett: his death in 1687 we are told "was 
regarded as a public calamity." William Yardley, who is 
stated to have been a grandson of Sir John Drake and a 
grandnephew of Sir George Yeardley, Colonial Governor 
of Virginia, was for several years a member of both the 
Council and Assembly, 3 in the proceedings of which he took 
a prominent part, and also served as Sheriff and Justice of 
the Peace. Phineas Pemberton, who married Harrison's 
daughter Phoebe, as shown in the " Annals of the Pember- 

l Pp. 40, 41 ; see ST. J. Deeds, Liber B, Part I.fol. 126. 

'Hazard's Annah of Pa., pp. 524, 599; Proud's Hut. Pa., vol. 
i. p. 237 ; Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. pp. 624-744 ; Friend* Miscellany, 
vol. vii. pp. 26-29 ; The Friend, vol. xxvii. p. 157. 

8 Yardley Genealogy, pp. 13-17 ; Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. pp. 626- 
752 ; The Friend, vol. xxvii. p. 251 ; Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 167. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 219 

ton Family," became quite prominent, being several times 
a member of the Council and Assembly, and in 1698 
Speaker of the latter body; and held the combined offices 
of Register and Recorder of the County, and was called by 
James Logan the " Father of Bucks County." l John 
Brock, whose plantation adjoined Thomas Janney's, was a 
cousin, as shown by a letter of his brother Ralph Brock, of 
Bramhall, England, dated 12 mo. 28, 1696/7, to Phineas 
Pemberton, in which he mentions Thomas Janney as his 
" deare Coz." He was a Justice of the Peace in 1689 
and 1693. 2 

Thomas Janney is also said to have been an intimate 
friend of William Penn, who entertained a higli opinion of 
him, and mentioned him lovingly in many of his letters, 
several of which have been published. 3 William Penn em- 
barked the 12th of 6 mo., 1684, on the ketch " Endeavor," 
which the year before had brought Thomas Janney to 
America, and arrived at Wonder in Sussex the 6th of Octo- 
ber, and the next day, writing from Worminghurst to James 
Harrison, sent his love to seven Friends, including Thomas 
Janney and "William Yardley. On 7th mo. 23, 1686, 
writing from London, he said, " Give my dear love to T. J., 
P. P., and W. Y. and wives;" while in a letter to James 
Harrison from Worminghurst, 11th mo. 28, 1686, he said, 
" Much love to J. Simcock, Thos. Janney, William Yard- 
ley and thyself especially. . . . Glad that three such honest 
friends whom I love in my heart, are in that station of ser- 
vice, as your being the provincial judges. I know also that 
you are men of a good understanding and friends to me and 
my honest interest, but I could have wished you easier and 
better work." 

1 Friends' Miscellany, vol. vii. ; Doylestovm Democrat, July 29, 1897 ; 
Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. pp. 625, 752, 753. 

5 Doylestown Democrat, July 29, 1897; Pa. Arch., 2d3er., vol. ix. 
p. 744. 

'Proud's Bht. Pa., vol. i. pp. 291, 349; Janney's Life of Wm. 
Penn, 2d ed., pp. 261, 285, 286. 



220 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

His station as a minister in the Society of Friends did 
not preclude his engaging also in civil matters, and upon 
his arrival in Pennsylvania Thomas Janney appears to have 
at once taken a prominent place in both the civil and re- 
ligious affairs of the Province, and was soon called into 
public life by his neighbors. He was elected to the Pro- 
vincial Council for a term of three years (1684, 1685, and' 
1686), and qualified as a member 1st mo. 20, 1684, 1 attest- 
ing '"to Keep Secret the Debates in Council, &c." The 
minutes of Council record Ins presence at a majority of the 
meetings, but have not very much to say concerning him, 
the speeches of members not being recorded. Many im- 
portant measures were acted upon during his term of ser- 
vice; among others, were the establishment of the various 
courts and the definition of their duties. One lav/ that 
was enacted would not be popular with lawyers of the 
present day, for it provided that " noe persons shall plead 
in any Chill Causes of another, in any Court whatso- 
ever within this Province and Territories, before he be Sol- 
emnlye attested in open Court, that he neither directly nor 
Indirectly hath in any wise taken or received, or will take 
or receive to his use or benefit, any reward whatsoever for 
his soe pleading, under y e penaltye of 5 lb. if the Contrary 
be made appear." 2 As the Council at that time began its 
sessions at seven o'clock in the morning, and its committees 
met at six, it is evident that their customs differed in various 
respects from those of the present. The minutes of the 
Council, in addition to noting the appointment and service 
of Thomas Janney on various committees, make the follow- 
ing mention of him : 3 

2d mo. 6, 1685, " Ordered that a Comission be drawne for James Har- 
rison, Tho : Janney, Win. Yardley, T\ r m. Biles, Wm. Beaks, John Ottor, 



1 Duke of York's Laws, pp. 494, 496, 505 ; Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. 
ix. p. 624 ; Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 41. 

'Ibid., p. 123. 

•Ibid., pp. 76, 78, 81, 114, 128, 148, 278; Pa. Mag. Hist. a>t> 
Biog., vol. xxyi. pp. 193, 195 ; Buck's Bucks Co., Pa., pp. 22. 23. 



Tkomas Jaunty, Provincial Councillor. 221 

Edm* Bennet & Jno. Swift, to be Justices of the Pence for y* County cf 
Bucks, the year Ensueing ;" 2d mo. 8, 16S5, a resolution was passed 
stating that the " Gov r , in presence of Tho : Janney vN: Thin: Pem- 
berton, was pleased to say and Grant that y* Bounds of y* County ot 
Bucks and Philadelphia, should begin as followeth" etc. ; 3d mo. 12, 
1635, Thomas Lloyd, Prest., and fifteen members of Council including 
Tho. Janney signed the Declaration of King James the Second becom- 
ing King and acknowledging obedience to him etc. ; 10th mo. 1, 16S5, 
tlie Council having been requested that a "Speciall Comission be 
granted for y* Tryall of David Davis the next Court, who is a Prisoner 
in y e County of Bucks, on suspition of killing his servant,'* unanimously 
agreed "that a Comission be Expeditiously prepared for y e authorising 
& Impowring of James Harrison, Arthur Cook v Tho. Janney, Wm, 
Yardley, Wm. Biles, to be special Comiss" to hear and Determine all 
heinous and Enormous Crimes that shall be brought before them in y s 
County of Bucks, in a Court there to begin on y e 10' h Ins 1 , by them to 
be held;" 9th mo. 19, 1636, "The Councill takeing into Consideration 
y e Unevenesse of y* Eoad from Philadelphia to y e falls of Delaware, 
Agreed that Kob' Turner & John Barnes for y e County of Philadelphia, 
Arth. Cook and Tho. Janney for y e County of Bucks, with y e Re- 
spective Survey" of y e s 1 Counties, meet and Lay out a more Comodious 
Eoad from y 9 broad Street in Philadelphia to y 9 falls aforesaid : ye time 
when is Referred to y e memb r5 Zs'ominated ;" 11th mo. 2, 1689/90, tlie 
Council ordered that "Commissions of y e Peace be made for all ?' 
Counties, and these persons following to be Inserted, (viz) Bucks Co. 
Arth. Cook, Jos. Growdon, Wm. Yardly, Tho. Janney, Wm. Byles, 
Kich. Xewlin, Jo n Brock, Hen. Baker." 

Several historians have stated that Arthur Cook and 
Thomas Janney were appointed on 9th mo. 19, 16S6, 
County Surveyors for Bucks County. The minute of 
Council of that date, quoted above, shows conclusively that 
Cook and Janney were not themselves the surveyors, but a 
Committee to meet the surveyors. 1 

Thomas Janney was a member of Council again in 1691, 
but his tenure of office at this time, as well as his record 
during the term, are not definitely known, as the minutes 
of this year have been lost ; but Proud says 2 that " In the 

1 Doylestown Democrat, July 29, 1897. See Pa. Arch., 2d sen, vol. ix. 
p. 743; Battle's Bttch Co., Pa., p. 690. 

* Hist. Pa., vol. i. p. 361 ; Bowden's ffist. Soc. Friends, vol. ii. p. 
120 ; Duke of York's Laws, p. 534. 



222 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

minutes of the Provincial Council, in the Summer of the 
year 1691, appear the following names of the active mem- 
bers of that board, viz. John Sim cock . . . Thomas Jan- 
ney," and others. 

Thomas Janney was not only a member of Council, but 
also, as shown above, one of the Justices of the Peace for 
Bucks County. In his day these Justices held all the 
County Courts; they were Judges of the Quarter Sessions, 
Common Pleas, Orphans' Court, etc. His commission was 
dated April 6, 1685, and renewed January 2, 1689/90. I 
have seen entries in the original records still preserved at 
Dcylestown wdiich show the service of Thomas Janney as 
Judge of the Courts of Common Pleas and of Quarter Ses- 
sions. 

In March, 1690, the grand jury thought it necessary that 
the county be divided into townships, and the court at its 
next session ordered Henry Baker and eleven others, in- 
cluding Thomas Janney, William Biles, and Phineas Pem- 
berton, to meet together at the court-house the day before 
the next court and perform this service ; for some reason 
this order was not obeyed, and at the September term, 
1692, the court again took up the matter and appointed a 
jury, 1 on which were Arthur Cook and tw r elve others, in- 
cluding Baker, Janney, Biles, and Pemberton (nine mem- 
bers of the former jury being reappointed), and ordered 
them " or the greater number of them to meet together at 
the meeting-house at Kesharninah the 27th day of this in- 
stant, and divide this county into townships," which they 
accordingly did. 

In various accounts of Thomas Janney it is stated that 
he visited meetings of the Society of Friends in Xew Eng- 
land, Rhode Island, Long Island, IN'ew Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania, and Maryland. Samuel Smith, in his " History of 
the Province of Pennsylvania," erroneously gives 1698 as 

1 Publications So. Hist. Assoc, vol. v. pp. 393, 394 ; Battle's Bucks 
Co., Pa,, p. 190; Davis's Hist. Bucks Co., Pa., p. 101; Pa. Mag. 
Hist, and Biog., vol. xviii. p. 24; vol. xxvi. p. 195. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 223 

the date of his visit to Xew England, 1 and this same year is 
given by The American Friend, in a list of Friends who 
visited New England since 1656, as the date of the visit of 
i>: Thomas Janney of Old England" — an impossibility, a.s he 
died in 1696; the date of this visit was probably 1687, as be 
was present at Dover. X. EL, 4th mo. 23, 16S7, 2 at the mar- 
riage of Richard Estes and Elizabeth Beck, and was one of 
the fifteen witnesses who signed their certificate. He shortly 
after this returned home, for in 7th mo., 1687, we find that 
Thomas Janney, Richard Ridgway, and William Biles were 
the three appraisers of "William Beakes's " Goods, Lands 
and Credits.'" 3 

His work in the ministry was not the only service he per- 
formed for the church; we are told 4 that 

"In meetings for discipline we find him employed, and in the Yearly 
Meeting, not unfrequently he was one appointed to prepare Epistles of 
advice, either to subordinate meetings and their members, or to the 
churches abroad. 

"When George Keith departed from the Truth, and by his turbulent 
behaviour and unsound sentiments made it manifest that he was no 
longer in unity with the Society of Friends, Thomas Janney and other 
faithful standard bearers in Bucks county felt much sympathy with 
Friends in Philadelphia, who were the objects of George's most furious 
attacks. A testimony against George was issued by the General 
Meeting of ministering Friends, held in Philadelphia, Fourth month 
20th, 1692, 5 and the Quarterly Meeting of Bucks county responded 
thereto at its next meeting, held Sixth month 17th." This response was 
signed by Thomas Janney and others, and follows the above account in 
The Friend. 

The Yearly Meeting held at Burlington, X. J., 7th mo. 
7, 1G92, also sent out its Testimony against George Keith, 

1 Hazard's Register of Pa., vol. vi. p. 355; The Friend, vol. xix. 
p. 172; l?te American Friend, vol. vi. pp. 798-801. 
1 Rites Genealogies, p. 44. 

* Pa. Mag. Hist, a^d Biog., vol. xvi. p. 126. 

* The Friend, vol. xxvii. p. 340. 

6 See The Friend, vol. xix. p. 86; Proud's Hist. Pa., vol. i. pp. 
365, 368; Hazard's Eegisttr of Pa., vol. vi. pp. 279, 280; Pa. 
Mag. Hist, and Biog., vol. xxvi. p. 351. 



224 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

signed by over two hundred of the most prominent Friends 
and colonists of that day, 1 including Thomas Janney, 
" Phinehas" Pemberton, Mahlon Stacy, Reuben Pownal, 
Henry Baker, and William Biles. On account of the 
misrepresentations made by Keith in regard to the teach- 
ings of the Society, it was deemed wise to state clearly 
what these really were, and this was accordingly done; 
and in 1695 T. Sowle published, in London, a pamphlet 
entitled Our Antient Testimony renewed concerning our 
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the Holy Scriptures and the 
Resurrection, given forth by a Meeting of Public Friends and 
Others, at Philadelphia in Pennsylvania; and this was also 
published in 1696 as an Appendix to the English transla- 
tion of 2 he General History of the Quakers, by Gerard Croesse. 2 
Among the thirty-nine signers were Thomas Janney and 
William Biles. In 1693 Thomas Janney wrote a Memorial 
of his brother-in-law William Yardley, in which he said, 3 
" we having been intimate friends from our youth up." 

On 10th mo. 16, 1693, Thomas Janney wrote an Epistle 
to Friends of Cheshire, which was desired by them to be 
made public. He signed it " From my own House near the 
Falls of Delaware, in the County of Bucks, in Pennsylva- 
nia," and it was in 1694 printed and sold by T. Sowle, near 
the Meeting-House, in White Hart Court, Gracious Street, 
London, as appears from Joseph Smith's Catalogue of Friends 7 
Books. 

The first mention of Thomas Janney in Friends' Records 
of Bucks County is in the minutes of Falls Monthly Meeting, 
12th mo. 6, 1683, when James Harrison, Thomas Janney, 
and Phineas Pemberton were chosen to correct and perfect 
William Beakes's paper, though probably at the meeting 
held 11th mo. 2, 1683, his was one of the "Divers Certifi- 
cates read." The book in which these certificates were re- 

1 Hazard's Register of Pa., vol. vi. pp. 301, 302; The Friend, vol. 
xix. p. 109; Pa. Mag. Hist, and Biog., vol. xxvi. p. 351. 
'See The Friend, vol. xxviii. pp. 221, 229. 
* Phila. Yearly Meeting Memorials, pp. 14-17. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 225 

corded has been lost and probably destroyed, and the valu- 
able record of the opinions of their neighbors in England 
concerning many .of the early Bucks County colonists is un- 
fortunately not accessible to their descendants of the present 
day, Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting 10th mo. 5, 1687, 
requested " Thomas Janey, Thomas Budd and John Eckley 
to draw a certificate for Roger Longworth, and get it signed 
by as many members of this meeting as may be convenient." 
All of Thomas Janney's services in behalf of the meeting's 
interests are of course not known, but the minutes record, 
among others, the following: 1 

On 6th ino. 5, 1685, Thomas Jarmey, William Biles, Henry Baker 
and Richard Hough were appointed by the Qtly. Mtg. to ndjust the 
difference between Jno. Brooks and Lydia Wharmby, and on 7th mo. 1, 
1686, Thomas Janney offered to give the Mo. Mtg. "so much land as 
may serve-for a Burying place on the Slate-pit hill." The meeting 6th 
mo. 6, 1686, "Concluded it was requisite to lay off a burying place, and 
to have an acre of land, and that about 30 yards square be fenced, which 
may serve for the present." On 2d mo. 6, 1687, the meeting directed 
William Biles to be spoken to by Thomas Janney and William Yardley 
about selling Rum to the Indians. They afterwards reported that he 
said it was "not against the Law neither doth he know that it is any 
evil to do so, but however, if Friends desire him not to do it, he will 
for the future forbear it." 2 On 3d mo. 1, 1689, it was decided to build 
a meeting-house between Randal Blackshaw and Samuel Burgess of 
25,000 bricks, the house to be 25 x 20, or a foot wider, and 2d mo. 2, 
1690, it was directed that a deed be made for the meeting-house to 
Thomas Janney, William Biles, Richard Hough and Joshua Hoopes in 
trust for the meeting. 3 On 10th mo. 2, 1691, it was decided that the 



1 MS. Minutes Falls Monthly and Bucks Quarterly Meetings. 

'See Davis's Bucks Co., Pa., p. 835; Pa. Mag. Hist, and BlOG., 
vol. xxvi. p. 194. 

3 A deed to these persons from Samuel Burgess of County Bucks, 
Husbandman, for six acres on the road from Falls to Southampton, dated 
4th mo. 4, 1690, was recorded 8th mo. 1, 1690 (Deed-Book No. 1, p. 
316), and 8th mo. 2, 1690, was recorded (Ibid., p. 327) a deed from 
Thomas Janney to William Yardley, Richard Hough, Joshua Hoopes, 
and William Beakes, Trustees, dated 4th mo. 4, 1690, for a piece of land 
on the road from Falls of Delaware to uppermost plantations on said 
river, containing 72 square rods (about one acre). 
VOL. XXVII. — 15 



226 Thomas Janncy> Provincial Councillor, 

meeting above Falls should meet at Thomas Janncy's one day and other 
at William Yardley's. On 11th mo. 6, 1691, certain Friends includ- 
ing Thomas Janney, "William Biles and Eleanor Pownall, agreed to take 
the meeting's share of all books that shall be printed in the unity oi 
Friends and by their approbation. On 9th mo. 3, 1(397, it was " agreed 
that a Testimony be drawn concerning Thomas Januey's labours and 
service amongst us in the Truth," and Joseph Kirkbride, William,. Biles, 
Phineas Pemberton, Richard Hough, Jane Biles, and Margery Hough 
were appointed to "take care it be made ready for next meeting's 
perusal ;" but they appear to have taken much longer to perform the 
service, as 7th mo. 6, 1699, we find an entry that the Testimony concern- 
ing Thomas Janney was read and approved, and that Phineas Pemberton 
was ordered to transcribe it. 

Davis states that " in 1695 the meeting contributed £49, 
toward repairing the loss of Thomas Janney by fire." l 
This is an error, as the minutes of Falls Monthly Meeting 
show that 12th mo. 5, 1695, Thomas Canby's house had 
been burned, and that £49 10s. was collected for him. I 
called the attention of General Davis to this error, and in 
his new edition it will doubtless be corrected. 

Some of the minutes of 1694 are missing, and it was 
possibly at one of these meetings that Thomas Janney 
obtained liberty to visit Friends in England, as I find no 
mention of the matter elsewhere in the minutes of Falls 
Monthly Meeting, and we are informed that 2 " A concern 
having for some time rested upon the mind of Thomas 
Janney to visit Friends in Great Britain, he informed the 
brethren at home thereof, and they, although feeling and 
expressing much reluctance at parting with him, yet having 
unity with his proposed service, gave him up thereto, 
sorrowing. His attached Friend Griffith Owen being also 
liberated for religious labour in England, they travelled 
together." 

Among the records of Middletown Monthly Meeting is 
" A List of Friends' names eminent for Piety and Virtue 

1 Davis's Buds Co., Pa., p. 106. See Publications So. Hist. Assoc., 
vol. v. p. 477. 

1 The Friend, vol. xxvii. p. 348. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 227 

einoe the first settlement in America," and among the 
names therein recorded are those of William and Jane 
Biles, James Harrison, and Thomas Janney. 

Before starting on his voyage to England, Thomas Janney 
made his will, and also appointed his eldest son, Jacob 
Janney, his " true k lawful! attorney.'' The original of-this 
power of attorney is now in the possession of Phineas 
Janney, of Lincoln, Ya. ; in it he is described as " Thomas 
Janney of Makefield, in the county of Bucks & Province of 
Pensylvania yeoman;" it was dated "the 31 day of the 3 
month 1695," was witnessed by Joseph Willcox, Edw. 
Blake, Isaac Xorris, and Da d Lloyd, and the facsimile of his 
eiirnature thereto is given herein. 



y^^j^p^u^ 




Having arranged his affairs in Pennsylvania, " about the 
latter end of the Third month 1695," Griffith Owen says, 1 
" in the unity of the brethren in Pennsylvania, we took our 
leave of them, and went to Maryland, to take our passage 
for England. I may safely say the presence of God went 
along with us, and preserved us, through exercises and 
some perils we met with. We came safely to London, 
where we visited our friends and brethren, and some weeks 
having partly eased ourselves of what rested upon our spirits, 
we travelled down into the country." In the Sixth month 
of the same year they went into Cheshire, where Thomas 
Janney " had many relations who were faithful Friends; 
and though they were dear to him, and their houses might 
have been his home, yet he rested little, but visited the 
meetings of Friends in several neighbouring counties in 
England and Wales." It wa3 probably the accounts which 
he then gave of life and opportunities in Pennsylvania that 

1 The Friend, vol. xxvii. p. 348 ; vol. xxviii. p. 230. 



228 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

induced some of his niece3 and cousins later on to remove 
to America. 

After travelling for some months, Griffith Owen and 
Thomas Janney addressed a letter to Friends of Philadel- 
phia Quarterly Meeting, which was read to the " satis- 
faction" of that meeting, 1st mo. 2, 1696. Soon after 
writing this letter they parted company. Thomas Janney's 
health was evidently failing, and we are told he at different 
times had to lay by to rest and recruit, yet his earnestness to 
do his Master's service carried him on. Having been 
through many counties of England and Wales, he was at 
last obliged to lay by in Derbyshire, where he was taken 
quite ill. In the Spring of 1696, being in measure recov- 
ered, he was again industriously engaged in visiting Friends 
until the time of the Yearlv Meetins; at London, and as he 
had a desire to see the brethren at this meeting, he went to 
that city. 

During the Second-day morning meeting of ministering 
Friends he felt his mind drawn to give a testimony con- 
cerning the right qualification for and exercise of the min- 
istry, but, the time being occupied by other ministers, he 
found no way open for him ; and, after the meeting, the 
uneasiness felt by him, because the testimony had not been 
delivered, increased as attendance at the Yearly Meeting 
made it evident that there was much need of the advice. 

On the First-day of the Fourth month, being very feeble 
in health, and this concern remaining upon him, he pre- 
sented the matter in writing to the ministering Friends. 1 

After writing the above-mentioned letter, he became so 
ill that his recovery was very doubtful, and he was advised 
to leave London, as the air was thought not to agree with 
him. He started for Cheshire, expecting by making short 
journeys to reach his relatives there, and stopped first at 
Enfield, then at Hertford, and thence reached Hitehin, in 
Hertfordshire, where he lay a considerable time at the house 

1 This communication has been published in The Friend, vol. xxvii. 
p. 348. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 229 

of William Turner. The Friends there were very kind to 
him, and carefully and tenderly watched oyer him ; but we 
are told, 1 " having endured much hardship formerly in the 
service of truth, by travelling into several climates, and en- 
during heats and colds, his body was attended with much 
pain, so that few expected his recovery." Two of his' rela- 
tives, who were Friends, came from Cheshire to visit him, 
and he said to one of them, — 

" Cousin, I am glad that thou art come. I hardly expect to recover so 
as to be able to get into Cheshire. It is some exercise to think of bring 
taken away, so far from my home and family, and also from my friends 
and relations in Cheshire. I would gladly have got down into Cheshire, 
but I must be content, however it pleases God to order it. Worse things 
have happened in this life to better men than I am. I shall be mitred 
in America ; Friends there were troubled when I came away ; 1 have 
laboured faithfully amongst them ; they will be grieved at the tidings of 
my death; my family will want me. My care hath been for my sons, 
that they may be kept in the fear of God ; I have been a good example 
to them ; I have a care upon me, that they may be kept humble while 
they are young, that they may bend their necks under the yoke of 
Christ. If I am taken away, I am very clear in my spirit ; I have an- 
swered the requirings of God, I have been faithful in my day, and I 
have nothing that troubles my spirit; my spirit is very clear." 



Though he little expected to leave his bed of sickness in 
Ilitchin, yet he recovered so as to be able to get down to his 
relations in Cheshire, and that winter visited the meetings 
in Cheshire and Lancashire; after which he said to Griffith 
Owen, " I am clear, I am clear of England." When he 
reached Warrington, he felt unwell, and, after spending the 
night at the house of a relative, rode to the house of his 
brother-in-law, Hugh Burgess, in Pownall Fee. Here his 
health declined again, yet he bore it with much patience 
and contentedness, having his sister to wait on him; and, 
though weary in body, made preparations about tha begin- 
ning of 11th mo. to leave England, expecting in the Spring 

1 Piety Promoted, ed. 1789, vol. i. p. 229. 



230 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

of 1697 to return to his family in America. 1 Before his 
ship sailed, his distemper returned with violence, and he 
went to his sister's, near where he was horn. He made but 
little reply to her when she spoke to him about his family, 
Baying, "If it be the will of God, that I be taken away now, 
I am well content ;" which was the most he said in his last 
illness, save to a Friend concerning his burial. Having 
been in England about eighteen months, he departed this 
life in much quietness of mind, the 12th day of 12th mo. 
(February), 1696/7, and was buried the 15th, in Friends' 
burial-ground at Mobberley in Cheshire, where his parents 
and daughters and other relatives had previously been 
buried. The entry in the Eegister of Morley Monthly 
Meeting, in regard to his death and burial, describes him as 
" Thomas Janney, of Pennsylvania, America, a minister on 
a visit to this his native Country/' At the time of his 
death he was sixty-three years of age and had been a minis- 
ter forty-two years. We are told that a great many Friends 
and other people came to Ids funeral, and Friends had a 
good season, and the Lord's power was over all. 

In A Collection of Memorials Concerning Divers deceased 
Ministers and other Friends in Pa., 2V. J"., etc., published in 
Philadelphia in 1787, the account of Thomas Janney fol- 
lowing the Testimony of Falls Monthly Meeting concerning 
him speaks of " other accounts concerning Thomas Janney" 
at that time in existence, but does not state whether they 
were in manuscript or had been printed. The only printed 
account of him of prior date which I have seen is in Piety 
Promoted, the first volume of which had been prepared by 
John Tomkins in London in 11th mo., 1701, shortly after 
the death of Thomas Janney. The author of articles in 
The Fiiend evidently had access to other accounts, which 

1 Samuel Waldenfield aiid John Field, on 10th mo. 31, 1696, addressed 
an epistle to Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, in which they informed 
the meeting that they embraced the opportunity of writing to them 
"by our dear and well beloved friends, Thomas Janney and Griffith 
Owen, whose labours of love in the gospel of Christ, we truly esteem." 
(The Friend, vol. xxviii. p. 230.) 



Thomas Janncy, Provincial Councillor. 231 

probably were in manuscript. There are, however, now in 
existence various memorials and accounts of his life, 1 some 
of which are quite lengthy and most of which deal largely 
with his religious labors. Lack of space forbids further 
reference to any of these, however, except the memorial 
prepared by his Mend and fellow-traveller, Griffith Owen, 
which was read and approved in the Meeting of Minister- 
ing Friends, held at Burlington in 7th mo., 1693, 2 and 
which I believe has never been printed, but is to be found 
among the manuscript records of Philadelphia Yearly Meet- 
ing. In it he calls him " the ancient, faithful, and laborious 
servant of the Lord," and, among other things, says,— 

"The Lord did not only reveal his everlasting gospel unto, him, but 
made him an able minister of it, to the turning of many from darkness 
into light, and from Satan's power unto God, and to water, refresh and 
edify the churches of Christ, in many parts of the world, and although 
he was not a man of much literature, yet the Lord endued him with 
true wisdom from above, with sound judgment and understanding to the 
deviding of the world aright, and to reach to the states and conditions of 
the people, to the raising of the pure mind and good desires in them after 
the Lord and his truth ; he was of a meek and lowly spirit, true hearted 
to God and to his people, willing and ready to spend and be spent for the 
Truth's sake, he counted nothing so dear and near to him as God's 
truth, and the service of it, he preached not only in words but also in 
life and conversation, which was attended with the fear of God, which 
made him lovely in the sight of all good people, being careful of giving 
any offence to any sort of people, but with the spirit of love, tenderness 
and meekness, endeavoring to rectify what was wrong or out of good 
order in any. ' ' 

In a deed from Jacob Janney to his brother Abel, dated 
May 30, 1700, and recorded 9th mo. 30, 1703, 3 it is stated 

1 See Phila. Yearly Meeting Memorials, 1787, pp. 27-30 ; Plefy Pro- 
moted, 1789, vol. i. pp. 228-230; Hazard's Register Penna., vol. vi. 
pp. 213, 355 ; The Friend, vol. xix. p. 38 ; vol. xxvii. pp. 340, 343, 
356 ; vol. xxviii. p. 230 ; Bowden's Hist. Soc. Friends, vol. ii. p. 119 ; 
Janney's Hist, of the Friends, vol. ii. p. 392 ; vol. iii. p. 53 ; JJoylestown 
Democrat, July 29, 1897 ; Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, pp. 2-4. 

1 The Friend, vol. xxviii. p. 230. 

1 Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 3, /of. 140. Patented as 250 acres, but by 
resurvey found to be 365 acres 12 perches. 



232 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

that Thomas Janney, by his will dated 3d mo. 21, 1095, 
devised a farm of 250 aeres to the said Jacob Janney, his 
eldest son ; hut this will, like many other early wills and 
deeds, seems not to have been recorded. Among the papers 
of the late Samuel M. Janney, the Quaker historian and the 
compiler of the " Janney Tree," was a copy of this v will, 
obtained I know not whence, which is as follows : 

"WILL. 

"I Thomas Janney of the Township of Makefield in the county of 
Bucks in Pennsylvania, Although I am in health of body as well as in 
perfect memory, praised be the Lord for it, yet considering the great 
voyage I am about to take, I do hereby settle and dispose of that small 
estate I have in this world, by this my last will, as followeth : 

"First. I give unto my son Jacob the house and plantation which 
we do live in & upon, with all the lands and appurtenances thereunto 
belonging, paying to his mother eight pounds a year out of the profits 
of the said plantation during her natural life. 

"Secondly. I do give to my son Thomas that 3 hundred acres of land 
whereupon he hath begun a plantation. 

" Thirdly. I give to my son Abel all that tract of land bought of 
Charles Byles. 

" Fourthly. After my debts & funeral expenses are paid I do dispose 
of my personal estate as followeth : I do hereby give to Margery my 
wife, my bay mare, and to my son Jacob my old dun nagg ; all the rest 
of my horses young & old I do hereby give to my son Joseph. 

" Fifthly. All my husbandrie ware I give equally to be divided 
amongst my three sons Jacob, Abell & Josey. 

"Sixthly. All the rest of my living goods or stock I give unto my 
wife and my three sons last mentioned, to be equally divided amongst 
them. 

"Also, I give unto my wife the bed in the parlour where we used 
to lye. 

"And all the rest of my household goods I do hereby give to my 
wife, and my 4 sons equally to be divided amongst them. 

"Likewise I do hereby charge my son Jacob in respect to the estate 
left him, to pay to his brother Joseph as follows (to wit) that if my wife 
shall dye within the space of 2 years after the date hereof, that then 
Jacob shall pay to Joseph the sum of thirty pounds, but if their mother 
live longer, then Jacob to pay Joseph but twenty pounds the money to 
be paid by 10 pounds a year. 

"Lastly. I do nominate and appoint my son Jacob Janney, and 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 233 

iny Cousin Phineas Pemberton to be executors of this my last will & tes- 
tament. 

11 Written with my own hand & sealed with my seal this 21" day 
of 3 d month 1695. 

"Thomas Janney [seal]" 

The coat of arms and crest of the Janney family are given 
in various publications, 1 several of which state that these 
were the arms and crest of Thomas Janney, the subject of 
tills article ; but I have not seen any evidence that he ever 
used them, unless the expression in his holographic will, 
" Written with my own hand & sealed with my seal," is 
more than a mere legal form. Ten days after signing this 
will he executed a power of attorney, and the seal attached 
thereto bears no heraldic design. 

In colonial days there was no uniform manner of spell- 
ing proper names, and consequently various forms of the 
same name are found in early records. Some of the forms 
in which the name Janney appears are the following, — viz. : 
Janeway, Janney, Janny, Jannye, Jany, Jenney, Jenny, 
Jennye, Gynney. 

Very little is known in regard to Thomas Janney's wife, 
and how long she lived after the death of her husband does 
not appear. The "Women's minutes of Falls Monthly 
Meeting show that " Margery Jennye" was appointed, 2d 
mo. 3, 1689, to make inquiry in a case of clearness of 
marriage; and the minutes of the Men's Meeting of 9th 
mo. 3, 1697, state that she then gave her consent to the 
marriage of her son Thomas and Rachel Pownall. There 
is no such entry concerning the marriages of her other sons 
in 1699, 1703, and 1705, and as she did not sign the 
marriage certificates of either Joseph or Jacob (the only 
ones recorded), she probably died between 1697 and 1700. 
The marriage register of Falls Monthly Meeting contains 
also a few dates of births and deaths of early members, but 

1 The Continent, Phila., April 25, 1883, p. 521 ; Quaint Corners in 
Phila., pp. 448, 462; Vogue; The Thomas Book, p. 348; The Jo I life, 
Neill, and Janney Families of Va., p. 167. 



234 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor, 

the custodian of the meeting's records states that "the old 
registers of births and deaths cannot be found, they have 
been lost for years." Consequently not only are the dates 
of the deaths of Margery Janney and some of her sons and 
their wives not to be found, but also the names and dates of 
birth and death of several of her grandchildren. 

Thomas and Margery (Heath) Janney had six children, 
whose names and dates of birth are entered in several books 
of the meetings composing the Quarterly Meeting ot 
Cheshire and Staffordshire ; the birth of the youngest son, 
Joseph, being recorded in one of these books as John, and 
the death of the elder daughter, Martha, being recorded in 
one as Mary. Their two daughters died in infancy, and 
their four sons accompanied them to America, where they 
married into families which were then among the most 
prominent in Pennsylvania and Jersey. 

Children. 1 

1. Jacob Janney, b. Pownall Fee, Cheshire, 3d mo. 18, 1662, bur. 
Bucks Co., Pa., 8th mo. 6, 1708 (will proved Oct. 15, 1708, Phila. 
Wills, C, 137), m. Falls Mtg., Pa., 10th mo. 26, 1705, Mary Hough, b. 
Bucks Co., Pa., 7th mo. 6, 1684, d. there 11th mo. 21, 1711/12, dau. 
of John and Hannah Hough {Our Family Ancestors, p. 234). They had 
only one child, Thomas, b. Bucks Co., Pa., 12th mo. 27, 1707/8, d. 
there 4th mo. 8, 1788 (will proved Apr. 24, 1788, Bucks Co. Wills, 5, 
88), m. Wrightstown Mtg., Pa., 10th mo. 28, 1732, Martha Mitchell, 
b. 1709, d. 9th mo. 19, 1785, dau. of Henry and Sarah (Gove) Mitchell. 
After the death of Jacob Janney his widow, Mary, m. My 3d mo. 2, 
1710, at Falls Mtg., Pa., John Fisher, and had one child, Mary, b. 1st 



1 When specific date3 of births and deaths are given below they are 
taken from records of the Friends' Meeting to which the person then 
belonged, with the following four exceptions, which are taken from 
family records, — viz., (1) deaths of Thomas Janney and his wife Martha, 
nee Mitchell ; (2) birth of "Rebecca Janney, afterwards Poole ; (3) birth 
and death of Jacob Janney, son of Abel ; London Grove Quarterly 
Meeting records say "our ancient friend Jacob Janney of Duck Creek, 
a minister, deceased the 26th 4th mo. 1783 about 60 yrs. of age" [?] ; 
(4) death of Jacob Janney, son of Joseph, and birth and death of his 
wife Hannah, nee Inglesdew. Goo3e Creek Monthly Meeting records say 
Jacob was bur. 9th mo. 5, 1786. 



Thomas Janney , Provincial Councillor. 235 

mo. 28, 1711, m. WrightstoWa Mtg., Pa., 1st mo. 17, 1740, John 
Butler (Our Family Ancestors, p. 227). 

In 169S Jacob Janney, Thomas Janney, John Stackhouse, and others 
were members of a jury, afterwards termed the " Hustle Cap Jury," who 
were fined £2 10s. for casting lots as a method of arriving at a verdict 
in a case. In 1704 Jacob Jauney and others were appointed to assist 
Elizabeth Brock to settle her deceased husband's estate. 

2. Martha Janney, b. Cheadle, Cheshire, 5th mo. 17, 16G5, d. Cheadle 
Holme, Cheshire, 12th mc. 4, 1665/0, bur. Friends' burial-ground, Mob- 
berley, Cheshire. 

3. Elizabeth Janney, b. Pownall Fee, Cheshire, 11th mo. 15, 1666/7, 
d. there 11th mo. 17, 1666/7, bur. Friends' burial-ground, Mobberley, 
Cheshire. 

4. Thomas Janney, b. Pownall Fee, Cheshire, 12th mo. 5, 1667/8, 

d , , m. Bucks Co., Pa., 1697 (authorized by Falls Mo. Mtg., 

9th mo. 3, 1697), Rachel Pownall, b. Cheshire, , d. after 3d mo. 

5, 1742, dau. of George and Eleanor Pownall, {Early Settlers of Solebury, 
pp. 5, Appen. 1). They had at least four children, viz. : (1) Henry, b. 
Bucks Co., Pa., 4th mo. 20, 1699. (2) Sarah, b. Bucks Co., Pa., 8th 
mo. 26, 1700, m. 1722 (authorized by Falls Mo. Mtg., 1st mo. 7, 
1722), Thomas Pugh. (3) Mary, m. 1725 (authorized by Falls Mo. 
Mtg., 4th mo. 2, 1725), Thomas Routledge, b. Bucks Co., Pa., 2d mo. 
14, 1702, son of John and Margaret (Dalton) Routledge. (4) Abel, d. 

1748. m. , Elizabeth . A marriage license was issued in 

New Jersey, June 5, 1740, for Abel Janney, of Maidenhead, New 
Jersey, and Elizabeth Biles, of Bucks Co., Pa. It is not certain 
whether this Abel or his cousin Abel, the son of Abel and Elizabeth 
(Stacy) Janney, married Elizabeth Biles (Pa. Mag. Hist. a:sd Biog., 
vol. xxvi. p. 358), though probably this Abel, whose wife Elizabeth 
joined Middletown Mo. Mtg. in 1745, and in 5th mo., 1746, both of 
whom went to Virginia. On 4th mo. 25, 1748, they received from 
Fairfax Mo. Mtg., Va., a certificate of removal to Middletown Mo. 
Mtg., Pa. ; but he died before it was presented there, 9th mo. 3, 1748 
{Publications So. Hist. Assoc, vol. v. p. 481). Less is known in regard to 
the children of Thomas and Rachel Janney than in regard to their cousins. 

Thomas Janney was disowned by Falls Mo. Mtg. 6th mo. 4, 1731, 
after which date nothing is known concerning him. 

5. Abel Janney, b. Mobberley, Cheshire, 10th mo. 29, 1671, d. 

, , m. New Jersey, 1700 (authorized by Chesterfield Mo. Mtg., 

1st mo. 7, 1700), Elizabeth Stacy, 6. Dorehouse, Yorkshire, 8th mo. 17, 
1673, d. , , dau. of Mahlon 1 and Rebecca (Ely) Stacy. They 

1 For pedigree of Mahlon Stacy, see Hunter's History of Eallamshire, 
p. 488 ; Harleian Society's Familice Minorum Gentium, vol. iv. p. 1209. 



236 Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 

had seven children, order of birth uncertain, viz. : (1) Amos, 1 b. Bucks 
Co., Pa., 11th mo. 15, 1701/2, d. Fairfax Co., Va., 1747, m. 1727/8 
(authorized by Falls Mo. Mtg., 12th mo. 7, 1727, S), Mary Yardley, b. 
Bucks Co., Pa., 8th mo. 4, 1707, d. Loudoun Co., Va., 17G7 (will 
proved Aug. 10, 1767, Loudoun Co. Wills. A, 109), dau. of Thomas and 
Ann (Biles) Yardley. On 8th mo. 2, 1733, Amos " Jenney" and wife 
received from Falls Mo. Mtg. a certificate of removal, being then in Vir- 
ginia, which 6th mo. 17, 1734, was presented to Nottingham Mo. Mtg., 
Cecil Co., Md., the nearest meeting to his new home. (2) Kebeckah, 

b. Bucks Co., Pa., 0th mo. 9, 1702, d. Wilmington, Del., , m. 

[Middletown Mtg.?] Pa., , Joseph Poole, b. Cumberland, England, 

1704, d. Bucks Co., Pa., 1762, son of William and Jeannot (Twentyman) 
Poole {Genealogy Sharpless Family, p. 271). (3) Mahlon, b. Bucks Co., 
Pa,, 2d mo. 18, 1700. (4) Thomas, m. Bucks Co., Pa., 1735 (authorized 
by Falls Mo. Mtg., 3d mo. 7, 1735), Hannah Biles, dau. of W r illiam and 
Sarah (Langhorne) Biles (Pa. Mag. Hist, and Biog., vol xxvi. p. 359). 
(5) Jacob, b. Bucks Co., Pa., 4th mo. 10, 1710, d. Delaware, 11th mo. 
14, 1782,?/?. Kennot Mtg., Pa., 6th mo. 13, 1740, Elizabeth Levis, b. 
8th mo. 30, 1721, d. 11th mo. 3, 1770, dau. of William and Elizabeth 
(Reed) Levis {Hist. Chester Co., Pa., p. 628). Jacob was a prominent 

minister. (6) Abel, m. 1st before 5th mo. 7, 1742, -, and 9th mo. 

3, 1742, was reported as "being gone to Pertomock." March 17, 1741, 
he had obtained a grant of G4G acres of land on Goose Creek, Prince 
William Co., Va., but 2d mo. 3, 1745, had again returned to Penna.,and 
in 1752 and 1753 obtained a license to keep a tavern in Ridley township, 
Chester Co., Pa.; he m. 2ly Swedes' Church, Phila., March 31, 1755, 
Elizabeth Maridith, who d. Loudoun Co., Va., 12th mo., 1797. It is 
possible that Abel's first wife was Elizabeth Biles, for, as her parents 
were Friends, it would not seem necessary for her to join the Society 
after marriage, as the w T ife of Thomas and Eachel Janney's son Abel 
did. (7) Elizabeth, m. 1st Middletown Mtg., 10th mo. 22, 1737, John 
Stackhouse, b. 3d mo. 11, 1708, d. 7th mo. 23, 1743, son of John and 
Elizabeth (Pearson) Stackhouse {Our Family Ancestors, p. 285); m. 
2ly Christ Church, Phila., Jany. 21, 1745, David Wilson, b. 11th mo. 
24, 1721, son of David and Grace (Stackhouse) Wilson. 

Abel Janney was the most prominent of the children of Thomas and 
Margery Janney in both religious and civil affairs. He was a Justice 



1 Both the "Janney Tree" and the Yardley Genealogy erroneously 
describe Amos as the son of Joseph and Rebecca (Biles) Janney. See 
Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 7,fol. 37, where he describes himself in 1743 as 
"eldest son and heir of Elizabeth Janney, sister and co-heir of Mahlon 
Stacy," etc. Yardley Genealogy. , p. 23, gives date of Amos' s death as 
1758, and of his marriage as 12th mo. 30 [sic], 1727/8. 



Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor. 237 

of the Peace 1708 and 1710, and a member of Assembly 1710 and 1721 
(Fa. Arch., 2d sen, vol. ix. pp. 744, 745. 755, 757). 

G. Joseph Janney, b. Pownall Fee, Cheshire. 1st mo. 26, 1675/6, d. 
Penna., abt. 1729, m. Falls Mtg., Fa., 6th mo. IS, 170:;, Rebeekah 

Biles, b. Penna., 10th mo. 27, 1GS0, d. there , dau. of William and 

Johannah Biles. 1 They had six children, viz. : (1) Martha, m. Nt w 
Jersey, Nov., 1732, Nicholas Parker, of Bucks Co., Pa., and after his 
death she moved to Fairfax Co., Va. (2) Ann, d. Bucks Co., Pa., prior 
to 1729. (3) Abel, d. Loudoun Co., Va., 1774 (will proved Nov. 14, 
.1774, Loudoun Co. Wills, B, 98), m. Falls Mtg., Pa., S:h mo. 2, 1733, 
Sarah Baker, b. 10th mo. 9, 1712, dau. of Samuel 3 and Rachel (Warder) 
Baker. On 7th mo. 1, 1752, Falls Mo. Mtg. issued a certificate of re- 
moval to Abel Janney, wife and family, which was presented to Fairfax 
Mo. Mtg., Va., 8th mo. 29, 1752. (4) William, d. Loudoun Co., Va., 
1791 (will proved Sept, 12, 1791, Loudoun Co. Wills, 1), 195), m. 
Falls Mtg., Pa., 7th mo. 26, 1739, Elizabeth Moon, b. 10th mo. 10, 
1719, dau. of Roger and Ann (Nutt) Moon. William Janney arid 
family removed to Virginia prior to 1758, probably in 174G. (5) Jacob, 
d. Loudoun Co., Va., Sth mo. 3, 17S6 (will proved Oct. 9, 17 So, 
Loudoun Co. Wills, C, 223), m. Falls Mrg., Pa., 3d mo. 20, 1742, 
Hannah Inglesdew, b. Phila., 5th mo. 9, 1725, d. Loudoun Co., Va., 2d 
mo. 23, 1818, dau. of Blakeston and Margaret Inglesdew (AmeHcan 
Ancestry, vol. xi. p. 117). On Sth mo. 5, 1743, Fails Mo. Mtg. issued 
a certificate of removal to "Hopewell Mtg. in Fairfax Co., Va.," for 
Jacob Janney and wife. Hannah became a prominent Elder. (6) 
Sarah, d. Loudoun Co., Va., after 1797, m. before 9th mo. 3, 1742, 
John Hough, b. Bucks Co., Pa., 11th moT 3, 1720, d. Loudoun Co., 
Va., 1797 (will proved Apr. 10, 1797, Loudoun Co. Wills, E, 280). son 
of John 3 and Elizabeth (Taylor) Hough. On 12th mo. 2, 1742, John 
and wife requested a certificate of removal from Falls to Newark Mo. 
Mtg., which was produced there 11th mo. 7, 1743/4, whence 5th mo. 
14, 1744, they obtained a certificate to Hopewell Mo. Mtg., Va. 

Less is known in regard to Joseph Janney than concerning any of 
the children of Thomas and Margery Janney. A petition filed in the 
Orphans' Court of Bucks Co., March 11, 1733/4, by Nicholas and 
Martha Parker states that Joseph had died about five years previously 
without having made a will, and " left a considerable Personall Estate" 
and "died seized of a Messuage & Plantation in Makefield" township. 

1 For account of William Biles, see author's article in Pa. Mag. 
Hist, and Biog., vol. xxvi. pp. 58, 192, 348. 

1 For account of Samuel Baker, see author's article in Publications ;>j. 
Hist. Assoc, vol. v. pp. 388, 477. 

8 Son of Richard Hough, for account of whom see Pa. Mag. Hlst. 
and Biog., vol. xviii. pp. 20-34. 



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248 



Notes and Queries, 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 



Botes. 



Captures made by the U. S. Private Schooner Perry, Capt. 
Jonx Coleman, 1814. 
Report of Prisoners brought into the Port of Little Egg Harbour by 
the Private armed Vessel called the Perry whereof John Coleman is 
Master. 

The Perry numbered five guns and was commissioned in Philadelphia. 
Names of the Prisoners captured in H. B. Majesty's Schooner Ballo- 
hou, June 20, 1814 : 

Lieutenant and Commander. 

Francis Little. 



William Wright 



Gilbert James 
Duncan M c Pherson 
James Brown 
Edward Butler 
John Baptist 
John Nagle 



Midshipmen. 

Carpenter's Mate. 
George Howard. 



Henry Jones. 



Seamen. 



Joseph Burton 
John Shaw 
John Clark 
John Bailey 
James Musgrove. 



Names of the Prisoners captured in The Fanny, June 25, 1814. 

Supercargo. 
William Kingston. 

First Officer. 
Francis Roach. 

Seamen. 



Jacob Monson 
Peter Cullen 
James Cain 
William Murphy 
William Evans 



Michael Delany 
Stephen Derolado 
James Keating 
Nicholas Stafford. 



Dr. Benjamin Rush's Account of his Attendance at the In- 
vestigations into the Efficiency of the Medical Depart- 
ment of the Army in Charge of D r William Shippen. — 

1780, March 14. — Set off to attend as a witness at D r Shippen's tryal 
at Momstown [New Jersey] ; lodged the first at Morven. 

March 15. — Reached Mr. Elias Boudinot's at Baskenridge. 

March 16. — Arrived at Morristown ; dined at Gen. Greene's and lodged 



Notes and Queries. 240 

at Mr. Caraiiehael's. The Court being adjourned returned to Basken- 
ridge on the 17th. ; dined on my way at Maj r Brice's q r ' at Mr. FCemble's. 

March IS. — Breakfasted and dined with D r Brown, 2 miles fr'.rn Mr. 
Boudinot's. Drank tea with Mr. P. Y. B. Livingston's family, after 
paying my respects to Lord Stirling, who lived under y e same roof w 1 * 
them. 

March 19. — Went to church and heard an excellent sermon from the 
Rev. Mr. Kennady. 

March 20. — Returned to Morristown. Spent one hour in giving my 
evidence. Dined w th Gen 1 Washington. The General uncommonly 
cheerful — talked chiefly of the affairs of Ireland. 

March 21. — Spent live hours in giving my evidence— dined with D* 
Cochran. 

March 22. — Spent five hours and a half in giving evidence and 
answering questions. Dined w tb General Greene. Returned to Mr. 
Boudinot's. 

March 23. — Came to Morven. 

March 24. — Returned to Philadelphia. 

Coffins for Hospital at Lancaster. — This to Certify that I 



7 



delivered to the Hospital in Lancaster 120 coffins from Octob. 6 lh 3 
to Feb? 9th— 32 in Dec r 1777 and 33 in Jan? 1778. 

George Burckiiart. 

FebT 12, 1778. 

Aubrey Notes. — Lady Elizabeth Aubrey, daughter of Sir John 
Aubrey and Marie his wife, was baptized on the 23d day of May, 161."), 
in the Parish of Llantritlryd, Wales. Sir John Richardson, of England, 
married Lady Elizabeth Aubrey (date unknown) ; they emigrated to the 
island of Jamaica, a good part of which they owned. After the earth- 
quake of 1692 the family came to America. Their son, Joseph Richard- 
son, married Elizabeth Bevan. 

List of Friends' Meeting Records with Names of those, in 
Charge. Compiled by H. E. Wallace, Jr. Friends' Library, Six- 
teenth Street above Cherry, Philadelphia. — 

Salem, N. J., from 1676, including Greenwich from 1785, and Al- 
loway's Creek from 1678. 

Woodbury, N. J., 17S3. 

Upper Greenwich, N. J., 1740. 

Pilesgrove, N. J. (Births and Deaths), 1756-1829. 

Haddonfield, N. J. (Marriages), 1695. 

Evesham, N. J., 1760. 

Upper Evesham, N. J., 1793. 

Chester, N. J., 1803. 

Chester, N. J., Women's Minutes, 1804-1831. 

Great Egg Harbor and Cape May, N. J., Births and Deaths, 1693- 
1841 ; Minutes, 1726. 

Concord, Pa., 1684, including Chichester Minutes, 1684-1800; Mar- 
riages, 1684. 

Goshen, Pa., 1721, including Newtown, Willistown, and Whiteland. 
^Gwynedd, Pa., 1714, including Richland prior to 1742; Providence, 
1714 ; Plymouth and Norristown. 



250 Notes and Queries. 

Horsham, Pa., Marriages, 1782-1813; 1814-1328. 

Philadelphia, Northern District. 

Burlington, N. J., 1678, including Rancoeas, Old Springfield, and 
Mansfield. 

Chesterfield, N. J., 1684, including Stonybrook, Amwell, Allentown, 
Trenton, and Bordentown. Copies of Births, Marriages, and Deaths, and 
originals of Minutes. (Other records in charge of Anna M. North, 
227" East State Street, Trenton, N. J.) 

Little Egg Harbor, N. J., 1715. 

Upper Springfield, N. J., 1783. 

Chester, Pa., 1681, including Providence, Springfield, and Middle- 
town. Henry Mendenhall, Media, Pa. 

Birmingham, Pa., including West Chester. Gilbert Cope, West 
Chester, Pa. 

Darby, Pa., 1684. Morgan Bunting, Darby, Pa. 

Philadelphia, Arch and Twelfth Streets, including Pine and Orange 
Streets. Geo. Scattergood, 119 South Fourth Street, Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia, Race Street, including Spruce. 

Radnor, Haverford, Merion, Pa. Friends' Book Store, Fifteenth and 
Race Streets, Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia, Green Street. James H. Atkinson, Morristown, N. J. 

Philadelphia, Frankford and German town. Edw. G. Rhoads, M.D., 
Germantown, Pa. 

Exeter, Reading, Pottsville, Pa. Jos. L. Bailey, Pine Iron Works, Pa. 

Mount Holly, X. J., 1776, including Vincentown. Chas. H. Engle, 
215 Garden Street, Mount Holly, N. J. Also Friends' Library, Six- 
teenth Street above Cherry, Philadelphia. 

Kiugwood, 1744, Quakertown. Laura W. Trout, Quakertown, N. J. 

Solebury, 1811. Eastburn Reeder, New Hope, Pa. 

Makefield, 1820, including Yardleyville. Barelav Evre, Doling- 
ton, Pa. 

Buckingham, 1720. Jos. E. Watson, Buckingham, Pa. 

Wrightstown, 1734. Horace T. Smith, Buckmanville, Pa. 

Middletown, or Neshaminy, 1683, including Bristol after 1788. Mary 
Bunting, Woodbourne, Bucks County, Pa. 

Falls, including Bristol prior to 1788. Marie Palmer, Newtown, 
Bucks County, Pa. 

Byberry, 1810. Hannah Richardson, Torresdale, Pa. 

Richland. Edw. Shaw, Quakertown, Pa. 

Abington, 1683. Benj. F. Penrose, Ogontz, Pa. 

Horsham, 17S2, including N. Dublin, Warminster, Whitemarsh. 
Anna Moore, Hatboro, Montgomery County, Pa. 

Hardwick. Margaret F. Vail, 208 Church Street, Plainfield, N. J. 
(Hardwick records may be inspected Wednesday afternoon by appoint- 
ment.) 

Taylor Records, copied from the Bible in the Library of the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania. — 

Benjamin Taylor was born the 24 th of y e 10 th month, 1751, O. S. 

Elizabeth Taylor was born y e 27 th day of y* &' h month, 1751, O. S.,and 
departed this life the 14 th of 1 st mo. 1811 aged 59 years 3 mo. & 13 days. 

Mary Taylor Daughter of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the 
29 th of y 9 7 th month, 1773, and Departed this life the' 20 lh Day of the 
5 tu month, 1798. 



JS 7 otes and Queries. 251 

John Taylor sou of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the 12'-* 
of v e 12 th month, 1774, and Departed this life the U yt of y 8 th month 
1776. 

Samuel Taylor son of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the ,0 U 
day of y e 11 th month, 1776, departed this life 4 th mo. 1814. 

Charles Taylor con of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor v. as born the 17 b 
of y e 7 th month, 1779, departed this life the 8 th day of 5 ,u mo, 1829. 

Lydia Taylor Daughter of Benjamiu'& Elizabeth Taylor was born the 
ll th *of y e 5 th month, 1781. 

Ann Taylor Daughter of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the 
23 tJ day of the 12 th month, 1783. 

Bernard Tavlor son of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the 
27 th of y e 9 th month, 1786. 

Betsey Taylor Daughter of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the 
25 th Day of the 11 th month, 1788. 

Mahlon Taylor son of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the 4** 
Day of y e 6 th "month, 1791. 

Benjamin Taylor son of Benjamin & Elizabeth Taylor was born the 
7 lU of the 3 rd month, 1793. 

David Barton Taylor son of Benjamin & Elizabeth Tavlor was born 
the 29 th of y e 1 st month, 1795. 

Elizabeth Taylor wife of Benjamin Taylor departed this life the 14 ia 
day of the 1 st mo. 1811 in the 59 th year of her age and on the 17^ her 
body was intered in Makefield Burying ground, attended by a Respectable 
Number of Relatives & Friends. 

Benjamin Taylor Husband of Elizabeth and Ann Taylor departed 
this life the 11 th day of the 7 mo. 1832 aged eighty years eight months 
& seventeen days. 

Ann Beans was born the 22 nd day of the 10 th mo. A.D. 1766. 

Henry B. Tavlor son of Benj Q and Eebecca Taylor was born the 13 th 
of the 9 mo. 1818. 

Hannah Ann Taylor Daughter of Benj n and Rebecca Taylor was born 
the 15 th of 3 mo. 1820. 

Hannah Ann Taylor Daughter of Benj a and Rebecca Taylor De- 
parted this life 29 th of 10 mo. 1821. 

Rebecca Taylor wife of Benjamin Taylor departed this life the 14*'* 
day of the 6 th mo. 1863 Aged 71 years 10 months and 21 days. 

Benjamin Taylor son of Benjamin & Eliz th Taylor departed this life 
the •27 th day of 9 th mo. 1876, aged 83 years 6 months and 16 days. 
• Henry B. Taylor son of Benj. & Rebecca Taylor departed this life 3 
month 29 th 1898, aged 79 years 5 months and 16 days. 

Letter of Thomas Jefferson, 1801. — 

Washington, March '24th, IS01. 
I received in due time your favor of February 6th but never till now 
have had a moment of leisure to make you my acknowledgment for the 
permission to use your invention. My nailers are employed hammering 
nails except one cutter for four pennies only, our neighborhood re- 
quiring no other cut nails, so that it is but a small business with me. 
Still, I like to see even small things done to the best advantage. 1 am 
not certain that I perfectly understand the manner of making the vice 
for holding and pushing up the hoop iron, though I have some idea ol 
it, and you do not mention whether you cut your hoop cold or warm. 



252 Notes and Queries. 

I cut it warm in which case the frequent changes necessary would waste 
time. Perhaps you can add to your former favor by taking time to 
drop me a line of information on this subject which will be thankfully 
received by 

sir 
Your humble servant 

Thomas Jefferson. 
To 

Mr. Thomas Perkins, 

Xaaman's Creek Mills. 

Letter of Attorney from Dominica, James Woodbeidge & 
others, Shippers of Produce on Board the Ship Resolution to 
>1. O'Brien.— 

To All to whom these presents shall Come James Woodbridge Esqr 
and Richard Neave E^qr., by their Attorney Thomas Eainey of the 
Island of Dominica Esqr. John Murray of the said Island of 
Dominica Esqr Surviving Partner of Alexander Henderson late of 
the Said Island E-qr deceased Samuel Somerville of the Said Island 
of Dominica Planter, James Mason of the said Island of Dominica 
Esqr in Ids own right and for his Partner in Trade, Kender Mason 
Esqr Trading under the Firm of James Mason and Company, the 
said James Mason in his own Right and for his Partners in Trade Lang- 
ford Lovell and the said Kender Mason, Trading under the Firm of 
Lovell Mason and Company, the said Langford Lovell by his Attorney 
the said James Mason, Michael White Esqr by his Attorney the said 
James Mason, the (said) Langford Lovell as Executor of Christopher 
Hodge Esqr deceased by his Attorney the said James Mason, William 
Mason Esqr, William Lindley Esqr and Thos. Grey and W T addle Cun- 
yngham Esqrs by the said James Mason there Attorney the said James 
Mason and Robert Vance of the said Island of Dominica Esquires here- 
tofore Trading under the firm of Mason and Vance, the said Robert 
Vance, James Mason and Kinder Mason Trading under the Firm of 
Vance and Company and the said Robert Vance in his own right and 
as Attorney to Jasper Smith Esqr, John Townson and Robert Loisle 
Merchant and Partners by their Attorneys Hugh Tran and Said Hugli 
Tran in his own Right and as Attorney to John Tordyce Merchant and 
Alexander Glenny of the said Island of Dominica Planter, all Capitu- 
lants of the Island of Dominica and Shippers of Produce on board the 
Ship Resolution W r hereof Lammert Jans Wadderberg was Master bound 
from the said Island of Dominica to Amsterdam, Send Greeting. 
Whereas the said Ship Resolution "Whereof Lammert Jans Waterberger 
was Master did on or about the Seventh day of March now Last past 
Leave the Port of Residne in the said Island of Dominica, Laden with 
Sugar and other Produce the Property of the before mentioned Persons 
bound for the Port of Amsterdam in Holland attended with full and 
ample Certificates of such Lading being their Property together with a 
Copy of the Caputilations of the said Island of Dominica when the 
same was taken by the Forces of his Most Christian Majesty al?o a copy 
of his Britanick Majestys Order in Council allowing for a limited time 
the Ships and Vessels of the Subjects of their high Mightinesses the 
States General of the United Provinces of Holland to Cam' and Trans- 
port the Produce of the Island of Grenada the Grenadians. Saint Vin- 



Notes and Queries. 253 

m tft ami Dominica the Property of Capitulants to Holland, And Whereas 
the "-iid Ship Resolution in Proceeding upon her said intended voy'pe 
was on the Twenty Eighth day of the said Month of March Illegally 
taken and Captured by the Private Ship of War called the Earl of 
Comwallis Wherof one Henry Davidson was Commander. And the 
Said Henry Davidson did pur on board the said Ship Resolution several 
of the Crew of the said Ship of War Earl of Cornwallis with orders to 
Carry the said Ship Resolution to New York or South Carolina in 
North America, And Whereas the Said Ship Resolution in Proceeding 
to North America was taken and Captured by the American Brigantine 
called the Arial, whereof Peter Miller was Master and owned by Robert 
Morris, Samuel Inglis and William Bingham and others of the City of 
Philadelphia in the State of Pennsylvania in North America Esqrs., 
And the said Ship Resolution was Carried to Philadelphia aforesaid And 
there Libelled as Lawful Prize to the Captors and it was so Proceeded 
upon in the Court of Admiralty of Pennsylvania aforesaid, That the 
said Ship Resolution be Restored to her Owners and the Cargo Ladon on 
bord the said Ship Be forfeited and divided Agreeable to the Prayer of 
tht" Liber. And upon an appeal to the Court of Appeal it was Con- 
sidered and finally adjudged and decreed that the Sentence or decree of 
the Court of Admiralty of the State of Pennsylvania passed in the Said 
Cause so far as the same Related to the Cargo of the said Ship Resolu- 
tion be and the Same was thereby in all its Parts Revoked reversed and 
annulled. Nov,- Know Ye, that the said Constituents in their Respective 
Capacities aforesaid Have and each of them Hath made Ordained and 
Constituted and Appointed and by these presents do and each of them 
make ordain constitute and Appoint Michael Morgan O'Brien of the 
said City of Philadelphia, Merchant, to be their true and lawful 
Attorney. 

Signed January 4, 1782. In the presence of, 
Are. Shaw, 

Chief Justice of Dominica. 
Thos. Pryor. 

Certified to by Louis Gabriel de Beaupuy, Lieutenant for the King of 
the Island of Dominica and Commander in Chief in the absence of 
Mons r Marqus Duchellew, Governor of the Said Island. January 5, 1782. 

Partial list of the Crew of the Brig Ariel, Peter Miller, Captain, who 
pave Power of Attorney to Hugh McCahen and J. Rowan, Mch 
16* 1781. 

Samuel Hendrickson Christopher Thompson 

James Buchanan Arthur Owen 

Adam Hamilton John Butler 

Daniel Sharp John Christopher 

Henry O'Harra Robert Finney 

Henry Reib Hendrick Armer 

Francis Reily Richard Williamson 

Wm. McCowan James Horri3on 

Geo. Thomson John Narraway 

Charles Druncn (?) John Brodly 

Thomas Henry William Henry 

John Hay Jacob Seise. 



254 Notes and Queries. 

Ration-Pay Roll of the Northumberland County Mili- 
tia. — Mr. William G. Stanard, Corresponding Secretary and Librarian 
of the Virginia Historical Society, has donated the original "Just Pay 
Roll of Rations agreeable to the monthly Pay Roll delivered to Mr. 
Jordan, Paymaster for Northumberland County, commencing May loth 
1778 and ending June 20th." The following is the list of officers and 
privates on the roll : 

Col. Cookson Long, Privates Robert Fleming, Jr., 

Lieut. Robert Richy, " Sam 1 Fleming, 

" Clary Campbell, " John Fleming, Jr., 

Ensign John Reed, " William Campbell, 

« -yym Ree^ « George Long, 

" James Ling, " Tho s McFadden, 

Alex. Reed, " W m McFadden, 

Privates David Hannah, " Joseph McFadden, 

" ■ Fleming, " Edw. Ricky, 

" James Reed, " Robt. Fleming Esq., 

" W m Reed, Sen r , " W m Dennis, Sen r , 

" John Price, Sen T , " Daniel Devore, 

" John Price, Jr., " David Devore, 

" Frederick Hiner, " W.Crawford. 

Letter of Abeam Tayloe, Provincial Councillor, to John 
White, in London. — 

DEAR SIR Philadelphia 4 th Decern'- 1743. 

This is intended to go <$ Stephenson, who I am told will sail tomorrow, 
tho' no mortal imagined he would go these ten days ; but a sharp spell of 
Weather being suddenly come on is the cause of this speedy resolution. 

I have about £900. This Currency by me which I have been endeavour- 
ing to get Bills for, but have not succeded, so that I have come to a 
resolution to send you the value of four or five hundred pounds stg. in 
mill'd $8/8 If Till had complied with his Bargain, I had not disap- 
pointed you so long. 

I am much concern'd at the uneasiness you express about living in 
England, and that you regret the Expense you have been already at. 
Why will you be anxious about trifles ? We have between us enough 
left to enable us both to live as comfortably as ever. We were made to 
live together in this World and ought never to have liv'd assunder. 
While I have two pounds you shall be welcome to One, which will be 
more to me with your Company than Ten Thousand without it. If you 
have any thoughts of coming over, and are of Opinion it may be to 
your advantage, as I think it may, without keeping you here for life. 
What better reason need be given (if there be a necessity for giving any) 
than that of setling your Nephew? This, in case any Accident shou'd 
happen to you, which God forbid, will be giving him a Credit and support- 
ing him in it ; will Qualify and enable him to do something for himself and 
consequently ease you a great deal. And when his Brother is a little 
advanced, he may be joined to him, and between them, may contribute 
very much to your happiness as well as Improve their own fortunes. 

I am very much surprised at Ryder's [Attorney-General] Opinion of 
Fretwell's Right. It was always the Opinion of all the Lawyers in 
America who understood any thing of the manner of taking up Lands 
that a Warrant is a Deed or Grant and always proves a Covenant or 
Agreement, but there is still a much stronger circumstance of an agreenr 



Nofcs and Queries. 255 

by the Obligation & Memoranda underneath, which were not only reg- 
ularly deliver'*! and accepted for Pay, but the day utter were by the 
Commissioners put upon Record and remain so in the Rolls office to thia 
day, clear and undefaeed as the Warrants themselves, and the Record of 
them are in the Surveyor Generals, so that if there had been any con- 
sent to Vacate the Agreenr these would not have stood uncancelled. 
And it is said here, it will be necessary for Mess" Penna to show the 
Fretwcll's consent to Cancell or make it void, but that cannot be done 
for the Obligation &c were delivered up to Fretwell's Executors, and r I 
have a letter in my hands that mentions the Goods and the Persons they 
were bo* of in order to Pay for the Land. If it be objected that the 
Right ceases by the length of time, then all the Old Rights in thia 
Province, as well as those of Maryland & the Jerseys, must be bad, 
which no body will venture to say on this side of the Water. In a 
word, Fretwell's death, w cb was ab l two years after, and his leaving a 
young Son, either careless or not capable of looking after these things, 
was the sole cause of its being delay 'd so long ; whether that will bar 
the Right of the Heirs, I am unable to determine. 

I cannot say anything about Beasly's Right yet, tho' I find his Name 
in the Map of the Province, and if he has any Land, it is somewhere 
towards Farmers. I have had no answer ab l Lee's, but will write you 
very soon about both. I have enquired ab l Page's Land and find he 
has two tracts, one of 1500 and the other of 2723 acres, in Bucks, upon 
a Western Branch of Delaware. It will be worth buying, as any land 
will at the rate of Ten pounds a hundred acres, if it has been taken up 
or located, else not. Whatever you can agree for, if you will Interest" 
me one half I'll make good the Ingagement, and if they will take 
Bonds for a year, I would have you go as far as five or Six thousand 
pounds. I make no doubt but we may make more money that way 
than by English Goods, w^ are ten times worse than ever. 3/4 tcrs ot 
mine lye unsold and the Hats and blankets moth eaten. I'll engage 
with you in any thing else you may propose, but of them and the Pay 
for them, I have really a Surfeit, tho' I think if any Man breathing can 
make advantage of them, you can. 

I have got a bill for £200 Stg. w ch I must put up in another cover, 
being obliged to conclude this w th all Our Loves to you, Your Nephews 
and Mr & Mrs Bedford, to whom make my Wife's & Jack's compli- 
ments for the Gown and desire him to excuse my not writing for a few 
days. I am, 

Dear Sir, 

Your most affectionate 

and sincere ffriend &c, 

Abeam Taylor. 
Queries. 

Coxwell — Fisher. — " Yeates Conwell and Rebekah Fisher, his 
wife, arrived in Delaware Bay, and cast anchor at Reedy Island April 15, 
1600," reads the ancient record in the Bible. I believe they became resi- 
dents of Lewes, Delaware. Information is solicited. 
Washington, D. C. ROBERT CONWELL. 

Inskeep. — Wanted, the names and addresses of those who are related 
to the Inskeep family of New Jersey. 
450$ Springfield Avenue, Philadelphia. H. E. WALLACE, Jr. 



256 Notes and Queries. 



TRepltcs. 

IIoopes (Penna. Mag., Vol. XXVII. page 126). — Grace Hoopes's 
daughter Grace became the first wife of my progenitor, John Rowland, of 
Tredyflrin Township, Chester County, Pennsylvania. She was a mem- 
ber of Goshen Meeting of Friends, and for her marriage contrary to the 
discipline of that Society made acknowledgment December 20, 1743. 
John Rowland was one of the incorporators and also one of the account- 
ing wardens of St. Peter's Protestant Episcopal Church, Great Valley, 
Chester County. 

John and Grace Hoopes had one child, a daughter, Susannah, born 
September IS, 1743, who died in early life. John Hoopes married a 
second time, in May of 1747, and by this marriage had another daughter, 
Susannah, who was born November 17, 1766. It is evident that Grace 
died prior to that date. 



Henry J. Rowland. 



3Boofe Notices. 



The Warren, Jackson, and Allied Families, being the An- 
cestry of Jesse Warren and Betsey Jackson. By Betsey 
Warren Davis. Philadelphia, 1903. 4to, pp. 207. Printed for 
private circulation by J. B. Lippincott Co. 
The compilation of this work has required energy and painstaking 
effort. It is finely illustrated, printed on excellent paper, and one of 
the most attractive genealogies that has recently come under our notice. 
The allied families under the ancestry of Jesse Warren are the Moors, 
Fletcher, Thorndike, Stratton, Patch, Parker, Spalding, Jefts, Butter- 
field, Underwood, Ober, Wheeler, Merriam, Richardson, Larkin, Hale, 
Morgan, Norraan, Willard, Howard, Woodbury, Paulsgrave, and Dixey ; 
under the ancestry of Betsey Jackson, the families of Pierce, Darby, 
Greenwood, Comee, Munroe, Trowbridge, Conant, Walton, Smith, Porter, 
Grant, Ward, Atherton, and Mansfield. 

Year-Book of the Pennsylvania Society. New York, 1903. 8vo, 
pp. 208. 
We have received a copy of the Year-Book of the Pennsylvania 
Society in New York, edited by Barr Ferree, Secretary of the Society. 
In addition to giving an account of the work of the Society, it contains 
much historical matter relating to Pennsylvania, the interest of which 
is enhanced by copious illustrations. The Sociery was organized in 
1899, and has a membership of upward of five hundred. 

Stories of Old New Haven. — The Abbey Press, of 114 Fifth 
Avenue, New York City, will shortly publish an illustrated book of 
considerable historical interest, entitled "Stories of Old New Haven.'' 
The author, Ernest H. Baldwin, Ph.D., is a lecturer in history at 
Yale University, and himself a native of New Haven. Being a de- 
scendant of one of the original settlers of Quinnipiac, he spent most 
of his life among the scenes which he describes. Dr. Baldwin has 
made many contributions to historical literature, among the most im- 
portant being the biography of " Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Poli- 
tician," which has appeared in this Magazine. 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OF 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XXYII. 1903. No. ?>. 



HOW THE NEWS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 
BEACHED PHILADELPHIA. 

On Monday, April 24, 1775, about five o'clock in the 
afternoon, an express rider arrived at the City Tavern, 
Philadelphia, from Trenton, New Jersey, with news of the 
affair at Lexington. It was too late in the day for the news 
to spread generally over the city, but by the next morning 
everybody knew of it, and, swayed by intense feelings, the 
people assembled in public meeting, as if by common con- 
sent, at the State-House. The time for organization, arm- 
ing, drill, and march had at last arrived ! 

The despatch for Philadelphia was prepared by the 
Committee of Watertown, "near 10 of the clock,'*' on the 
memorable morning of April 19, 1775, and was certified 
by the committees of the towns through which it passed : 
Worcester, Brooklyn, Norwich, New London, Lyme, Say- 
brook, Killingworth, East Guilford, Guilford, Branford, New 
Haven, Fairfield, New York, Elizabethtown, New Bruns- 
wick, Princeton, and Trenton. The express rider reached 
the latter town about 9 o'clock a.m., April 24, and was 
hurried on to Philadelphia. 

The facsimile of the original despatch in the Collection 
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, which follows, waa 
prepared by J. F. Sachse for the Pennsylvania Magazine, 
vol. xxvii.— 17 ( 257 ) 



258 Mow the Xews of Lexington reached Philadelphia. 



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How the News of Lexington reached Philadelphia. 259 









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260 How the flews of Lexington reached Philadelph 



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How the News of Lexington reached Philadelphia. 261 



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262 Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadicalader. 



SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF DR. THOMAS 
CADWALADEK. 1 

BY CHARLES WINSLOW DULLES, M.D. 

Among the distinguished men who adorned the medical 
profession of this country in its colonial days there is none 
more deserving of remembrance than Thomas Cadwalader. 
By his birth, by his personal qualities, by his attainments, 
by the private virtues and the public spirit that animated 
him, he was one of those to whom his countrymen of later 
generations may look back with pride and from whom 
they may draw inspiration. Were there no other tribute 
to his memory than that which that pioneer surgeon Dr. 
John Jones has placed in the preface of his little work — 
the first on a surgical subject to be published in i^orth 
America — entitled " Plain Concise Practical Remarks on 
the Treatment of Wounds and Fractures, Principally De- 
signed for the Use of Young Military and Xaval Surgeons 
in North- Am erica," published in 1775, this would suffice to 
establish the reputation in which he was held by those who 
knew him best. 

There are many references to Dr. Thomas Cadwalader in 
various historical essays and the official records of Pennsyl- 
vania and of New Jersey, — for he was at different times a 
distinguished citizen and a public officer of each of these 
provinces, — but no trustworthy account of his life has ever 
been published. The repetition by me 2 of an error origi- 
nating with a writer from whom many later ones have 
derived their material, and whose inaccuracy has not been 
generally understood, happily attracted the attention of his 

1 Read before the Historical Club of the Department of Medicine of 
the University of Pennsylvania. 

3 Dulles, Charles W. Medical Department of the University of Penn- 
sylvania. Medical Xews, May 4, 1901, p. 685. 



Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 263 

descendant, Dr. Charles E. Cadwalader, of this city, and 
was by him pointed out to me. This induced me to search 
after the facts necessary to fix the date at which were given 
those instructions and demonstrations in anatomy which 
were the first public instructions in anatomy given on this 
continent. Other details of the life of Dr. Thomas v Cad- 
walader soon engaged my attention, and I could not rest 
until I had formed what I thought was a correct notion 
of the principal events of his long and useful career. 
Warned by the effect upon others of the difficulties insepa- 
rable from such investigations, I have spared no pains in 
the endeavor to attain accuracy; but the sketch I have [.re- 
pared, being incidental only to other studies, makes no 
pretence to completeness ; it is only a tribute to a character 
that I have come to revere more, the more I have studied it. 

Thomas Cadwalader was the son of John Cadwalader, 
who came to Pennsylvania in 1699 with William Penn, on 
his second voyage to the Province, in the ship " Canter- 
bury." l He was grandson of that distinguished early set- 
tler, Dr. Edward Jones, and great-grandson of Dr. Thomas 
Wynne, William Penn's trusted friend and counsellor, who 
came over wufh him in the " Welcome" in 16 82. 

John Cadwalader came from Xorth Wales, and on 
December 26, 1699, the year of his arrival, he married 
Martha, daughter of Edward Jones and Mary Wynne. 2 
He was an influential and highly respected citizen, serving 
as a member of the Common Council of the city from No- 
vember, 1718, to January, 1733. 3 He died July 24, 1734, 
and his wife died April 16, 1747. 4 

1 Cooley. Early Settlers in Trenton and Ewing, "Old Hunterdon 
County," Trenton, New Jersey, 1883, p. 23. 

Archives of Xew Jersey, 1st series, vol. xi. p. 584, foot-note. 

Passages from the Life and Writings of William Penn, Philadelphia, 
1882, p. 458. 

3 Letter from Dr. C. E. Cadwalader. 

•Minutes of the Common Council of the City of Philadelphia, 1704- 
1776. Philadelphia, 1847, pp. 154, 330. 

4 Letter from Dr. C. E. Cadwalader. 



284 Sketch of the Life of Br. Thomas Cadwalader. 

Thomas Cadwalader was born in 1707 or 1708 (I can- 
not learn the exact day 1 ). He studied in the Friends' 
" Fublick" School, now the " Penn Charter'' School, and 
was afterwards apprenticed to his uncle, Dr. Evan Jones, at 
the age of eighteen years, — that is. in 1725 or 1726. This 
pupilage probably lasted for two years, for Dr. Evan Jones 
removed to New York about 1727. 2 

At this time, when he was nineteen or twenty years of 
age, his father sent him to England and France to com- 
plete his medical education. In France he is said to have 
studied at the University of Kheims, in England to have 
spent a year studying and dissecting under William Chesel- 
den, the distinguished anatomist and surgeon ; and then he 
returned, probably in 1730, to his native land. 3 In Phila- 
delphia he soon secured a large practice and became the 
associate of the most influential men in the town. 4 

Although this was a period when slavery existed in 
Philadelphia, and the cruel punishments of the pillory, the 
stocks, and the whipping-post — forced upon our tender- 
hearted ancestors by harsh British laws — were inflicted 
for various misdemeanors, when hanging was the penalty 
for house-breaking, horse-stealing, and counterfeiting, and 
when a woman was burned alive so near as Xew Castle, 

1 Wickes, Stephen. History of Medicine in New Jersey. Newark, 
New Jersey, 1879, p. 187. 

Letter from Dr. C. E. Cadwalader. 

Thomas Cadwalader died November 14, 1799, in the seventy-second 
year of his age. This would indicate that he was born after November 
14, 1707. Beyond this nothing certain is known. 

'Thacher, James. American Medical Biography, Boston, 1828, p. 
324. 

S I can find no warrant for the statement of Wickes, op. cit., p. 188, 
that he received a degree from the Royal College of Surgeons in Eng- 
land, as an examination of the records of that institution did not result 
in finding his name enrolled there. Letter from Dr. C. E. Cad- 
walader. 

* Mease, James. Surgical Works of the late John Jones, M.D., 
Philadelphia, 1795. Preface. 

Bazley, Francis. History of Trenton, New Jersey, 1895, pp. 36, 37. 



Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 205 

Delaware, for the murder of her husband, 1 it was also a 
time of great activity in public and humanitarian affairs, 
and the name of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader and that of his 
father occur repeatedly in connection with them. 

In 1730 there was what Watson describes as a "great 
mortality from the small-pox/' and he says, "The happy 
art of inoculation was first practised in Philadelphia in the 
year 1731; and the first person of note who then devoted 
himself as a forlorn hope for the purpose of example was 
J. Growden, Esq." 2 Caspar Morris sa} T s that in the year 
1731 inoculation with the virus of small-pox as a pre- 
ventive of accidental infection was " fairly introduced" in 
Philadelphia, and that about 1730 " Kearsley, Zachary, 
Cadwallader [sic] and Bond engaged in the practice." 3 

Dr. Cadwalader's connection w T ith this practice is not 
surprising, in view of the fact that when he was a student 
in England his attention must have been attracted to it, 
not only by what was being done there, but also by the 
honors paid to his countryman, Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, of 
Boston, who had introduced it in that town the same year 
in which it was first employed in Europe, and who, in 1720, 
published in England, where he was received with con- 
spicuous attention, an account of the practice in ]S T ew Eng- 
land. 4 

The next year Dr. Cadwalader was associated with 
Franklin and his other colleagues in the establishment of 
the Philadelphia Library, as is seen from the following 
quaint entry in the original records : 



1 Watson's Annals, 1830, pp. 259, 306. 

Letter from Dr. C. E. Cadwalader, in which he states that he has seen 
Dr. Thomas Cadwalader's name signed to documents' dated 1730. 

1 Watson's Annals, 1830, pp. G01, 602. 

8 Morris, Caspar. Contributions to the Medical History of Pennsyl- 
vania. Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1826, vol. i. 
p. 360. 

4 Boylston, Zabdiel. An Account of the Small-Pox inoculated in 
New England. 4to, pp. 62. London, 1726. 



266 Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadtcalader. 

Nov r 1731. The Minutes of me Joseph Breintnall, Secretary to the 
Directors of the Library Company of Philadelphia, with such of the 
Minutes of the same Directors as they order me to make. Begun the 
8 th Day of November 1731. By virtue of the Deed or Instrument of 
the said Company dated the first Day of July last. The said Instru- 
ment being compleated by fifty Subscriptions I subscribed my name to 
the following Summons or Notice, which Benjamin Franklin sent by a 
Messenger. Viz 

To 
Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Hopkinson 

William Parsons, Philip Syng Jun r 

Thomas Godfrey, Anthony Nicholas 

Thomas Cadwalader, John Jones Jun r 

Eobert Grace and Isaac Penington 

Gentlemen 

"The Subscription to the Library being compleated, You the Direc- 
tors in the Instrument are desired to meet this Evening at 5 o'Clock at 
the House of Nicholas Scull." 

Philad a 8 Nov r 1731. 

All were present "excepting I. Penington who came not." 

This fixes the fact that in 1731 Dr. Thomas Cadwalader 
was already a person of such character and position as to 
make him an associate of Franklin in so important a public 
enterprise. Furthermore, the records show that he occu- 
pied the position of a director of the library almost con- 
tinuously from 1731 until 1739, when, as we shall see, he 
became a citizen of Xew Jersey, and that, upon his return 
to Philadelphia, he was again a director, almost continu- 
ously, until a few years before his death, — that is, 1731-32, 
1733-39, 1752-69, 1773-74. 1 

That Dr. Thomas Cadwalader was a teacher of anatomy 
is established by the testimony of Dr. Caspar Wistar, whose 
acquaintance with the facts may be inferred from his having 
been a student under Dr. John Jones, Dr. Cadwaladers 
cousin and pupil, and under Dr. John Redman, his con- 
temporary and intimate. Dr. "Wistar says that Dr. Cad- 
walader, upon his return from Europe, " made dissections 

1 Catalogue of the Library Company of Philadelphia, vol. iii. p. xiv. 



Sketch of (he Life of Dr. Thomas Oadwalader. 2<>7 

and demonstrations for the instruction of the elder Doctor 
Shippcn and some others who had not been abroad." 1 

The date of these instructions was probably 1730, or 1~;'>1 
at the latest, because this was the time of his return from 
Europe, and a time when the "elder Dr. Shippen" J was 
eighteen or nineteen years old and engaged in his medical 
studies. The date of 1750-1752, hitherto generally given 
when figures have been used, rests entirely upon the error 
of a writer on this subject, whose acknowledgment of the 
mistake he made I have had in my hands. 

The place in which these instructions were given, Wistar 
says, was in a building on "the back part of the lot on 
which the Dank of Pennsylvania now stands'* 3 — that was in 
1809. This is the site on which in 1903 stands the United 
States Bonded "Warehouse, on the west side of Second 
Street, above Walnut. 

I find no other record of the doings of Dr. Thomas Cad- 
walader until the year 1737, when he became a member 
of St. John's Lodge, of the order of Freemasons, 4 one ot 

1 Wistar, Caspar. Eulogium on Dr. William Shippen, delivered be- 
fore the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, March, 1800. Phila- 
delphia, 1818, p. 22. 

2 We are so used to thinking of the "elder Dr. Shippen" as a man 
of years and dignity that it is hard to imagine him, in 1735, a gay 
young blade, sending to his friend Dr. Gardiner '-a young game-cock. 
to he depended upon," which he advises him to put to a walk by 
himself with the hen he had sent before, lamenting that "our young 
cockers" had contrived to kill and steal all the old cocks he had had. But 
at this time the Quaker influence did not prevail to keep down the 
general interest in horse-racing, righting of cocks and dogs, and bull- 
baiting. Watson's Annals, 1830, p. 239. 

3 There is no warrant for the statement that I have seen in writing 
that it was in "the old hall on Dock Street used for such purposes." 
which would imply that the teaching of anatomy, with dissections, was 
a common thing in those days. 

4 An error of Scharf and Westcott (History of Philadelphia. Phila- 
delphia, 1884, vol. iii. p. 2063), speaking of a letter from Henry Bell 
to Thomas Cadwalader as one from Thomas Cadwalader to Henry Bell, 
has led to the erroneous belief that Dr. Cadwalader wa3 one of the 
founders of St. John's Lod<re. 



268 Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 

the oldest lodges of which there is any record in North 
America, which held its earliest meetings in the "Sun 
Tavern'' (miscalled the " Tun Tavern" by some writers), on 
Water Street. 1 The record of his payment of the initia- 
tion fee to this lodge is found in the account-book of the 
lodge, which is the property of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, and a trauscript of it is to be found in an 
historical pamphlet in the library of the Masonic Temple in 
Philadelphia. Of this lodge Dr. Cadwaladcr was elected a 
Grand Warden in 1738. 2 

On the "fifteenth day of Fourth Month, 1738" (Old Style), 
Dr. Cadwalader married Hannah, 3 daughter of Thomas 
Lambert, Jr., an influential citizen of New Jersey, with large 
landed property where the city of Trenton now stands. At 
that time, or soon after, Dr. Cadwalader gave up his prac- 
tice in Philadelphia and removed to the neighborhood of 
Trenton, in Hunterdon County, which then included what 
is now Mercer County. 4 

On December 1, 1739, he was appointed one of the " Com- 
missioners of Pleas and Peace" for Hunterdon County. 5 

1 There has been some confusion in regard to the name of the tavern 
at which the St. John's Lodge met ; but this has been cleared up by the 
careful and conclusive investigations of Mr. Julius F. Sachse, who says, 
"There were two Masonic taverns on Water Street at that early day, — 
the Sun Tavern, kept by Brother John Hubbard, where the Grand 
Lodge and the St. John's Lodge held their stated meetings, and the 
Tun Tavern, kept by Brother Thomas Mullen, where a subordinate 
Lodge met until the Masons' Hall was dedicated in Lodge Alley in 
1755." Sachse, Julius Friedrich. Franklin's Account with the Lodge 
of Masons, 1731-1737. Dated December 27, 1898, p. 7, foot-note. 

1 Pennsylvania Gazette, July 6, 1738, p. 3. Early History of St. 
John's Lodge, F. and A. M., by Clifford P. MacCalla. Philadelphia, 
1874, pp. 5, 13, 30, 31, 32. 

Sketch of the Life of Colonel Daniel Coxe, the Father of Free- 
masonry in America, by Clifford P. MacCalla. Philadelphia, 1S87, 
p. 35. 

8 Date copied from marriage certificate. Letter from Dr. C. E. Cad- 
walader, May 17, 1903. 

4 Edinburgh Gazetteer, 1822. Art. Hunterdon. 

5 Archives of New Jersey, 1st series, vol. xv. pp. 95-101. 



Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 2G9 

This office he held until and probably after 1744, as may be 
seen from the report of an attempt to have the Governor 
remove him and his colleagues from office on November 15 
of that year. 1 

There are many references in the histories of New Jersey 
and of Trenton of transactions in which Dr. Cadwalader was 
engaged until the year 1749, when he returned, or prepared 
to return, to Philadelphia. In the interim he was so much 
a citizen of New Jersey that he was made the first Burgess 
of the " Borough and town of Trenton" in 1746, which was 
granted a charter by Governor Morris on September G of 
that year; and he held this office until April 9, 1750, when 
Governor Belcher accepted the surrender of the charter 
from the citizens. 2 At the same time he was still so much 
a Philadelphian that he spent a part of each year in his 
mansion on the Schuylkill, below the city (then), on the 
north bank of the river where it turns almost due east from 
what is now known as Gibson's Point to Point Breeze, as 
may be seen on what is known as the "Map of 1750," 3 
where Dr. Cadwalader's house is set down in " Passyuuk 
Township," between those marked "Rambo" and " Morris." 

In 1742 he advertised lands for sale in Hunterdon County, 4 
and performed an autopsy (the first scientific autopsy that I 
know of in this country 5 ) on a case of mollities ossium, after- 
wards described in his essay on the Dry-Gripes. In the same 
year his son John, afterwards General Cadwalader of Revo- 
lutionary fame, was born in the house at Philadelphia. 6 

The year 1745 is distinguished in the life of Dr. Cadwal- 

1 Archives of New Jersey, 1st series, vol. xv. pp. 355, 356. 

2 Ibid., vol. xi. p. 584; vol. xv. pp. 619, 634. 
Pennsylvania Gazette, April 19, 1750, p. 4. 

* Map of Philadelphia and Parts Adjacent, by N. Scull and G. Heap, 
1750. 

4 Pennsylvania Gazette, February 2, 1742. 

5 The often cited examination of the body of Governor Slaughter in 
1690, whose death was suspected to be due to poisoning, does not belong 
to the same class as Dr. Cadwalader's autopsy. 

6 Letter from Dr. C. E. Cadwalader. 



270 Sketch of the Life of Br. Thomas Cadwalader. 

ader because in it he published his only known contribu- 
tion to the literature of his profession. This was not only 
one of the very few early medical publications of this coun- 
try, but one of the most accurate and scientific. At this 
time the colonists had had little opportunity to develop their 
literary talents, and the first educational institutions were. in 
their infancy. It was nearly forty years before the time 
when Kino; William's Attorney-General, Seymour, beins: 
appealed to in the interest of education to give assistance to 
William and Mary College in Virginia, on the ground that 
" the people of Virginia had souls to be saved," replied, 
" Damn your souls ; make tobacco I" 1 

It was the very year in which, it is said, Frederick Torres, 
a Frenchman, " probably the first and for a long time lonely 
and neglected quack in our annals," advertised for sale the 
" Chinese stone," since widely known as the mad-stone, 
and certain pow^ders of miraculous powers ; it was the year 
in which Edward Shippen and Joseph Wharton, whose 
names are to-day borne here by honored descendants, built 
the stalls in the new market-house (still standing) on Second 
Street below Pine, 2 and it was also the vear in which the 
Assembly, largely made up of Quakers, astutely voted for 
the Kind's service in the war against France four thousand 
pounds, for the purchase of " bread, meat, flour, and other 
grains" — which was strangely taken to cover gunpowder ! 3 

Copies of Dr. Cadwalader's essay are to be found in the 
Library of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia and 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Its title-page reads, 
"An Essay On the "West-India Dry-Gripes; To which is 
added An Extraordinary Case in Physick. Philadelphia : 
Printed and sold by B. Franklin, M.DCC.XLV." The 
second part of the little book contains an account of the 
autopsy mentioned above. Curiously enough, most of the 

1 The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin, compiled and edited 
by John Bigelow. New York and London, 1888, vol. ix. p. 10. 

2 Watson's Annals, 1830, p. 616. 

8 Scharf and Westcott. History of Philadelphia, vol. i. p. 212. 



Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 271 

references to this essay erroneously call it an "Essay on the 
Iliac Passion, published in 1740.'' This I have found was 
due to the attempt of a medical historian of the last century ' 
to improve on the simple mention, by an earlier and more 
careful writer, of " a treatise on the iliac passion by the 
late Dr. Cadwailader [sic] of Philadelphia, printed about 
60 years ago." 2 

This essay, with its quaint title, was a production of 
great scientific and practical value which revolutionized the 
method of treatment for a form of griping, colicky disease 
of the intestines sometimes called colica pictonurn, or colic 
of Poitoiij and in Philadelphia, in Dr. CadwaladerV; time, 
attributed to the habitual drinking of punch made of 
Jamaica rum distilled through leaden pipes. It was be- 
lieved also that the abandonment of this particular beverage 
had something to do with the disappearance of the disease 
from this region. . 

An interesting side light on the customs of those days in 
Philadelphia and its vicinity may be seen in the advertise- 
ments in regard to slaves, white and black, appearing in 
almost every number of the Pennsylvania Gazette, in which, 
under date of October 31, 1745, Dr. Cadwalader gives the 
following notice : " Ran away on Saturday the 26th of Octo- 
ber from Thomas Cadwalader of Trenton a negro named 
Sam, a likely fellow,' 7 etc. 

While living in Trenton Dr. Cadwalader probably prac- 
tised medicine, and it is known that he was physician to 
Governor Belcher. He also had pupils in medicine, for 
there is a record of one such, John Rockhill, who studied 
under him and began his career as a practitioner in 174S.* 

In the year 1749 he seems to have prepared for a defini- 

1 Beck, John B. Historical Sketch of the State of American Medi- 
cine before the Revolution. New York, 1842, p. 26. 

A copy of this rare "Essay" was recently sold at public sale in 
Philadelphia for $200. 

* Ramsay, David. Review of the Improvements, Progress and .^t^ite 
of Medicine in the XVIIIth Century. Charleston, 1801, p. 36. 

8 Wickes, op. cit., p. 373. 



272 Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 

tive return to Philadelphia, for he then wound up the affairs 
of his father's estate and secured possession of the house at 
the southeast corner of Fifth and Market Streets. In 1750 
he gave up his office of Burgess in Trenton, when the sur- 
render of its charter was accepted, and, as an evidence of 
his interest in the citizens, presented them with the sum 
of live hundred pounds as a foundation for a free library, 1 
which grew in importance until its destruction by the 
British upon their capture of Trenton, in 1776, at which 
time it is spoken of as " an elegant Public Library." 

Dr. Cadwalader then returned to Philadelphia, where he 
soon became active in public affairs. In 1754 he advertised 
for sale his extensive lands in New Jersey, one tract alone 
containing nine hundred acres, with streams and timber, 
and another plantation of about seven hundred acres, and a 
"large and commodious corner brick house" in Trenton. 2 

At the foundation of the Pennsylvania Hospital, in 1751, 
he subscribed twenty-five pounds to what was known as the 
" capital stock," and on October 23 of that year he, with Drs. 
Graeme, Moore, and Redman, was chosen by the managers 
" to assist in consultations in extraordinary cases." On May 
7, 1752, the medical attendance on the sick in the hospital was 
committed to " six Physicians and Surgeons," Drs. Lloyd 
Zachary, Thomas Bond, Phineas Bond, Thomas Cadwalader, 
Samuel Preston Moore, and John Redman, who went on 
duty three at a time, for three months at a time, one going 
off duty and a new one coming on each month. This posi- 
tion Dr. Cadwalader held until 1779, when he resigned. 3 

Dr. Cadwaladers connection with the Academy and Col- 
lege of Philadelphia was very close. It has been stated 
that he was, in 1749, one of the signers of the " Constitu- 
tions" of the Academy of Philadelphia. This I have no 
doubt is an error, caused by the fact that his signature ap- 

1 Archives of New Jersey, 1st series, vol. xi. p. 584. 

2 Pennsylvania Gazette, May 17, 1750. 

3 History of the Pennsylvania Hospital. Philadelphia, 1895, pp. 28, 
32, 483. 



Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 273 

pears on that page of the minute-book which contains tin- 
signatures of those of the original trustees for whose signa- 
tures there was not sufficient room on the preceding page. 
But there is no warrant for the supposition that Dr. Cad- 
walader signed long before Dr. Isaac Xorris, whose name 
appears just below his, and who was chosen a trustee at' the 
same meeting at which Dr. Cadwalader was chosen ; ' both 
signed because the provisions of the " Constitution" made 
this obligatory upon a trustee before he could exercise his 
functions. 

On November 12, 1751, he was elected a trustee of the 
Academy, 2 and on July 13, 1753, as a trustee, he was one of 
the seventeen who waited on Governor James Hamilton and 
received from him the charter of the Academy; and again., 
on June 10, 1755, he was one of the trustees who received 
from Governor Robert Hunter Morris in person the charter 
finally approved and accepted by the College of Philadel- 
phia. 3 

In the office of trustee of the College he continued almost 
to the end of his life, for it was only five months before his 
death that he wrote to his fellow-trustees, " I am sorry that 
the declining State of my Health, and my Intention of re- 
moving for my future Habitation to a Distance from the 
City, render it inconvenient for me and injurious for the 
Institution to serve longer as a Trustee. I therefore desire 
you will be pleased to accept my Resignation of that Place 
and Duty. Wishing continual Prosperity to the Institution, 
I am Gentlemen Your most obed fc humble Servant Tho* 
Cadwalader." 4 

1 Some of the erroneous opinions about this have been derived from 
statements that are unauthentic and from a " fac-simile" that is mis- 
leading in the publication called " Benjamin Franklin and the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania." Washington, Bureau of Education, 1893. 

J Minutes of the Trustees, November 12, 1751. 

5 Montgomery, Thomas Harrison. History of the University of Penn- 
sylvania from its Foundation to A. D. 1770. Philadelphia, 1900, pp. 
178, 210. 

* Minutes of the Board of Trustees, vol. ii., 1768-1790, p. 145. 
VOL. XXVII. — 18 



274 Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 

Dr. Cadwalader was a member of the Common Council 
of Philadelphia from October 1, 1751, to October 4, 1774, l 
and of the Governor's Council, commonly called the Pro- 
vincial Council, from Xovember 2, 1755, until the "War of 
the Revolution 2 dissolved this body, although he attended 
only one meeting after he presided at the " Great Tea 
Meeting" held in the State-House yard on October 18, 
1773. This meeting adopted those resolutions known as 
the "Philadelphia Resolutions," which were copied in 
Boston, in its manifestations of opposition to the oppressive 
acts of the British government at that time. This act had 
so committed him against the policy of the Governor as to 
make it unpleasant for him to attend the meetings. 

His appointment to the Council was made in the year 
of Braddoek's defeat, and the first meeting he attended was 
on a Sunday, when the Council had been hurriedly called 
together in consequence of the alarming news received of 
the near approach of hostile Indians, whose slaughtering 
progress had reached the banks of the Susquehanna River, 
near where Harrisburg now stands, and the neighborhood 
of Bethlehem and Reading. It was about this time that 
the inhabitants of the country were so alarmed for them- 
selves and so impressed with what they considered the 
indifference of the Quakers, living in the security of a large 
city, that they sent the stiff and frozen bodies of a massa- 
cred family to Philadelphia, paraded them through the 
streets, and set them down before the legislative hall. 3 

In August, 1755, just after Braddoek's defeat, his patriotic 
zeal led him to be one of twenty men who offered to pay 
each five hundred pounds, to make up the amount assessed 

1 Minutes of the Common Council of the City of Philadelphia. 
Philadelphia, 1847, pp. 550, 798. 

3 Pennsylvania Archives, 2d series, vol. ix. p. 623. 

Minutes of the Provincial Council. Colonial Records of Pennsyl- 
vania, published by the State, 1851. vol. vi. pp. 606, 667, 668. 

There are many errors in different historical sketches in regard to the 
dates of Dr. Cadwalader's connection with the Provincial Council. 

5 Watson's Annals, 1830, p. 449. 



Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadicalader. 275 

for the purpose of the public defence, against the estates of 
the Proprietaries, when the Governor, by denying the ritjht of 
the Assembly to impose this tax, was crippling the powers 
of the Province to resist the hostile French and Indian.-. At 
the same time he was one of the Provincial Commissioner*, 
who constituted a sort of war council and committee of 
defence for the Province, and he is said for a time to have 
held a commission as an officer in the militia. In 1765, 
the year of the " Stamp Act/ 7 Dr. Cadwaladcr was, with 
his sons John and Lambert, among the signers of the 
" Non-Importation Articles,' 51 and as the struggle for inde- 
pendence approached and culminated he and all his con* 
nections by blood and by marriage were among those most 
active and influential in the councils and the deeds of the 
Revolution. To the end of his life his whole effort and 
influence was given to the cause of liberty, without excess 
or rancor, and free from any of those extravagances of zeal 
which occasionally marred the aspect of the patriotism of 
some of our forefathers. 

Such being the chief public performances of Dr. Thomas 
Cadwalader as a citizen and a patriot, it is interesting to 
note that they were fully matched by his accomplishments 
and distinctions as a man of science and a physician. 

The Philadelphia Medical Society, founded February 4, 
1765, was the oldest medical society in this country which 
did not disband or terminate, leaving no trace behind. Its 
separate existence ceased only when it united with the 
American Society held at Philadelphia for Promoting Use- 
ful Knowledge, which afterwards united with the American 
Philosophical Society and continues to this day. Of this 
society Dr. Cadwalader was one of the original members. 2 

1 Scharf and Westcott. History of Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 
1884, vol. i. pp. 272, 273. 

'Another Philadelphia Medical Society was founded in 1789 and 
incorporated June 2, 1792, and again (reincorporated) January 27, 
1827. The Act of Incorporation and By-Laws of the Philadelphia 
Medical Society. Philadelphia, 1824. The Charter of Incorporation 
and By-Laws of the Philadelphia Medical Society. Philadelphia, 183*3. 



276 Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 

On January 19, 1768, he was elected a member ot the 
American Philosophical Society, 1 and on October 14, 1768, 
he was elected a member of the American Society held at 
Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge; 2 and on 
January 2, 1769, when these societies were united, he was 
the first^named of the three Vice-Presidents then chosen, 
Benjamin Franklin being President. As Franklin was at 
that time in Europe, this made Dr. Cadwalader practically 
President. 

Dr. Cadwalader's professional services during the War of 
the Revolution seem to have been restricted to the occa- 
sional performance of duties laid upon him by Congress 
and assisting his friend and junior, Dr. Morgan, who was 
at that time Director-General of the military hospitals. It 
is supposed that Dr. Cadwalader had from him some 
appointment, but I cannot find any satisfactory evidence of 
this. It is certain that Congress from time to time requested 
him to do for it certain things, among which requests was 
one on January 30, 1776, that he inquire into the state 
of health of General Prescott, a British prisoner, and the 
sanitary conditions in which he was placed in the jail. 
This duty Dr. Cadwalader performed so promptly and with 
such judgment and humanity that General Prescott un- 
doubtedly owed his life to him. Being paroled on April 9, 
he carried with him so great an appreciation of the services 
of Dr. Cadwalader, and so high a regard for him as a man, 
that when his son, Colonel Lambert Cadwalader, was taken 
prisoner at the capture of Fort Washington, in November 
of the same year, General Prescott secured his prompt 
liberation. 

The records of Congress show that Dr. Cadwalader was 
often called upon to give his country the benefit of the skill 

1 Early Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society . . . from 
1744 to 1838. Philadelphia, 1884, pp. 4, 23. 

* Kules and Statutes of The American Society held at Philadelphia 
for Promoting Useful Knowledge, together with a list of The Fellows and 
Corresponding Members. Autotype copy in the Library of the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania. 



Sketch of (he Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader. 277 

and judgment; which had so much secured its confidence. 
Such aid he also furnished to his younger colleagues who 
were active in the organization of the medical service of 
the army and navy of the Colonies, lie being now about 
seventy years old. 

Before the foundation of the medical school connected 
with the College of Philadelphia, an excellent sort of medi- 
cal instruction was furnished in Philadelphia by the teach- 
ings of the medical staff of the Pennsylvania Hospital, of 
which Dr. Cadwalader was one of the most active mem- 
bers, and a certificate from the staff of this hospital in that 
day took the place of a medical diploma for those who 
wished a proof of unusual proficiency in the art of medi- 
cine. After the founding of the college, as is well known. 
the teachings in the hospital were continued, and attend- 
ance upon them was in 1767 made obligatory upon candi- 
dates for a degree. 

On IvTovember 14, 1779, Dr. Cadwalader died at the 
Greenwood mansion at Trenton, while on a visit to his sou 
Lambert, and was there buried. 1 

Had the custom of publishing memoirs of distinguished 
men been as well established then as it is now, we should 
to-day be in a better position to appreciate the remarkable 
qualities and the achievements of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader; 
but enough can be gathered from what has been recorded, 
as it were incidentally, to show that he failed of nothing 
that high character, good judgment, and wise behavior 
might secure. So long, so useful, and so honored had been 
his life that those words appear peculiarly appropriate in 
which Dr. John Redman, first President of the College of 
Physicians of Philadelphia, and a good judge of fine char- 
acter, referred to him in his inaugural address. " This re- 
minds me," he says, " of two things which I cannot recollect 
but with concern, and indeed I ought to regret. The first 

1 Wickes. Quoting New Jersey Gazetteer, November 17, 1770. 
Pennsylvania Gazette, November 24, 1779, p. 3. 

In New Jersey Archives, 1st series, vol. xi., the date is erroneou.-Iy 
given as November 18. 



278 Sketch of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadtralader. 

of them is that this institution did not commence at an 
earlier period, and in the lifetime of one whose person, age, 
character, and reputation for medical abilities and respect- 
able deportment to and among us, as well as his generous, 
just, and benevolent temper of mind, and great acquaintance 
with books, men, and things, and proper attention to times 
and seasons, would, I am persuaded, have pointed him out 
as our first object. And it would have been the highest 
gratification to me, as I believe it would to you all who 
knew him, to have given our suffrages unanimously to place 
him at the head of such an institution. Having said this 
much, I am sure his name will readily recur to you all ; nor 
need I mention it, but that I always recollect with pleasure 
the name of our worthy and well-respected elder brother 
and my much esteemed friend, Dr. Thomas Cadwalader, 
though it is now but a melancholy pleasure when joined 
with the reflection on the loss we sustained by his death." l 

Such a man was Thomas Cadwalader, from the beginning 
to the end of his career, loved and honored by young and 
old, serene in disposition, calm in deportment, wise in judg- 
ment, fearless in action, the trusted counsellor of the repre- 
sentative of the Proprietaries 2 and equally of the people, en- 
gaged with the best and greatest men of his time in every 
public movement for the good of his fellows, and in our Uni- 
versity, in the earliest and most important period of its 
career, for nearly thirty years one of its wisest and truest 
friends. 

Such a life is well fitted to prove in a sceptical age that 
a noble character is immortal and good deeds are imperish- 
able. For us, to the useful and inspiring lessons of Thomas 
Cadwalader's life is added the animating thought that he 
was of our country, of our city, of our alma mater, of our 
profession, and that no trappings of war are needed to 
make a hero, nor any sound of trumpet to establish fame. 

1 Transactions of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia. Cen- 
tennial Volume, Philadelphia, 1887. Appendix, p. 180. 

"The word " Proprietary" was not used, but " Proprietor," on the 
seal of William Penn and in the earliest provincial papers. 



Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 279 



TRINITY CHURCH, OXFORD, PHILADELPHIA. 1 

BY GEORGE HARRISON EISIIER. 

Iii 1885 the Reverend Dr. Buchanan published " Two 
Discourses relating to the Early History of Trinity Church, 
Oxford, Philadelphia, with a Compend of its History be- 
tween 1854 and 1882." This is an excellent piece of work, 
and it might he supposed to make my present attempt 
superfluous. I am impressed with Dr. Buchanan's thor- 
oughness as I examine his authorities, but the audience 
which I have the honor to address differs from his audiences, 
and a varied use of the materials and varied emphasis may 
not be out of place. The letters I quote are almost all to 
be found in Bishop Perry's great work, " Historical Collec- 
tions relating to the American Colonial Church." 

The iirst Episcopal church in this State — Christ Church, 
Philadelphia — was founded in 1695. In 1702 George Keith. 
the first missionary of the Society for the Propagation of 
the Gospel in Foreign Parts, returned to America, and was 
here a little over two years. His journal of travels forms 
his report to the Society, published in 1706. In it he says, — 

" In Pennsylvania where there was but one Church of England con- 
gregation settled, to wit at Philadelphia (and even that of but few years 
standing) at our arrival there, there are now, Blessed be God, live 
Church of England Congregations, supplied with ministers, and who 
have convenient Churches, where the people assemble constantly, even- 
Lord's Day, to the prayers and sermons, and where the Holy Sacra- 
ments are duly administered according to the Church of England. The 
places in Pennsylvania where these churches are set up are, the iir>t 
Philadelphia, the second Chester Upland, the third Francfort alias Ox- 
ford, the fourth New Castle, the fifth Apoquimene . . . the place at 
Francfort . . . where the congregation assembles on the Lord's Day is 
called Trinity Chapel, it was formerly a Quaker Meeting House, built 



1 An address delivered before the Colonial Dames of America on 
May 11, 1903, in the parish building. 



280 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 

or fitted by Quakers, but some time ago it has been given to the Church 
by such as had the right to it. Some land adjoining was given by a 
person well affected to the Church, for the use of the Minister who 
should reside there, for a house, garden and small orchard." 

From these extracts it will be observed that Keith, who 
had lived in Philadelphia from 1689 to 1694. who, no doubt, 
corresponded with his numerous followers here between 
1694 and 1702, and must have been well informed as to 
what was goine: on here in the interests of religion, asserts 
that only after his return in 1702 was there a settled 
Church of England congregation at Oxford. Yet there 
can be little doubt that services were held here before 1702. 
In 1707 the Reverend Evan Evans, who was minister to 
Christ Church, with some interruptions, from 1700 to 1718, 
writes to the same Society, — 

" Trinity Church in Oxford township, lies in the County of Philadel- 
phia nine miles from the City, where for the first four years after my 
arrival in Philadelphia I frequently preached and administered both the 
Sacraments, and had, when I last preached in it, 140 people, most of 
the people brought over to the Church of England from Quakers, Ana- 
baptists, and other persuasions." 

Hence Dr. Buchanan infers that the beginning of the 
parish dates from 1698, or earlier, because he thinks Mr. 
Evans speaks as if he had found a church and congregation 
here in 1700, and the only Church clergyman who is known 
to have been in Pennsylvania before 1700 was the first 
minister of Christ Church, the Reverend Mr. Clayton, who 
died in 1698. But, with deference to Dr. Buchanan, I sug- 
gest that, even if we must conclude that church services 
were held here before the time of Evans, of which there is 
no direct evidence, they may have been conducted at any 
time after 1697 by Mr. Rudman, the Swedish missionary, 
who was afterwards regularly employed here. 

At all events, in spite of Keith's language, and in spite 
of a clearly inaccurate statement to be found in Watson's 
Annals (vol. ii. p. 73, edition of 1844), we may regard 



Trinity Church, Oxford. Philadelphia. 281 

the year 1700 as the latest possible date of the formation 
of the parish, because Mr. Evans's direct testimony is con- 
firmed by a deed, among the title papers of the church, 
dated December 30, 1700, from Thomas Graves to Joshua 
Carpenter and John Moore, for three acres of ground now 
embraced in the graveyard and the lot adjoining, in trust, 
for the " Use and service of those of the Communion of our 
Holy mother, the Church of England, and to no other use 
or uses whatsoever." By Joshua Carpenter Keith was en- 
tertained on Ins missionary visits to Philadelphia, and Keith 
speaks of preaching twice at Oxford. 

It may seem strange that it cannot be stated in exactly 
what year the original place of worship was built, and when, 
precisely, the building passed under the control of church- 
men, whether in 1700 or a few years earlier; but the ob- 
scurity of the first five years of Christ Church is almost 
as deep. We must remember that, throughout nearly the 
whole of the colonial period, the Anglican churches in 
Pennsylvania were missions. A charter was granted to the 
United Churches of Christ Church and St, Peter's Church 
in 1765, but the charter for incorporating the United Epis- 
copal Churches of Trinity Church in Oxford Township, All 
Saints Church in Lower Dublin Township, Philadelphia 
County, and St. Thomas's Church in White Marsh Town- 
ship, Montgomery County, was not granted by the Legis- 
lature of the State of Pennsylvania till 1787. These mis- 
sions were voluntary associations, not recognized by the law. 
They could hold no property. Property designed for them 
had to be conveyed to trustees for their use. The members 
of the congregations elected vestrymen and wardens, but 
the association, as such, could neither sue nor be sued, 
enjoy any rights nor incur any obligations. The vestrymen 
often petitioned the Bishop of London to license such and 
such a clergyman for the care of their parish, and the 
person so licensed was nominally responsible to the Bishop 
of London, who, as a rule, knew little about him. It can, 
then, be understood that these informal associations of per- 



282 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 

sons desiring to worship according to the Anglican doctrine 
and discipline in many cases attracted little public attention. 
There were no charters to he recorded ; minutes were kept 
carelessly or not at all, because the occasions of their neces- 
sity must have been few. 

Until the Revolution most of the churches in Pennsyl- 
vania received aid, generally =£'60 a year, from the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, char- 
tered in 1701, and to-day aiding missionaries and chaplains 
in every quarter of the globe. The deep obligations of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States to the 
Venerable Society (as it was styled from the first) are gen- 
erally acknowledged; but there are two men who should 
be remembered by all who study the history of that Church 
in Pennsylvania. These men were Henry Compton, Bishop 
of London from 1675 to 1713, and George Keith, whose 
journal I have quoted. In 1675 Bishop Compton found 
that in the American Colonies, exclusive of Virginia and 
Maryland, where the Church of England was established 
by law, there were scarcely four ministers of the Church ot 
England, " and not above one or two of them, at most, 
regularly sent over.'' lie prevailed upon King Charles II. 
to make an allowance of £20 to every missionary whom he 
should send out, and he is known to have been the author 
of Section 22 of the charter given to Penn, Proprietary 
and Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania, March 4, 
1681.. This section provides, — 

"That if any of the inhahitants of the said province to the number 
of twenty, shall at any time hereafter be desirous, and shall by any 
writing, or by any person deputed by them, signify their desire to the 
Bishop of London, for the time being that any preacher or preachers to 
be approved by the said Bishop may be sent unto them for their instruc- 
tion, that then such preacher or preachers shall and may reside within 
the said province, without any denial or molestation, whatsoever." 

And it is pleasant to note that Penn's relations with the 
Bishop were friendly. In a letter to the Lords of Planta- 
tions, dated Philadelphia, 14th of 6th month, 1683, Penn 



Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 283 

wrote, "I have followed the Bishop of London's counsel bv 
buying and not taking away the natives' lands.'' Yet Use 
Bishop had begun life as a soldier. In 1700 he sent Evans 
to Philadelphia; in 1701 took an active part in the organi- 
zation of the Society, and was always a friend of American 
missions. And George Keith should neither be forgotten 
nor rated as he has been rated by most American writers. 
Proud, the historian of Pennsylvania, wrote of him seventy- 
five years after the events: " his conduct was so glaringly 
inconsistent with his former pretensions, and his behaviour 
towards the Quakers so manifestly arising from a malignant 
disposition of mind and disappointed malice, notwithstand- 
ing all his superior abilities which he possessed and made use 
of, be was universally despised by sober and thinking people 
of all Societies." Keith was no doubt heartily disliked by 
the Quakers from whom he separated, and Proud gives us 
the opinion handed down through two or three generations 
of Quakers, the tradition, as it seems to me, becoming legen- 
dary. And I think this traditional estimate of Keith has 
been adopted by writers, such as Bancroft, without consider- 
ation and without justice. 

Keith was born in 1639, near Aberdeen, where he was 
educated and became a £Ood classical and mathematical 
scholar. He was brought up a Presbyterian, and became a 
Quaker in 1662. He was then twenty-three. Between that 
time and 1684, when he came to Xew York, he wandered 
about Scotland, England, and the Continent, and was im- 
prisoned five or six times, sometimes for months together, 
for preaching his religion. In 1689 he became the first 
principal of the Friends' public school in Philadelphia, which 
later received a charter from Penn, and still flourishes ; 
but he held this place only about a year, and in 1691 denied 
some of the Quaker doctrines. It would be impossible for 
me even to sketch the religious controversy that arose, or 
to attempt to write the history of the schism which soon 
occurred among the Quakers. It is enough to say that 
many turned away with Keith from the old Society uf 



284 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 

Friends, and some of the Keithians went to the Church 
of England and some to the Baptists and Presbyterians. 
Keith went back to England. In 1700 he took orders in 
the Church. In 1702, as I have stated, he came to America 
as one of the first pair of missionaries for the new-formed 
Society, and travelled hard in mission work for more than 
two years. His companion was the Reverend John Talbot, 
afterwards settled at Burlington. His journal, to which I 
have referred, gives me the impression of a particularly 
zealous and sincere man ; I have never heard his statements 
of facts questioned, and there can be no question that his 
labors greatly increased the number of adherents to the 
English Church. His history in Europe, as a Quaker, 
proves his undaunted courage; his abandonment of the 
chief doctrines of Quakerism, in Philadelphia, resulted, as he 
must have expected, in the loss of his place and prospects. 
"When he took English orders he was sixty-one, and yet he 
was eager to endure the hardships of a missionary journey 
to America in the interest of what he then regarded as the 
purest form of religion. The following extract from his 
journal may help us to see, however, that his society might 
be unpleasant : 



"August 30th, 1702. — As we were crossing the Ferry at Portsmouth 
on Ehode Island, by the good Providence of God we escaped a great 
danger . . . our mast and sail were beat down by the wind ... for 
some time we remained there much tossed by the waves . . . and were 
in danger to be driven out to sea and overwhelmed. . . . But a Quaker 
of my former acquaintance whose name is John Burden . . . came 
with all speed in his boat to relieve us, and towed us to land. ... I 
offered money to his men but he would not permit them to receive any. 
I thanked him very kindly for his help in our great danger and said to 
him, John ye have been a means under God to save our natural life, 
suffer me, under God, to be a means to save your soul, by good informa- 
tion to bring you out of your dangerous errors. He replied, George, 
save thy own soul, I have no need of thy help ; then said I, I will 
pray for your conversion ; he replied, the prayers of the wicked are an 
abomination. So uncharitable was he in his opinion concerning me, as 
they generally are concerning all who differ from them/' 



Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 285 

More than once on this journey he made an uproar in 
Quaker meetings by rising and denouncing what lie be- 
lieved to be their errors. Such behavior could not have 
added to his influence, probably increased the bitterness 
with which he was regarded by many of his old friends, 
and did lasting injury to the reputation of a remarkable, 
man, who did his duty as he saw it, and who accomplished 
important results in spite of his want of suavity and tact. 
He lived till 171G. I have only to add that Frond's state- 
ment, that on his death-bed he regretted that he had left 
the Quakers, is unsupported by authority and seems out of 
keeping with his strong and courageous character. 

But to return to this parish. Dr. Buchanan thinks that 
the first building was of logs. Mr. Evans, of Christ Church, 
and his assistant, Mr. Thomas, officiated here as they had 
time, and Mr. Andrew Budman, minister of the Swedish 
Church of Gloria Dei, was the first person regularly 
employed here. Missionaries of the Swedish Lutheran 
Church often officiated in the Anglican churches of the 
Province without English orders, and were recognized and 
remunerated by the Venerable Society in England. In 
1711 was built the oldest part of the present church edi- 
fice, — it would seem about thirty-six feet of the west end 
of the nave. According to Accrelius (" History of Xew 
Sweden," English translation, 1874), Messrs. Bjork and 
Sandel, Swedish missionaries, took part with the English 
clergy, at the opening services in 1713. These, because 
there was no Bishop, had to take the place of a consecra- 
tion; and for the same reason no church in colonial days 
received regular consecration. It is worthy of remark that 
when Christ Church was rebuilding, in 1711, the Presby- 
terian Church in Philadelphia was offered to the congrega- 
tion for some Sundays ; but the offer was declined, the 
congregation preferring to ask for the use of Gloria Dei 
Church, which was granted to them for the desired number 
of Sundays. Afterwards, in 1794, when another Lutheran 
church was destroyed by fire, the vestry of Christ Church 



286 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 

offered their building to the unfortunate congregation at 
such hours on Sundays as could conveniently be arranged. 

Mr. Evans, the minister of Christ Church, went back to 
England for a time, in 1707; Mr. Rudman took his place, 
and the Reverend John Clubb, master of the school connected 
with Christ Church, who had already often officiated, " in 
pity to our forlorn condition, did piously take upon him 
the care of our poor church." So wrote the vestry of this 
church on March 5,3 709, to the Venerable Society, and 
they begged for the appointment of Mr. Clubb as their 
regular missionary. He seems to have been beloved by 
his people, and among all his successors there seems to 
have been not one really unworthy man. Few colonial 
churches, I believe, could say so much. There was no 
American bishop until after the Revolution, at least no one 
who performed episcopal acts. The Bishop of London, 
who at first assumed the right to license clergymen for 
America, — which right was afterwards confirmed by the 
King in Council, — was sometimes deceived by clerical ad- 
venturers who were leaving their country for their coun- 
try's good. lie, more excusably, made mistakes about 
certain colonials who went back for orders, but who were 
morally unfit for the calling. Many promising persons 
who would have taken orders were deterred by the great 
expense involved in the journey to England and by the 
perils of the sea, at the present day so little considered. 
Down to 1767, fifty-two young men had sailed from Amer- 
ica to be ordained in England, and forty-two returned in 
safety. It is noticeable that in 1702 Keith came here in a 
ship-of-war and returned in another in 1704. During the 
long wars of the Spanish Succession, the Austrian Succes- 
sion, and the Seven Years' War the most peaceful travel- 
lers had to fear the violence of enemies, both on men-of-war 
and on privateers. 

The good Mr. Clubb seems to have been here for the last 
three or four years before the church was rebuilt. In 1711 
an address of the clergy of Pennsylvania stated that his 



Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 287 

salary from the parish did not exceed £30, ont of which he 
had to pay £14 rent for his house. The Society was 
begged to make him the usual stipend of £G0 ; but the 
Society preferred to send him to Delaware, where he 
stayed a short time. Then he went hack to England and 
missed the dedication services of the new church. It was, 
probably for the new building that the silver chalice was 
sent by Queen Anne. On October 6, 1714, Mr. Clubb 
announced his safe return to Philadelphia after a voyage of 
thirteen weeks and his gratification at his appointment to 
the combined missions of Oxford and Radnor. At Radnor 
he was able to preach in Welsh, as Mr. Evans had done. 
Mr. Humphreys, sometime missionary at Chester, had had 
temporary charge of Oxford before Mr. ClubVs appoint- 
ment. On October 12 he wrote to the Society, — 

"From a tender and affectionate regard to the welfare of the Church 
at Oxford, which shallnever leave me, though I am removed from it, 1 
must necessarily take notice ... of one thing which I am afraid will 
unravel much of the pains taken at that place, which is the obligation 
upon Mr. Clubb to divide his labors between the Welsh and the Congre- 
gation at Oxford Church. Among the latter there has always been a 
great number of Quakers and Anabaptists but they are well enough 
secured against these pests. The danger I am apprehensive of arises 
from the late intrusion of a dissenting Presbyterian Teacher who came 
into those parts last year, from Wales, and bought a settlement about two 
miles from the Church. He preaches every Sunday at his own house 
and is very industrious to prevail with his neighbors to hear him, and 
many people there are so disposed to variety of doctrine that all the 
diligence I could exert in warning my people against the schism, and 
preaching every Sunday in my Church, could not prevent but that some 
weak people would follow him, especially if they had the pretence of 
bad weather to palliate their staying from Church ; and God knows 
what the consequence will be of Mr. Clubb's preaching to the Welsh 
two Sundays in a month." 

But poor Clubb died about Christmas, 1715. His parish- 
ioners wrote to the Society that " the great fatigue of riding 
between the two churches in such dismal ways and weather 
as we generally have for four months in the winter, soon 
put a period to his life." The distance is twenty miles. 



288 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 

After his death Mr. Humphreys again took charge of Ox- 
ford, going periodically from Chester. On August 14, 
171G, he complained to the Society that Mr. Evans was 
staying away, and that there were only two missionaries of 
the Society in the Province, " so that if we did not painfully 
exert ourselves beyond our proper mission we should soon 
see this Church in the wilderness, overrun with heresy and 
schism." But Mr. Evans soon came hack, and while he 
remained in Pennsylvania — about two years — he added the 
care of Oxford and of Radnor to Philadelphia. The testi- 
mony that he was a good and zealous man is abundant. 
Poor Mr. Humphreys was overworked and perhaps unrea- 
sonable in begrudging his brother missionary a little relaxa- 
tion. In October, 1718, Mr. Humphreys wrote from Ches- 
ter that he was the only missionary in the Province, and 
that it was his habit to preach at Radnor, twenty miles 
away, and at Oxford, twenty-eight miles away from- his 
home, on alternate Thursdays, and that for these services 
he neither received nor expected compensation. 

Ever since Mr. Clubb's death the wardens and vestrymen 
of Oxford had been begging the Society to send them a 
regular missionary. In 1716 they wrote that they had 
about twenty families, and hoped to raise £20 a year and to 
provide a house and farm for the missionary. On June 
25, 1718, Peter Taylor and James Morgan, church war- 
dens, wrote, — 

" We know the great want of a good minister by sad experience par- 
ticularly in our great loss in the decease of our late godly minister, the 
Kevd. Mr. John Clubb who was entirely beloved by this congregation. 
. . . But since his departure many of his congregation have drawn 
back, and are strayed away like sheep having no shepherd, some to 
Quakers, some to Anabaptists, some to the Presbyterians and some to 
the profane Sabbatarians, to the great grief of us that have an entire 
love and a great regard for the prosperity of the Protestant religion of 
the Church of England as by law established. . . . We humbly let their 
Honors know after this manner we, having no minister on a Sunday, 
except by chance, agree among ourselves to meet at the House of God 
every Sunday, where one Nathaniel Walton, our School Master . . . 



Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 289 

takes due pains every Lord's Day to read unto us the Holy Scriptures as 
they are appointed to be read, also the Prayers and Psalms in their order 
and course, and a Homily or Sermon he reads every Sunday. ..." 

I have nowhere hesitated to quote the acrimonious lan- 
guage used by the early church people about their Quaker 
and other dissenting neighbors. This is a humble attempt 
to write a fragment of history, and it is as important to 
know how men felt and talked about one another as to know 
what they did. There can be no doubt that the Episcopa- 
lians, as a class, heartily disliked the Quakers as a class, 
partly because their fathers and grandfathers had persecuted 
the fathers and grandfathers of the Quakers, and partly for 
the political ideas and practices of the Quakers. I remem- 
ber, as a child, spelling out one of the very early inscrip- 
tions in the church-yard, — an inscription which has become 
almost illegible, but is preserved in Dr. Buchanan's book. 
It begins, — 

" Here by these lines is testified 
No Quaker was she when she died ; 
So far wa3 she from Quakerism 
That she desired to have baptism." 

"We do not now call those who differ from us in religion, 
pests; I hope we have become more charitable, not less 
zealous for the truth. 

At last, in 1719, the Reverend Robert TTeyman was sent 
here by the Society, and allowed £60 a year. I hope the 
people gave him the £20 they talked about, but they com- 
plained of poverty and of debts incurred in the building, 
still unpaid. However, in 1724, they did buy a house, 
orchard, and sixty-three acres of land, for £130, on what is 
now called the Bristol Turnpike, about half-way between 
ITolmesburg and Frankford. Mr. "Weyman for some years 
served also the church at Radnor, and extended his mission 
work as far as the present town of Lancaster, but later the 
people at Radnor secured a missionary who could preach to 
them in Welsh, or "in their own British dialect," as Mr. 

VOL. XXVII.— -19 



290 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 

Weyman expressed it. Mr. Weyman proposed to serve the 
mission at White Marsh in place of Radnor, White Marsh 
heing at less than half the distance from Oxford. In 1728 
he was in London, and wrote to the Society that among 
other difficulties of the English Church in Pennsylvania 
was this, — that while she had three missionaries there,- the 
Quakers had two or three hundred speakers or teachers. 

In 1731 Mr. Weyman removed to Burlington, and at that 
time the Eeverend Alexander Howie was missionary at 
White Marsh. In 1733 Mr. Howie was commissioned to 
care for White Marsh and Oxford comhined. In 1734 he 
reported to the Society : 

"The Congregation at Oxford increases so much that there is not 
room in the church to hold them . . . they design soon to raise a 
gallery or to enlarge the outward building ... in these f of a year 
past I have gained over to the Church of England 2 Romans, 3 Inde- 
pendents, 4 Quakers and 3 Anabaptists. . . . But though religion flour- 
ishes in Oxford, yet I am very sorry to observe that it greatly decays in 
White Marsh. The number of sincere Church people does not exceed 
seven at most." 

On July 21, 1739, Mr. Howie wrote despondently ahout 
Oxford also, that those who professed themselves of the 
Church did not exceed thirty in number, and that he had 
given up White Marsh. On September 29, 1741, he 
wrote a very gloomy letter : 

"My income last year from Oxford was £16 10. 6. paper money . . . 
Number of heads of families in Oxford is about 49 . . . those who 
are really of the Church of England do not at present exceed 25 in 
number." 

He attributed much of the decay of the parish to the 
" mischievous doctrines and irregular conduct of that malig- 
nant preacher Mr. Whiter! eld." 

"The parsonage lands and house belonging to Oxford are in ruinous 
condition ... so that I have no more benefit from 60 acres of land 
than if I had none. All that can be said is that I and my family live, 
rent free, at the hazard of our lives, for the house will neither keep out 
wet or cold, which last is very extreme in the winter." 



Ttinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia, 291 

Dr. Buchanan tells ns that Mr. Howie wont to the Wert 
Indies expecting to return, but he remained there. 

The Reverend ^Eneas Ross, who had been an assistant at 
Christ Church, became the missionary to Oxford and White 
Marsh in 1743. In 1744 he wrote to the Society that ho 
was living in Abington : that both churches were in a more 
flourishing state than they had been, and were generally 
crowded on Sundays. In 1745 he wrote, — 

"I am now in great hopes that the rising generation will show them- 
selves as pious members of the Church as their fathers were. The chief 
of the old standers at Oxford are dead, and there appears in many <<f 
the children a great share of devotion, and, please God I live, J cxj^ecl 
tc see as flourishing a church as they were 25 years ago." 

He said he expected to live at Germantown, which would 
be only five miles from Oxford and six miles from White 
Marsh, whereas the Oxford Glebe was thirteen miles from 
White Marsh. 

"The inhabitants of Germantown are Dutch save two or three fami« 
lies of English ... it lies 6 miles Northwest of Philadelphia, a place 
of considerable inland trade situated about 3 miles from navigable waver 
for small craft called the Eiver Schuylkill." 

In 1749 he had given up Germantown, and, to save 
money, was living at the glebe, in spite of its great distance 
from White Marsh. 

The Reverend Hugh Xeill was the next missionary in 
charge. In 1759 pews were put up all over the church, 
and it was floored for the first time. On May 12, 1760, 
he wrote to the Society that he was much encouraged, that 
both churches were crowded, and that he had been asked to 
preach on Sunday evenings at Germantown. He was then 
living there, for the glebe house had lately been destroyed 
by fire. 

"The Governor and citizens of Philadelphia were so sensible of the 
misery my family was reduced to by tire that they subscribed the mm 
of £255 towards rebuilding the Glebe house . . . The congregation 
considering the inconvenient situation of the Glebe . . . joined me in 



292 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia, 

a petition to the Assembly for leave to bring in a bill to sell the old 
Glebe and purchase a new one, more convenient. ..." 

The old glebe was sold for £252, and a new glebe, of 
sixty-five acres, where stands the present village of Cedar 
Grove, was bought in 17G1 for £5-10. On January 10, 
1762, he wrote — 

"As our Church of Oxford was too small ... we set on foot a 
lottery last Spring for enlarging of it and other uses about the Church." 
He hoped " We shall be able to clear for the uses aforesaid between 400 
and 500. Thus I hope by the assistance of Divine Providence, not- 
withstanding the number of dissenters among us we shall continue 
steady and united as we are at present.' ' 

But the church was not enlarged for more than twenty 
years; the lottery was a failure. On October 18, 1764, 
he wrote, — 

"I have the pleasure to acquaint the Society that my congregations 
appear to be more steady than formerly and better fixed in their princi- 
ples, notwithstanding the powerful efforts that Mr. Whitefield is now 
making in Philadelphia ... St. Paul's the College and Presbyterian 
Meeting Houses were open to him ; but the salutary admonitions of 
His Grace of Canterbury to the Rector etc. of Christ Church and St. 
Peter's has prevented his preaching at this time, in either of them." 

Yet on December 14, 1765, he announced that he had 
decided to officiate occasionally at St. Paul's, and in 1766 
lie removed to Maryland, which the poor missionaries in 
Pennsylvania seemed to regard as a haven of rest. 

I can refer only briefly to the clerical services to this 
parish of the Reverend Dr. William Smith, from 1766 to 
1777, when he was obliged to leave Philadelphia on the 
approach of the British troops. He was by far the most 
distinguished man who officiated here, perhaps the most 
distinguished Episcopal clergyman in America during the 
eighteenth century. His name is probably known to you 
all. He made a great success as Provost of the College of 
Philadelphia, which, according to the late Dr. Stille, was in 
many respects quite the equal of Harvard and Yale at the 



Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 293 

time of the abrogation of its charter by President Reed, in 
1779. Dr. Smith seems to have taken charge of Oxford as 
a labor of love, to have received no stipend from the Mis- 
sionary Society, and even to have remitted some of the 
revenue from the glebe. He informed the Society that he 
was performing these services to prevent a forfeiture of the 
new glebe lands under the terms of the Act of Assembly. 
He was enlightened enough to perceive the evil of the lot- 
tery scheme, though such schemes were a matter of course 
in those days. The people at first seemed well satisfied ; 
they put a new roof on the church in 1770, and iri 1772, 
under Dr. Smith's auspices, was started the new church 
which became All Saints, Lower Dublin. But he was a 
man of very positive character, probably made more posi- 
tive by the exercise of the duties of a college presidency, 
and by 1771 many of the congregation were asking the 
Society for the appointment of anybody else, and complain- 
ing that people were staying away from church because 
Smith was offensive to them. But the services of the Ven- 
erable Society to the Church in America were nearly at an 
end. Is"o one else was ever appointed to Oxford. In 1701 
the Society had found the Colonies, exclusive of Virginia 
and Maryland, with five Anglican churches. "When the 
war broke out it retired, leaving two hundred and fifty 
churches. 

And so this sketch must be finished without any more of 
the letters and reports to the Society, — letters which have 
seemed to me very interesting and human. Dr. Buchanan 
tells us that the Church records are scanty and fragmentary ; 
a search for more would seem futile. We do not know 
what happened during the Revolutionary War, or in pre- 
cisely what year the nave was extended to its present dimen- 
sions; only that it was between 1786 and 1789. Another 
Dr. William Smith, not related to the provost, was rector in 
1785. He was succeeded in 1786 by the Reverend Joseph 
Pilmore. In that year this church, All Saints, Lower Dub- 
lin, and St. Thomas's, White Marsh, were admitted to the 



294 Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 

convention. They were made one corporation by an Act 
of Assembly of 1787. For from some time before this the 
connection between Oxford and White Marsh was merely 
nominal. 

In 1798 the Reverend John II. Hobart, afterwards Bishop 
of Xew York, became the minister of Oxford and of All 
Saints for abont a year. Then, after three years, the Rever- 
end Charles Cotton officiated for a year or two. Then there 
was another vacancy of live years, services being sometimes 
supplied by the Reverend Dr. Abercrombie, long assistant at 
St. Peter's. In 1807 the west door was opened. In 1809 
the Reverend James Wiltbank became rector of the united 
churches of Oxford and Lower Dublin. In 1813 part of 
the £rlebe was sold for 84000, and in 1S38 the rest of it was 
sold for 83000. I presume the money was spent on the 
transepts which were built in 1833. The original tower was 
built by members of the Swift family in 1839, the tower as 
it is now by Mrs. John Lardner in 1875. The present rec- 
tory was built in 1856, the chapel at Crescentville in 1870, 
and the building in which you sit in 1883. 

So much for the buildings. Mr. Wiltbank was succeeded. 
in 1816 by the Reverend George Sheets. All Saints, Trinity, 
Oxford, and St. Thomas's, White Marsh, were made sepa- 
rate corporations by an Act of Assembly of March 21, 1835. 
The Reverend F. W. Beasley was made rector of All Saints. 
Mr. Sheets continued rector of Oxford till 1854, when the 
Reverend Edward Y. Buchanan, D.D., was elected rector. 
He served till 1882, and there I end. He was well known 
to many of you, and it would be impossible for me to do 
justice to his character or to his services in these closing 
words. During his rectorship his brother was elected Presi- 
dent of the United States, the Civil War was begun and 
ended, reconstruction was carried out. In those days politi- 
cal excitement caused many bitter feelings and strained 
many old friendships, but I never heard of an unkind word 
being spoken by Dr. Buchanan or about him. The parish 
was harmonious, prosperous, and liberal ; twenty-five years 



Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia. 295 

ago scarcely any parish in the diocese gave so much to 
missions. 

And, as Dr. Buchanan has said, the parish had been long 
a mother of churches, and in her progeny are to be reckoned 
All Saints, Lower Dublin; St. Luke's, Germ ant own ; Em- 
manuel, Ilolmesburg; St. Mark's, Frankford; The Church 
of Our Saviour, Jenkintown. Of course, I do not mean to 
say that these churches were built by this parish, but they 
may be called spiritual offshoots in ground that had been 
prepared by the clergy of this parish. So perhaps I may 
be allowed to say it has deserved well of those of its com- 
munion. Some of the daughter churches seem now stronger 
than the mother; the time may come when they may have 
to help her. The one thing to be regretted in this story, as 
I have tried to tell it, is, that in days of greater prosperity 
larger provision was not made for the permanent endow- 
ment of a place with such associations, where so many 
generations of good men have worshipped God and now 
lie in its quiet church-yard. An endowment fund has been 
begun; all who desire the preservation of this ancient 
church either as an historic monument, or as the resting- 
place of their ancestors, or as a place where good inspira- 
tions may be helped by cherished memories, may do some- 
thing to secure these ends. 



296 Some Love-Letters of William Penn. 



SOME LOVE-LETTERS OF WILLIAM PENN. 

[Selected from the Penn-Forbes Collection of Manuscripts, presented 
to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania by William Brooke Eavrle.] 

Most Deare H. C. 

My best love embraces thee w** springs from y e fountaine 
of Love & life, w* h Time, Distance nor Disapointm 13 can 
ever ware out, nor y e floods of many & great Waters ever 
Quench. Here it is dearest II — yt I behold, love, and 
vallue thee, and desire, above all other Considerations, to 
be known, received k esteemed by thee. And Lett me 
Say, that the loveliness yt the tendring & blessed Truth 
hath beutified thee with, hath made thee amiable in my 
eyes, above many, & for yt it is my heart, from the very 
first, has cleaved to thee. Did I say above many, ay, above 
all, & yt is my confidence in this thing at all times, to my 
Selfe and others, o let us meet here, most Dear H ! the 
comfort is unspeakable, and the fellowship undesolvable. 
I would perswade my self thou art of the same minde, tho 
it is hard to make thee say so. yet yt must come in time, 
I hope & beleive ; for why should I love so well & so much 
where I am not wellbeloved ? Take it not amiss : I have 
no other way of Convers, let my letters have some place If 
I deserve any ; tho I hope thou art sensible of me in yt in 
w* h we can never be seperated ; but the time draws neer, in 
which I shall enforce this subject beyond all scruple, yet 
till then I must tell thee, & ever that thou art most entirely 
beloved of 

Thy unchangable 

Friend W. P. 

Pray give my dear love to thy dear relations. 

For Thomas Callowhill in Bristoll. 



Some Love-Letters of William Penn. . 297 

WOBMEINGHURST 14. ll m 9 r >. 

Since my Dearest Hannah twice excuses herselfe for 
brevity, it may very well become me once to apologize for 
my length in two together, especially, when by a Parenthe- 
sis in her last, I perceive she made a remarke upon it. 
But since It was not want of kindness, she writt no more'* 
the fault could not be hers, & therefore very excusable. 
But I have nothing to say for my length but Love, which, 
if good for anything, may lessen my fault with one that is 
y e absolute M ra of it. But since my repentance is best 
shown by my amendment, I will neither be so long nor bo 
complaining. Know, then, my dearest friend, yt through 
the goodness of y e Lord, whose sure Mercies are with us, 
blessed be his name, my poor Boy is better, & in a way, I 
hope, of Recovery; often pert, k projecting his Journey to 
London k Bristoll : And takes thy kinde Concerne for him 
with respect. For the rest of them, they are well, and if I 
may believe them, all thyn, as thou would have them, and 
they ought to be. ffor poor Goodfellow, I think he has been 
better, ever since he took a Dose of Gr's : Elixir which, by 
all I observe, agrees best with his side k head, ffor my- 
selfe, since thou art not worse, I must be better; for thou 
mayst Judge of me by thyselfe. Xo Clock or weatherglass 
goes so true ; such is y e powr of simpathy above Art. I 
Long, my Dearest Hannah, to hear w* you have done, k of 
thy resolutions ; for thou mayst measure my desires by my 
love, & yt by thy Deserveings, of w ch , remember to apply 
the inclosed receipt, and thou wilt know more. It is hard 
for me to tell when & where to make an end, when I am 
writeing to thee, and how can I, when y* w cb excites it lias 
none, shall I then say, excuse or thanke me for writeing 
no more ? do w° h thou will, but remember, ever, that I 
am, with y e greatest truth k best of love, 

Thyn from all the World 

W M Pen>". 

myn give thee k thy Rela. their love k Respects, as I do 
thy D r Mother, k in a lower forme to thy Aunt Clemont A: 



298 Some Love-Letters of William Penn. 

uncle & Aunt Harris & to the Frds. yt ask after me. refuse 
not to write because I am here, for here as well as at Loud. 
I receive all. 

For my Dearest ftriencl 

Hannah Callowhill 
Bristoll. 

Warmingst 19. 11*0 95. 
My most dear II. 

How unhappy am I, yt anything I have writt should 
make thee uneasy, whom I love k preferr above all the 
world, k in whose love I seek my own happiness. But I 
hope my letters of the 11 th 15 th & 17 th will prove an eftectuall 
plaister for yt wound. Compassionate my illness, my trouble 
for my poor boys, and the concerne my love gives me for 
thee k my selfe ; k think me not only uncapable of altering, 
but of being unkinde to my Dearest friend, and if I seem to 
have thought her too cold & indifferent, under the circum- 
stances we stand under to one another, let her forgive it, 
because love is y e ground & spring of it. I charge y e9 not ; 
I love, honour k embrace y ee & am without reserve entirely 
thyn, as thou wouldst have me. therfore let me hear from 
thee as often as thou canst, till I see thee ; for next this, yt 
is the most acceptable. If my two months will end my 
pilgrimage, for yt I call my life in thy absence, in a per- 
ticuler manner, be so free k kinde as to lett me Know I may 
come down, if my health k sons will give me leave, for by 
y* time this is answered, y* 2 months will be up. yet as I 
have all along submitted my pleasure k satisfaction to thyn, 
so even in this, which is so desirable to me, I would have 
thee perfectly easy. If bille grows stronger, I think to be 
at London next week, for this distance is erksome to me, 
letters being 10 days in returne, tho I hope thou will not 
forbear to write because of yt, because they come as safely 
as to London. I rejoyce thou art so well, goe on k prosper, 
be happy & a Joy to thy selfe k to 

Thyn own true k Inseperable 

W. P. 



Some Love-Letters of William Penn. 29'.) 

myn pray thee to accept their love k respects, myn to 
thy relations, vale. 

For my Dear st ffriend 

Hannah Callowhill. 

Wabminghurst 30. li m 95. - 
Indeed I cannot, if I would, reproach my dearest friend 
for a careless silence, but much more reason I have to ad- 
mire her dillisrent goodness, and as she has not been want- 
ing in her number, so I am sure she has been less so in 
the matter of them. Ingenious, k Ingenuous too: Good, 
religious, wise, and kinde. I know w* is my Dearest II k 

w* not k from henceforth, she will hear no more of 

And now let me tell her yt my poor boy is, at best, at a 
stand. I hope thou wilt inwardly remember us. for my 
Selfe, I bless the Lord, I have now no other illness ; k waite 
with an ardent concern k travil, y e issue of my poor ehilds 
condition. Poor Childe, he embraced thy kinde letter very 
afrec ,y thou art so couragious as to owne thy love to him. 
more of yt elswhere, I am desired to tell thee, will be very 
acceptable. I rejoyce my Dearest frd. gains ground at any 
time ; k why should she ever loose any ? Is not virtue, re- 
ligion, sweetness k Goodness the motives of loveing her, k 
of her returnes for y e same ? for my S. W. it is below my. 
D r friends consideration, yt party has to little interest k es- 
teem neerer home to signify much ; besides I am satisfyed 
it is to recommend herself. H. i3 so much above her every 
way, yt I beg no more may be sayd of yt. let not thos 
thoughts have y e credit or Authority to disturb thy peace. 
be not in pain to recommend, sett off, or Ingratiate, let y e 
fear of God, k inward simplicity, & upright intention, of 
which he is both Author, witness & rewarder, be y* satis- 
faction of my Dearest H. k her D r k true ffrd. And now 
my Dear Heart pray give my kinde love to R. k B. S. I 
have writt to ym. It has been these 14 days, I beleive, in 
my minde, to write to you, wondering I have not heard of 
them, as at other times, they are our friends in a perticuler 



300 Some Love-Letters of William Perm. 

manner, and pray salute me to ym & use ym so. let pray 
M, W. II. Y. M. F. have my Dr love remembered to ym 
here, but to thy Dr Relations, in a suitable manner to yt 
neerness which thou hast given me by thy goodness, and 
for thy selfe I have none to give, because it can be no news 
to tell thee yt thou art absolute Mistress of 

Thy W. P. 
Spr. Tishe, & Bille send thee & thyn their respects. 
For Thomas Callowhill 
In Bristoll. 

Warmixghukst l 8t 12 m 95. 
I cannot forbeare to "Write where I cannot forbeare to Love 
as I love my dearest Hannah and if yt be a fault, till she 
ceases to be so lovely, I need no Apology for it. Receive, 
then, my Dearest Heart, the Embraces of the best love I 
have, that lives & flows to thee every day, with Continual 
desires for thy felicity every way: more especially in the 
best things, w ch setts all to rights, & gives a peace above 
the little & low interruptions of this world. Suffer not any- 
thing of it to disturbe or abate thy satisfaction, but feel thy 
peace bottom'd upon that which is unchangable. o meet 
me there, myn own Dearest, in thy retired walks & recesses 
from the world ,- & lett our fellowship be enlarged in that 
nobler Relation, w ch time cannot dissolve; which gives ns 
Courage, Sweetness, affection, truth & Constancy in the dis- 
charge of our Lower relation. The Lord in his wisdom & 
goodness, bless, comfort, fortefy & settle thy minde & spirit 
more & more, above every carefull thought, and anxious 
and doubtfull reflection, with w ch the most worthy, tender, 
& humble spirits are too often assaulted and but too incident 
to disquiet themselves with. In all which, my heart still 
loves & embraces thee above every other worldly comfort, 
of which thou hadst a proof in thy last receipt, w ch , tho I 
held the lower part too neer, & made it in part illegible, I 
read enough to be sensible & Concerned with most endeared 
affection for my poor deare H. and rejoyced yt last time it 



Some Love-Li iters of William Pom. 301 

geemcd over. Those qiiaras (or Calms) upon our Sp ts have 
as often naturall as extrordinary causes, & too often, we 
make work for ourselves, as I did in myn of the 9 th bateing 
vt part which concerned my poor Boy. And now I have 
named him, I am to tell thee, since thou hast told him thou 
lovest him, yt through the Lords goodness to us, lie's, 
we hope, better ; too be sure, stronger, k a better stomach, 
he is difficult for his food, else very tractable. He de- 
sires to present thee with his respects, and shall be very 
glad to see thee there, k if yt be denyed him (which he 
hopes will not) that he shall quickly see thee here. The 
Rest pray that they may be remembered in y* same man- 
ner, which I hope thou wilt accept, for their own sakes, k 
not the less for myn. They Joyn with me in Dear k re- 
spectfull salutes to thy Dear relations, please to salute me 
to friends as free, & in perticular to thy uncle k Aunts, k 
cosens. 

I shall be glad to hear thy Answear about the perticulars I 
mentioned in my last but one. I see no difficulty but about 
my daughters maide, who has many of y e qualitys of thy 
M. L. but country bred, a word upon yt. the Pride, Con- 
ceitedness, k Gossiping of too many of Citty education, 
gives me at least a caution of embraceing such for serv t8 
they are often above direction, or overrate their qualifica- 
tions, but these are more immediately under thy considera- 
tion and command, k yt shall Issue it, but we hear so well 
of this where she liv'd a little while before she came to us, 
& is so quick, honest k wiling, & young k strong, yt with 
direction, she, we think, will make a good serv*. I love 
simplicity but not silliness; wisdom, but not craft. But 
enough of this. jSTow, my Dearest, I will say no more, only 
remember the receipt for the eyes, & apply it. and at all 
times, k in all conditions remember thou art sure of the 
love k friendship of Him that is more than he could ever 
tell thee, 

Thyn Whilst 



302 Some Lovc-Lclters of William Penn. 

pray let me know w* Rooms are in the house below £ 
above, with all conveniences. 
For my Dearest Uriend 

Hannah Callowhill. 

Warmst 11. 12 ni 9b. 

My Dearest Hannah 

Tho I have had none from y e last post I cannot omit to 
visit a place I love so well, & yt I remember with so much 
pleasure k therefore send this to ask of your news, tho thy 
frd. B. supplyed yt, want as farr as he cold, and that was, in 
the absence of thyn, acceptable. I bless the Lord Ave mend, 
Grow Stronger, k are very quarrelsome for our Bille, so yt 
we sometimes are ready to fall out. Spr. has a cold yt is 
troublesome to him, but begins to ware away, we hope, and 
if the Lord give us ability, we think to sett out hence y e 
25 th day, k to be w th you on y e last day of j* month, of which 
thou will hear more fully. I think noe time is now to be 
lost & our deliberation will not much longer be esteenvd 
our virtue, but other thoughts entertained, if we bring it not 
to a period, wherefore nothing, on my part, if y e Lord please 
to give us health, shall obstruct k I would hope the same on 
my Deare II s part, I think to see London next 7 th day, k 
be at home again yt day week, if God give me life & health 
to do it. I need say little of our houshold matters, in a 
post or two thou will have an account of w* is sent, & y e 
keys by some safe hand, w ch is all yt y e season will allow. 
Tishe desires thee to excuse her sending her white curtains, 
unwasht, she had not time, I pressing her, k promessing to 
excuse it. overlook her outside, It was a gift of her mothers, 
& she never made it up before. y e curtains are to come no 
lower then y e bedsteed at bottom of counterpan reaching the 
Ground, serves for lower vallens. This with her Dr love k 
respects, is w* commission she gives me. Spr. k Bille, as 
readily pray I would do as much for ym, k all of ym to 
thy Relations : To whom let me be mentioned, I beseech 
thee, with true regards, & count of me thyself, as y e man of 



Some Lovc-Lctters of William Penn. 303 

y e world yt most entirely Loves & valines thee, above every 
other sencere comfort; & therefore is, with great delight, 

Thyn as he ought to be, 
W. P. 
my Dr love to frds & thy relations of y e 2 d ranck. 
For my esteem* Friend 

Thomas Callowhill in 

Bristoll 

Warming st 

14 th 12 m 05. 
Dearest & best Beloved friend 

Least my silence should be interpreted my Indifferency 
or neglect, I am unwilling to lett one post goe without 
some testimony of my most affect, remembrance of thee, 
who has so great & constant a share in my minde that very 
few moments escape, in which thou- art not y e subject of my 
best wishes & desires. I had none from thee or th} T father 
y* last post, but a large Galloping one from B. C. & this post 
one from thy father on the Back of his, Intimateing none 
from me the last 7 th day, being y e 8 th Instant. But ere this 
you are both convinet, It was none of my fault. Sometimes 
out of good husbandry, & haveing things to send up, I 
inclose myn to you, to S. V. to be put into y e post yt night ; 
& if y c people where he lodges omitt to give it him, he failes 
of my desire & direction. This I take to be the Case & 
cause of your suppose g me to have omitted writeing. Thou 
seest, as well as I love thee, I will not make thee my exam- 
ple in some things; and the reason is, because I love thee. 
And tho thou wouldst not make him thy Proxy to say, come 
& wellcome, B. I mean, yet that will not make me stay a 
day the longer from thee, In which I finde my Inclination 
and my Judgem* both agree. I will trust my never faileing 
frd with my acceptance & success. I humbly bless his great 
name for y e good news of your wellfaire, & yt I can say my 
poor Boy gains ground dayly, & is likely to be a wittness 
among the rest. Spr. has an ugly cold & cough, but I pray 



304 Some Love-Letters of William Penn. 

& hope it may pass off without great inconveniency. It is 
hereaway Epidemieall. Tishe is well, & is divided, between 
fear & Duty: she thinks she ought to write, & fears it may 
be troublesome : yet Duty is like to have y e better of it, 
by next post; when thou will have an account of y e things 
sent, if not by this. I think I will detaine thee no longer, 
but to give thee their respectfull Love, & pray y ee to do as 
much for them to thy Relations; who will iinde here my 
affectionate salutes ; yt I embrace thee in y e best love, is no 
news, since it can be none to y ee yt I love thee above y e 
world, <fc am so unreservedly 

Thyn 
W. P. 

Tishe prays if her bed be set up before we come yt y e 
vallens be turn'd in 8 or 4 inches. 

For my esteemed ffriend 

Thomas Callowhill 

In Bristoll. 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley ', 17S9-17£2. 305 



SELECTED LETTERS FROM THE LETTER-BOOK OF 
RICHARD HOCKLEY, OF PHILADELPHIA, 1730-1742. - 

Charles Town, Feb^ 3 rd 1739 
D R Sir 

The last time I did my self the Honour to write you was 
by M r Robert Ellis whom I hope is with you ere now and 
by him inform'd you of what little business I had trans- 
acted till that time, and since is so very trilling that unless 
something unexpected shoud turn out I don't know what to 
think of it and am quite tired out with so indolent a Life. 
Since my last to you two Sloops arrived from Xew York 
which brought a thousand barr 8 of Flour besides other Pro- 
visions which has brought the price down to 50/ p C l for 
Flour and all my Ship bread is still in Store which hope 
will be wanted in the Spring, tho' Cap 4 Barnes is every day 
expected from your place laden'd with Provisions and is to 
come Consigned to M r Cooper who has taken care to ac- 
quaint the People of it, the Flour sent from Xewyork is 
by order of some Merchants from Holland to their Factors 
there in order to have Rice shipt them home from hence, and 
as it is their orders the Xewyorkers comply with it knowing 
at the same time they must be loosers and several Mereh u 
has wrote from hence, if they send any more they will not 
pay the Freight and say they never knew the place so 
stock'd with provisions ever since their Memory. 

Rice now is at 35/ and coud purchase a considerable 
quantity at that price tho the Planters are resolv'd to send 
no more to town 'till a better price offers and unless Ship- 
ping should come in which at present is exceeding scarce 
and Freight very high, which is always the Case upon these 
occasions they will be at a loss what to do with it and 'tis 
remarkable when this Country Produce is low provisions of 
vol. xxvii. — 20 



306 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1789-1 



712. 



all sorts from the Northward is so to., though more so this 
Year on account of the vast quantity imported this Year 
and some has been sent from Rhode Island and Boston I 
mean Flour which is very surprizing and is in the hands of 
a good many People old settlers here which is another dis- 
advantage Strangers are under for acquaintance will, buy 
one of the other provided they are served as cheap by them 
and the Commoditys as good. 

Gen 1 Oglethorpe has sent an Express to town of the great 
Feats he had done in taking a Spanish Fort within 15 
miles of Augustine and some of his Flatterers has pass'd 
Enconiums on that occasion but how its received here you 
will see on the other side which is a paper just handed 
about and said to be wrote by one of the Assembly, and 
the House is now sitting and warm debates arise whether 
they shall comply with the Genera 13 request or not in send- 
ing him an Aid of 300 white Men 200 Xegroes and 1000 
Indians which will cost this Province by a Calculation made 
by a Comittee of the House £110,000 Currency and 'tis 
believ'd they will send them. I wish they may for they 
must carry a good quantity of Provisions with them to 
supply so many Men, tis believ'd if they do comply with 
this request M r Oglethorpe will succeed in his attempt for 
we understand by one of the Spanish Prisoners that they 
have not above three months provisions in the Fort for the 
Souldiers and if the place is beseiged the Inhabitants must 
of course take refuge in the Fort and by that means wou'd 
soon starve them out and make J em surrender — two or 
three days ago we had a Spanish prize brought in (a little 
Xew Sloop laden'd with Sugars and Tobacco) esteemed to 
be worth £2000 Sterling which is the third since I have 
been here and several very valuable ones has been carried 
into Providence so that they do now and then pick a little 
from the Spaniards and I hope your Privateer will come in 
for a Share which I shall be glad to hear. 

M r Whitefield arrived here this day Month and tarry 'd 
three days and preach'd twice in the Presbeterian Meeting 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-17 tf. 307 

and once in the French Church being denied the Commis- 
sary's Pulpit, he is applauded but by few and Condemn'd 
by a great many, however he does not much care for them 
for I heard him say one night at a Merchants house he had 
no great opinion of the place and as little of the People 
however he has sett paper Warr on foot here as you will 
see by the Gazetts I herewith send you, he speaks much in 
Favour of Philadelphia its Constitution and behaviour of 
the People and told me he intended to imbark in his Sloop 
for that place in April from hence and likewise of his in- 
tention to settle a small town with some Familys of the 
Methodists that he expected would come from England, 
and very pleasantly told all the Company of the dispute he 
had with M T Peters or rather of M r Peters attacking him as 
soon as he came out of the Pulpitt and if I have a right 
account of the Case M T Peters did not succeed so well as I 
could wash in the opinion of a good many of his Friends 
there, Mr. Wliitefields Sloop sails this day from hence 
laden'd with Bricks to build the Orphan House, and the 
Captain tells me he has since his arrival at Georgia taken 
thirty poor Children into his House and provides them 
with all necessarys and instructs them himself untill the 
house is built. 

This you will receive Via Xewyork the Vessell that in- 
tended for your place not sailing this six days and by that 
conveyance shall send the Gazetts I mentioned and having 
an immediate opportunity and a desire to comply with your 
orders in writing by every opportunity is the reason I send 
this before them and indeed did not know of this Vessells 
sailing till just now. Be pleased Sir to present my humble- 
respects to M r Freame M rs Freame and Master Tommy and 
kind love to iSTanny and Sammy and excuse this trouble and 
believe me to be with all Eespect 

Hon d Sir 
Y r most obliged and obedient 
humble Servant 

R. II. 



808 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

Charles Town Febry 18 th 1739. 
Honi> Sir 

The above is coppy of my last to you per Cap* IJinson 
and this you will receive per Cap* Cox a Vessell belonging 
to M r Y\ 7 ooddrop who has gott a Barrell of Cevie Oranges 
on board Markt PX°1 which I hope will prove good and 
beg your acceptance off. 

M r Bullards Snow is Arrived, on whom I am to ship 
three hundred barrels of Rice she will be ready to take in, 
in eight or ten days and have already advised M r Hyam of 
it, by a Yessell that sail'd yesterday and shall do the same 
by two other Vessells that will sail shortly and as he will be 
a judge what price Rice may fetch and knows the quantity 
thats generally in a barrel have left the Insurance entirely 
to his discretion and only given him an Account of the 
quantity and the time of the Vessels sailing, which will be 
the middle of next month at farthest. 

Flour and Bread sells miserably slow and very low, and 
indeed they have now no occasion for the supply as formerly 
for by a moderate calculation they lost eight hundred white 
people in the last Sickness and instead of its encreasing di- 
minishes dayly and will more so if the People keep their 
resolutions of going to settle to the Northward and indeed 
the Climate is so changeable that we are freezing and 
melting two or three times a day and I am much more 
sensible of the cold here than when we have a severe winter 
with you and so farr from esteeming it a pleasant Winter 
Country that I think it a very disagreable one, and was 
not one to putt on or pull of a Coat as the Weather varies 
should run the risk of catching violent Colds and give me 
Pennsylvania to any Country I have seen yet. 

The little News that is stirring here is the latest and I 
believe genuine and perhaps may be new to you is the 
reason I communicate it. Cap* Warren returned the other 
day from his Cruize and spoke with a Yessell that was 
going home and was to carry the News of Porto Bello 
being taken, and Cap* Crosthwaite Master of Bullards 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 309 

Snow fell in with Admiral Ogles small licet consisting of 
four Men of Warr one of whom was Cap 1 Wyndham with 
three fire Ships and two hombketches just off Antegua 
they were Steering for Jamaica but cou'd not learn on 
what account but His believed here they are going to 
Attack the Havannah. Cap 1 WhitefLeld brother to M r 
Whitefield arrived here yesterday from Bristoll in nine 
Weeks who informs us the Parliament was setting and de- 
sired stremmously that his Majesty woud not accept of any 
Mediation that the french shoud offer unless the Spaniards 
woud give up the searching of our Vessels which it seems 
they much insist on, and that it was the General Opinion 
we shoud have Warr with France, also that a Spanish Man 
of Warr of fifty Guns had taken fourteen Sail of English 
Vessels off the Coast of Ireland one of which was bound to 
your place with eighty Welsh People and has carried them 
to the Coracoas to learn to splutter Spanish, one of Admi- 
ral Ogles Ships was sent after them and was obliged to re- 
turn being disabled by a hard Gale of Wind which carried 
his Foremast away by the Board and Cap 1 Whiteiield took 
up the Sails and Rigging and brought them in here and 
says orders were immediately despatched to the West Indies 
if not too late for the Men of Warr to intercept them and 
take the poor Welsh Folks back again and Convoy 'em to 
your Capes which I wish may so happen, likewise that a sixty 
Gun ship laden'd with ammunition and well Man'd with 
Soldiers was to Sail soon after him for Frederica in Georgia 
with a design as 'tis thought to take Augustine which is 
very lucky for the People here who have Voted £120,000 
this currency for the General to assist him and only wait 
the return of the Express to know the Generals answer and 
realy they have done exceeding well and it will shew the 
General they have some regard for him and his projects, 
this sum is to be raised by a publick tax which they can't 
well bear their Rice bearing so low a price and having a 
considerable sum besides to raise to pay off the Publieks 
Debts, 'tis to be paid in six Years and bills of Credit 



310 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

amongst the Merchants is to be the Cash if the Gen 1 ap- 
proves of the Sum which 'tis thought he will. 

I flatter *d myself this Expedition if carried on would have 
been of some Service to me in the disposal of my Cargo but 
I since understand they design to feed them with rice and 
Indian Corn &c. and what provisions is bought is to be on a 
twelve months Credit and that at the lowest rate so that 
when I shall dispose of this Cargo appears to me at present 
impossible to tell however I do my part amongst them and 
I believe as well as any and am now about bartering away 
one hundred barrels of Flour for Rice and shall I believe 
agree with the Man after consulting M r Watson about it. 
Rice is now at thirty five shillings per Cent which is a very 
low price and indeed the Merchants can't afford to give a 
better price since freights is so very high four pounds ten 
shillings to Holland and £3.15 to London per tonn which 
Sum I give with another Merchant and load the Vessell be- 
tween us, and imagine ourselves well off, for here is but 
very few Vessells in the Harbour and lately come in who 
insist and stand out four pounds per tonn for London and 
'tis believ'd they will gett it so that if they arrive safe 
they will make very great Voyages and if the Ships does 
not come in foster the Planters will be intirely deinolish'd 
and shou'd there be Warr with france 'tis all over with this 
Country which is the opinion of most People here. I have 
sold but twenty barrels of Ship bread occasioned by the 
small quantity of Shipping here, and what does come meet 
with such dispatch that they need not any, however am 
still in hopes I shall gett it off, tho Barnes in the Snow that 
Cap* Bell loads is expected every day and am afraid that 
will be some hinderance as certainly it will, for I am certain 
in a month or two the Men of TVarr must want bread, and 
shall endeavour to stand some chance among them, altho 
there is now a good quantity in Town besides what I have 
gott, the Midling bread goes off but slowly and have dis- 
posed of about fifty barrels and if I agree with the Person 
as above shall have disposed of one half of my Flour and 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1789-1 7 -/ ?. 3 1 1 

shall think myself well oft' if can dispose of the rest in the 
same time but am doubtfull of that success. 

Now Sir having advised you of all that I can conclude 
with my due respects to M r Freame his Lady and Master 
Freame and with all possible Esteem am 
D r Sir 

Your most obliged Friend 
and obedient humb e Servant 

Richard Hockley. 

Be pleased Sir to remember my kind Love to Nanny 
and Sammy and Service to M r Peters. 

Barbados July 21. 1739 
Hond Sir 

This is the first opportunity that has presented and given 
me the pleasure to acquaint you of my Arrival to this Island 
on the 10 th Instant after a passage of 28 days from the Cape 
and to a very indifferent market. 

On my Arrival I waited on the several Gentlemen with my 
Letters of recomm a and it was their opinion if I proceeded 
further I should fare no better and be detain' d a much 
longer time, Rum in Antegua being very dear k scarce any 
to be had and bills at 72J p C l . I have disposed of 700 
barr s flour 180 barr 3 of bread but y e tierces as yet stick 
on hand, my Herrings I have not yet seen y e Yessell being 
not yet unloaded but if they prove good shall readily dis- 
pose of 'em. 

I believe I need not assure you of my Care and endeav- 
ours to make y e most of my Cargo and in all respects 
observe your orders, I have bespoke y e sweet meets and 
Waters of M™ Mein and she promises they shall be extra- 
ordinary. I have not as yet seen any new Xegroes, a Ves- 
sell from Guinea Arrived here 3 days ago but they not 
being in demand she SaiPd to y e Leeward. I shall remit 
your part of y e Cargo to M r Hyam in a bill of Exc ?e which 
may be had for 30 p C l and will answer much better than 
Hum as you must pay Comiss 118 & other charges in Philad a 



312 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

for y* sale here is not a Turtle to be had neither have I seen 
or heard of one since my Arrival but shall endeavour if 
possible to get one & bring with me which I hope won't be 
lon£. I have sent you a barrel of Limes which I bee: your 
Exceptance of and with them should have sent some 
Oranges if there was any to be got, for M™ Freame, this is 
not the Season for 'em, being not biger than a large lime 
nor wont be fitt to gather this 5 or 6 weeks. 

M r Knight & Oxley are extreamlv Civil & serviceable to 
me from your kind recommend 11 and can't help saying I 
wish I was sufficient master of my pen to express y e grate- 
full sentiments of my Heart for all y e Obligations you have 
lay'd me under, and on all occasions shall endeavour to 
Convince you that I am what I subscribe myself with much 
sincerity 

D r S r 

Your most Obliged Friend 
& obedient hum b Serv* 

R.H. 
Please S r to present my humb e 
respects to M r F. his Lady and 
Master F. & Service to M r Peters. 

Philad* Sep. 3 rd 1739 

M K Bernard Hannington 
Dear Sir 

By this conveyance I have the pleasure to acquaint you 
of my Arrival here on the 25 th Ultimo after a pleasant 
Passage of two and twenty days from Speights's which made 
amends for the flutter the Gust of Wind put us in and oc- 
casion'd our departure sooner than expected having left a 
good deal of Freight behind us which I suppose was pleasing 
enough to OLD SOFORTH and you're sensible its an ill 
Wind that blows nobody good and beleive I may add the 
old Proverb Fools k Knaves have luck & the reverse of 
them only Chances. A few days before my Arrival War 
was proclaimed at our Court House and the Governour has 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1 730-1 7 '42. 313 

Commission to grant letters of Mark to any Persons that arc- 
willing to make Reprisals on the Spaniards but our Friendly 
Obadiahs being as obstinate as their Stiff will I believe lav 
up their Vessels, those that has any winch will in some 
measure lessen the Navigation from this Port and give Per- 
sons of a more adventurous disposition an opportunity of, 
fretting a Golden Chain or broken le^g amongst which 
number will be our friend Sam Carpenter who intends in a 
few Weeks to sail for Jamaica whose prosperity I much 
wish, and am very merry with him about the Progress he 
will make in the Spanish Language and thereby become a 
Man of Letters shou'd he have the fortune to be carried to 
one of the Spanish Colleges as I call their Prisons. This 
Rumour of War has occasioned our Country Produce to 
rise very much and that in one day Rum from 2/1 a gallon 
to 2/8 and Sugars are from 40 to 50/ p Cent and the Mer- 
chants expect to sell yet higher, the People are very cau- 
tious in buying expecting it will lower, and how it will 
happen must Confess am no judge of however I wish now 
I had brought all my Effects in Rum & Sugar and that 
wou'd have occasioned my tarrying here this "Winter, but 
as it is am resolved to venture out this fall again to some 
place or other where there's a probability of a Market. 

The inclosed letters for M r Bourke one of which I knew 
to be your writing and the other M r Devyn's I thought 
wou'd be agreable to you to have returned he being saiPd 
a few days before my arrival for Lisbon and by that means 
disappoint inquisitive Persons from prying into other 
People's affairs which is often y* Case when y* Persons 
themselves are not present on the Spot, all your acquaint- 
ance are well as I suppose youl hear from the Girls w T ho 
told me they would write you and to whom referr you for 
particulars for they told me a Crack shou'd not be let without 
you knowing it, tho for fear of an Omission must inform 
you of Poor Col. Sharp's death a few days ago after keeping 
hi3 room about three Weeks. 

Be pleased Sir to tender my best respects and Service to 



314 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-171,2. 

all inquiring Friends particularly Cap* Game and believe me 
to be unfeign'dly 

Your obliged Friend, lmm e Serv* k 
Wellwisher 

Ricii d Hockley. 

Charles Town S° Carolina Nov. 29 th 1739 
Hoxo Sir 

This is to acquaint you of my Arrival here on the 24 th 
Instant after an agreable passage of six clays from the Capes, 
and the town is pretty healthy again the late Sickness having 
swept off a very great number of People of which were 
three hundred of the Militia belonging to this town the 
Principal officers of which make a very Elegant appearance 
and the whole Carried on in Compleat order and with a 
Martial Spirit they exercised about two days ago their 
Cannon by lireing at a Cask anchor'd in the bay about half a 
mile distant from the Fort and perform'd wonderfully well 
and seem not to value any Invasion from the Spaniards and 
took from them sometime asro three Pettiangers of no great 
Consequence. 

I must now inform you with much regrett the lowness of 
the Marketts here occasioned by a great quantity of Pro- 
visions already here before my arrival and what is worse the 
quantity that is coming from your place and Xew York 
from the latter is a young Gentleman settled here and has 
a Sloop once in six Weeks from thence with about 250 
ban* flour and bread in Proportion and by that means com- 
mands the Markett for the People will always go to the last 
Cargo that Comes in he had one Arrived the day after us, 
but sells very slow. I have gott Stores for my Cargo about 
five of them and not so convenient as I could Wish being 
up in the Town the others on the Wharfs being taken up 
with rice of which there is a great Crop this Year and 
sells for forty shillings p Cent and freight to London is 
£3.10 and to Holland £3.15 for which place Cap* Piercy will 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockhy, 1739-174?, 315 

sail as soon as possible. I Lave begun to Store some part 
of my Cargo which from the quantity makes an Alarm 
here and have been told I shall not be able to sell it here 
whilst good and when I shall have the pleasure to see you 
again I know not, however I have forwarded ray Letter to 
Gen 1 Oglethorp by an Ensign belonging to his Camp two 
days ago who says the Gen 1 only Waits to hear of Warr 
being nroelainrd and then he will attack Augustine which 
he longs much to be at and he believes will want some Pro- 
visions. 

I gave mv letter to M°Kenzie M r Watson being not vet 
arrived who promises to do me any Sendee he can in recom- 
mending his friends to me but withal told me he did not 
much understand that branch of trade and that night went 
out of town and I have not seen him since he recommended 
me to lodge at one M r Bullarcls a correspondent of M r Law- 
rences and the greatest dealer in Provisions the Man is ex- 
ceeding kind to me and is at present seeing my Goods got 
into the Stores one of which I had of him I being at present 
troubled with an Innamation in my throat and a small 
fever so that I can't without much difficulty and great pain 
swallow anything but hope it will soon go over being not 
able to look after my business my self which gives me much 
Concern and makes me very uneasy. I have sent an adver- 
tisement to be put in the Gazett of what Provisions I have 
and where to be mett with and when it comes out shall see 
if it is of any Service I have only sold four barr 3 of flour 
and them to two of the principle bakers here for a tryall 
and if they like it shall have their Custom I believe, bread 
is in no demand at all being a great quantity before I came 
and two of the Men of Warr are out a Cruizing and that 
here is already supply' d for sometime. 

Mr. Crumby Attorney Gen 1 of this place told me that 
Cap 1 Townsend Cap* of a Man of Warr and Son to Lord 
Townsend Treasurer receiv'd a letter the beginning of Oct r 
last from a Person of Quality who writes him that there 
was positively a twenty Gun Ship stationed for Delaware 



316 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

Bay at the Instance of S r Charles Wager which I am much 
pleased to hear and cou'd not omitt this paragraph though 
undoubtedly yon know it before this can reach yon and 
pray it may find yon with M r Freame his Lady Master 
Freame &c. all in Health and wish yon a Merry Christmas 
and a happy Xew Year and am 

IIon d Sir 

R. H. 

P.S. Pray Sir excuse my importuning you for a line by 
the first Conveyance Flour £3. S. B. £3. M. B. £5. 

Charles Town Dec r 12 th 1739. 
Hon d Sir . 

The above is Coppy of what I wrote you by Cap* Barnes 
in the Snow Pollv and this you will receive Via Xewvork 
to acquaint you of my being very well recover d of my late 
Indisposition and that all my Cargo is safely stored and am 
afraid will remain so for some time here being no demand 
at present for any Provisions, and the free trade to Augus- 
teen being stopt is a very great detriment to the Sale of 
Flour because what is imported must be expended here and 
in course lowers the price, the Bakers who are the principle 
purchasers knows this and goes from one Store to the other 
to see where they can buy cheapest, and Dealers in pro- 
visions already feel the Effects of not trading with the 
Spaniards for by sending off 7 or 800 barr 3 of Flour and 
bread in a glutt here presently raised the prices of what was 
left and by that means induced purchasers to buy up very 
readily and give better prices than they now do. The two 
Bakers I mentioned in my former who had a tryal of my 
flour like it very well butt offer but 50/ a hundred, to one 
of them I sold sixty barrels for fifty two and six pence, the 
other would not give it and went to M r AVragg and bought 
fifty barr 8 at his own price and he sold two hundred barr E 
of Ship bread to the Man of Warr for fifty shillings a hun- 
dred which I am positive there must be a loss on. Paynters 
Cargo was consigned to him who arrived here three days 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1? 39-1742. 317 

ago and Cap* Goodman is hourly expected who will bring a 
great quantity of Provisions with him and am certain from 
the quantity that is here a good deal must perish before it 
can he Consumed. I know Sir this can he no pleasin&r 
account to you and as to my part I am so much chagrined 
that I am positive I shall not enjoy one days ease whilst I - 
am here it's very unfortunate and provoking to lay out ones 
Money and come here to sell ones Commoditys for a Loss, 
nay I need not say sell unless times shou'd mend and at 
present there is but a very indifferent prospect. M r Watson 
arrived here three days ago and I waited on him he has 
brought in a large quantity of Goods and at present is very 
busy in Opening them but promises to do me all the Ser- 
vice he can with his best advice and was surprized when I 
told him the quantity of Provisions I had brought and in- 
timated that the half was full enough at one time for he 
observ'd very justly that so large a quantity being imported 
at once made the bakers very indifferent about buying and 
every Person that has Flour to sell is very willing to sell it 
almost at any rate and I find they are governed where they 
can buy cheapest. 

I am told by several Persons that I think I may de- 
pend upon that there is now and was indeed before I came 
a great quantity of Provisions in this place and I am sure I 
feel the Effects on it for the chief part is in a retail way 
and I have not sold above twelve Casks single since mv 
Arrival and yet they count this the most brisk part of the 
year as the planters come to Town with their Rice and pur- 
chase Provisions to keep Christmas with, but they complain 
of the lowness of the price given for Rice which indeed is 
a glutt as well as Provisions and might be purchased for 
37/6 p. hundred at present and will be lower it is believ'd 
unless Vessels shou'd come in faster, of which there is such 
a scarcity that every Person that can Charters a Ship as soon 
as she arrives here and they are afraid they shall want Yes- 
sells to ship of this years Crop which is very considerable 
they reckon above one hundred thousand barrels has been 



318 Letters from Letter-Book of Biehard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

made this Year which will take near two hundred Sail to 
cany it oft'. I shall endeavour Sir with the best advice I 
can gett to act agreable to the Confidence you have reposed 
in me but realy things at present appear with such an aspect 
that "I am much discouraged and am afraid must tarry here 
much longer than you intended I shoud perhaps you may 
Imagine I want to return sooner than the Nature of the 
affair can admitt of after complaining in this manner and 
being here so short a time, but I shall be very agreably 
disappointed if what I have related and am apprehensive 
of with . regard to the Sale shoud turn out anything like 
what you Expected and my Endeavours and attendance I 
am sure will not be wanting. 

I have said all that is at present needfull and am much 
Concern'd it is not in my power to give a more pleasing 
account nor have the good fortune to serve you and myself 
agreable to my desire, but this is still complaining though 
very Justly and as I can't at present be more Entertaining 
shall conclude with Wishes for your Wellfare with the 
whole Family to whom please to tender my best regards 
and believe me to be with all Imaginable Esteem 

Hon d Sir 

Your &c. 
R. H. 



Charles Town April 9 th 1740 
IIon d Sir 

I have now both your Favours before me received by 
Cap* Stedman and Barnes and as both of them breathes 
nothing but good Wishes and a Concern for my Welfare of 
which I am truely sensible and want Expressions to inter- 
pret the Sentiments of my gratefull Heart on all occasions 
to convince you how much I think it my Duty to retaliate 
as much as in my Power lyes your kind Benefactions and 
Paternal Affection shall endeavour to act in all respects so 
as to give you Pleasure and satisfaction and since I have 
been brought up under your Protection can truely say my 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1730-17. f,2. 319 

Heart is knitt to you in a much stronger manner than per- 
haps it might have heen by Kindred blood, for you eoird 
have no inducement to behave in this manner to poor 
Fatherless Children but from your sincere profession of 
Friendship which is a perfect Example for us all to walk by 
and pray God my brothers & Sister may have the same due 
Sense of it that I have which I have no reason to think the 
Contrary of at present but as they grow up will have a 
much greater. 

I observe the care you have taken and Concern for me 
in behalf of the "Widow and as it all is done to promote my 
Happiness return you my hearty thanks and as I had no 
reason by her behaviour the time I was there to dislike 
your proposal have wrote her a few lines, and as now I can 
truly say if she had ten times as much & coud not expect to 
be happy, I mean as farr as it is consistent in this Life woud 
be no Inducement to me to have her, or the greatest For- 
tune alive, and if she and I shoud not agree, I coud do no 
less than write to her out of good manners, If I had no 
other Inducement for by what little I have seen she is de- 
serving of Respect, and as you justly retort upon me from my 
frequent complaints to you w th regard to disappoint 13 Justly 
observe the trouble we take to gett a little Money, (which may 
well be term'd y e Dust of y e Earth and Serpents Curse unless 
proper means are U3ed to procure it and done when properly 
apply'd) is to make us easy, and therefore if disappointed 
shou'd bear it patiently, as it is at most only the means of 
making us so, and nothwethstand* I sum'd up all the reason 
I was Master of, and reflected on having so true a friend as 
yourself, that would do all y e Services you coud not having 
the proper watch over myself, the Devil took y e advantage 
and flung me into dispair even to make away with self, I 
know this Ace 1 will shock you and what you little Expected, 
for when I have the pleasure of seeing you I shall give you 
a true description of the several attempts that I made, and 
how God has been Graciously pleased to deal w th my Soul 
in not suffering y e attempts to succeed, and am certain has 



320 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

given me a very different turn of Mind, as you will see by 
my letters to M r k M" Freame to which I refer you. 

I have now almost brought my affairs to a Conclusion 
and expect to sail in a Sloop that comes from Georgia in 
fourteen days, and it is impossible to think Sir the difficulty 
unless you was acquainted with y e Mature of the Place,* 
however it is done as well as I possible cou'd and as soon 
even to Mess™ Watson k M c Kenzie surprize I wrote a letter 
to Sam Carpenter since I was here and have reced an an- 
swer from him, and am now treating about a Schooner to 
carry oil some of the Flour agreable to Watson k M c Ken- 
zie's advice and if we cant agree shall deliver y e remaining 
part of the Cargo to them make y e best of it which I am 
convinced they Will if this Vessell that brings you this 
woud have staid but ten days longer I believe I cou'd 
have made a Shift to have Come in her, but however 
hope two or three Weeks will make no difference and 
have Comply'd with your orders hitherto to return as 
soon as I can. 

I have purchased three fine young Slaves for you, the best 
that has been here allow'd by proper Judges, but gave some- 
thing more than what they were formerly sold at, because 
y* Assembly have made an Act in order to prevent y e im- 
portation of such great quantitys of Xegroes, and is to last 
for three years 'tis true they have not Power to hinder such 
a Branch of Trade so very considerable, but it is done in 
this Manner, the Purchasers are to pay for every Man and 
Woman Slave into the Treasurers hands one hundred pound 
duty a head, and that w th ready Money and it is but here 
and there one that can Command it so that they are pretty 
certain this will be an Effectual prohibition. Gen 1 Ogle- 
thorpe was here three weeks ago and y* Council has Com- 
plyed with his demand and accordingly Volunteers were 
beat up for and they have got their Complement which is 
four hundred, such as they are, poor Souls many of them 
had better be sent to an Hospitall, Mess" Vanderdussen and 
Thomas Wright an old acquaintance of yours in England, 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-17 $2. 321 

the former goes Collonel and y* other Comissary and are to 
get out in six days on the Expedition. 

I have shipt 300 Barr 9 of Rice to London on your and 
brothers Account and have sent M r Hyam duplicates by two 
other Vessels that sail'd about the same time which was the 
latter end of March the freight at £3.15 per ton and now at 
this time they ask £4.10, which will never answer M T AVat- 
son took up a little Brig the other day for Bristol and gives 
£4 and is in some doubt whether he shall save himself for 
he is a nice Calculator, there is no such thing as bills of 
Exchange to be had nor Skins and I have gott some Money 
by me and what I expect to receive in a day or two that 
would purchase about one hundred Barr 9 more coud I gett 
freight to Holland if I cant must do as well as I can, and at 
present no Vessels in the Harbour to load, Except one and 
the Captain asks £5 to London & believe he will gett it. I 
shall look out for a peice of Silk for M™ Frame that I think 
will please her and bring you all the Laws of this place that 
are published and now Conclude with my sincere Prayers 
for your Health and Happiness in this Life and Everlasting 
Enjoyment of that which is to come and am with all pos- 
sible Esteem, Hon'd Sir 

Your most Affect 1 * & obliged Friend 
and humble Servant 

B.H. 

I bad almost forgott to return you my thanks for the beer 
you was so kind to send me, and think 'tis very good. 

Philada June 8 th 1740. 

M K Bernard Hannington 
D. Sir 

Inclosed you have Invoice and Bill of Loading for some 
provisions and Lumber as specified therein which I hope 
will come safe to your hands and to a good Markett. I 
have taken the liberty to trouble you with this small Con- 
signment, and if you can at any time give me any Encour- 
agement don't in the least doubt but I can ship more 
VOL. xxvn. — 21 



322 Letters from Letter-Book of Biehard Hockley, 1789-1742. 

largely to you, if you approve of it, and can truly say I 
ehoud be very glad to keep up a Correspondence with you 
in this way, if there is any prospect of Advantage, the 
Flour is of the best sort & do assure you cost me six pence 
per Cent, as I shall always send the best of every kind, but 
it will sell when others will not. I am in hopes this 
Adventure will in some measure make amends for my last 
bad Voyage to Carolina, from where I returned a fortnight 
ago, and there reeeiv'd a letter from you which was for- 
warded to me, and was glad to hear of your "Wellfare. I 
understand you heard of my Death as 'twas said and 
frieudly sympathized thereat but blessed be God I am still 
alive, I hope to prepare my self for so awfull but certain 
Change, and to have some more Converse with you, if not 
in person by these silent Messengers, by whom we can con- 
vey our thoughts, without being over heard, and I hope in 
time to our Mutual Advantage, I take the Liberty to 
recommend my friend Francis Richardson to you, who has 
sent a small Adventure by this same Conveyance he is a 
very \Yorthy young Quaker and don't doubt but you will 
Comply with his orders as soon as the affair will admit off. 
TThen you have disposed of my small Cargo, I desire 
you woud ship me by the first Conveyance 8 Barr s of good 
Sugar such as you pretty well know will suit our Markett 
and 4 Barr 9 of Lump Sugar in Barrels the best you can 
gett, and the rest in good pleasant tasted and well proof ? d 
Rum, all which I have reason to believe you will Comply 
with, for you are sensible quick Remittance is the Spring 
and Life of Business. I cant pass over in Silence to you 
the surprizing Change and alteration I see in the People of 
this Place since that Shining Light the Rev d M r Whitefield 
has been amongst 'em who no doubt you have heard of, 
Religion is the Topick of Conversation and they all have it 
much in their mouths pray God it may sink deep into 
their Ilearts so as to Influence their Actions and Conversa- 
tion, make them good lSTeighbours and sincere Friends, 
which I know you will say Amen to, I have heard him 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-17 $2. 323 

several times here & in S° Carolina ami had several private 
Conversations with him, he appears to me to be a very 
sincere person Zealous for his Masters Cause, and justly 
admired for his Elegant though plain Language and easy 
to be understood, and for the Serious Vein of Piety that 
runs through all his Exhortations crowded after by Multi-' 
tudes tho much traduced by some who have no true Sense 
of Religion, he is endeavouring to reclaim a wicked Vicious 
and Sinfull Age, and that with great Authority and Cour- 
age, and must own to you I never heard of or saw his 
Fellow. 

All your acquaintance as farr as I know are very well, 
Miss Peggy Rogers is Married to an old Man a Mate of a 
Vessell, M r Bishop is in the Sherifs Custody at Burlington 
for Debt, poor unhappy Man he has brought his Pigs to a 
fine Markett pray give my Respects to all that ask after 
me, and shall be glad of a line from you by the first oppor- 
tunity and with much sincerity assure you that I am with 
great Regard 

D. Sir 

Your Friend k Wellwisher 

Rich d Hockley. 
Per y* Sloop Encrease j 

Cap* W m Darrell J 

Philad* Sep 4 10 th 1740 

M R John Watson 
Dear Sir 

I reced from M r Hair both your favours and am much 
concerted to see one, on so disagreable a Subject as the 
last Hours and death of my little favourite dear Jemmy 
and sincerely Condole with you on the Loss of the little 
Innocent Amuser, but thrice happy Babe, I am conscious 
if I go on shall awaken your Paternal affection which I 
have great reason to hope is by this time through calm 
reflection and Submission to divine Providence in some 
measure lull'd asleep and from the Subject of your letter 
am extreamly pleased to find your resolution still strength- 



324 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1789-17 42- 

ens and withal affords matter of real Comfort, Solace and 
Joy in the Meditation of a retired hour, free from the anx- 
ious Care and hurry of a gfiddv World, having an Eve that 
is single and minding the one thing needfull a Serious and 
proper reflection and Meditation on our Pardon and how 
that was obtain'd through the death and Sufferings of the 
Author and Finisher of our Faith this I know woud appear 
absurd to numbers of Persons who must have a Mathemati- 
cal demonstration or else it's not consistent with their great 
Wisdom and reason and would endeavour to oversett all 
Internal Revelation, but these are the Men whose Heads 
outrun their Hearts and passions support their Conceits 
and as you very justly observe if we contend within our- 
selves till all agree we may be usher'd into Eternity before 
our thoughts are placed on the proper object, but if we 
believe the Gospell we must acknowledge our Spirits may 
be brought to a Standard and without Enthusiasm say that 
the Doctrine the great reformer M r W. is inculcating of the 
Spirit of God being felt is true, if our blessed Lords report 
is true for I think he speaks to the Apostle in this wise, yet 
a little while and ye see me, and yet a little while and you 
see me no more which gave them much uneasiness till 
he explain'd himself more clearly for says he, it is needfull 
that I go away and send you another Comforter even the 
Holy Ghost that shall lead you into all truth and yet the 
Doctrine of the Spirit of God is burlesqued in an Age of 
Infidelity, may you dear Sir with self and all sincere Seek- 
ers be made partakers of that most blessed Witness within 
us and know our Hearts and Affections to be changed and 
thoroughly renovated, then will all discord strife and Emu- 
lation cease, k let come what will come neither Princi- 
pality nor powers on Earth be able to shake us, nor rob us 
of that peace which passeth humane Understanding is my 
hearty desires and prayers. I come now to observe what 
you say with respect to the Goods I left in your hands and 
observe the flour was almost sold, a large quantity of bread 
remaining still which I hope you will endeavour to dispose 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-174?. 325 

of as soon as possible, broad here is very scarce occasioned 
by the great quantity bespoke for by the Agents here for 
supplying the Navy in Jamaica and am certain you can't 
have much from hence this Winter, when all sold and the 
Cash reced you intend to remitt the proceeds to M r Ilyam 
which will do very well and hope you will be able to gett 
the money for M r Thomas Wrights bill directly as that was 
paid to me as ready Cash, I have wrote him a few lines 
which I beg you wou'd be pleased to deliver him, I have 
receiv'd the two waiters and am obliged to you for send* 
them and must beg the favour of you to send me 6 burga- 
mott Snuff boxes if you can gett them 'tis to oblige a 
Gentleman here and a friend of mine or else I would not 
trouble you with these trifles, and pay for the waiters and 
them out of the money M* Wright shall pay you because 
that is no concern of M r Penns who gives his Service to you 
k thanks you for buying the Turtle you intended to send 
if opportunity had presented. 

Please to give my kind respects to M w Watson and 
have sent her a few bottles of Gooseberry which I beg her 
acceptance of and wishing you both what is truly desirable 
I remain with much Esteem 
D r Sir 

Your most obliged fr d & well Wisher 

Rich Hockley. 



Phelada Xov r 29 th 1740 
Per Ship Friendship Cap 1 Vettery 

M R Jn° Watson 
D* Sir 

This is to acknowledge the receipt of yours per Cap 1 
Lindsey with Ace 4 Sales of the Bread & flour left in your 
hands except five barrels of Flour and eight barrels of 
bread (two of y e latter you was to have from M r Lampton 
which by mistake went to his Store) more which I have an 
account of and at your leisure be pleased to examine into it, 
I observe w T hat you say with regard to remitting to M r Tho" 



326 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1 739-1742. 

Ilyam which is well and hope shortly you may gett what is 
outstanding to send with it and please to let it be mentioned 
2/3 on Account of John Thomas and Richard Penn Esq" 
and onethird on my account and when you receive the 
money from M r Wright which is my own he pleased to send 
the same to M r ITyam for my particular Account. Inclosed' 
you have bill of Loading for a barrel of Flour and box of 
Candles which hope will please amounting to £4.2.4 our 
Currency the flour is extraordinary and M r Wragg bought 
eighteen barrels for his own use at the same price, the 
Candles come high therefore would send you but one box 
on tryal if you like them and the price I can easily seud 
you some every fall, I am much obliged to you for your 
readyness to do me any little favour, and you just mention 
the burgamott Snuff boxes and that is all, not whether you 
could gett any, or had sent any, and so remain just where 
they are. 

I heartily wish you with M" Watson much Joy of the 
New Born babe, pray God to spare his Life and may he 
become jSTew born indeed which will give you much peace 
and Comfort, nay every Satisfaction that is truely desireable, 
and may he live to pay his last Duty to you in attending 
your bodys to be entomb'd in the silent grave when old Age 
calls you hence. 

You can't think what secret satisfaction I have when I 
peruse that part of your letter relating to M r W — d and 
that you resolved by Gods help unprejudiced to search the 
Scriptures and by that means become more acquainted with 
his Doctrine notwithstanding the Malicious shams & Opin- 
ions of the World with respect to him, and as I believe you 
have an high opinion of him, and doubt not in time please 
God to spare your life it will redound to your Service and 
his deserved Merit, and as I can in some measure unfold to 
you the rise of that most Infamous base report you have 
heard concerning him I shall do it as brief as possible 
thinking it my Duty to clear his Innocence nay every 
Person that is so falsly judged and truely blameless Viz* 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1? 4?. 327 

when they went down to Maryland for there the Story was 
brought from M r S — d with M r W — d and two or three 
more went up Stairs and shutt the door in the house they 
put up at and S — d being gall'd in the Posteriors got one 
in the room to apply a Plaister or some tallow to the place 
affected, and this was discoverd by a curious Servant Maid 
in the house that was peeping through the keyhole and one 
of a prostituted Character and Impudent to the last degree, 
who some days after their departure from thence told this 
to some of M r "W — ds Enemies and so cook'd up the 
story you have heard, and this relation was given by some 
Gentlemen of our town that went down to Maryland that 
have no opinion of his sincerity, and can assure meets with 
no Credit here as being an open scandalous way of using a 
Person of his profession, I thought I would just mention 
the thing to you as it realy is, that you might not be apt to 
Imbibe any prejudiced Xotions against him and may ven- 
ture to say with the Prophet of old on some misrepresenta- 
tions of the Servants of God " their tongues are sett on fire 
with Hell and the Poison of Asps is on their Lips &c." and 
thought it my Duty to say thus much because Love con- 
strains me to defend him nor would I have you imagine 
that it proceeds from any prejudice or bigotted notions in 
favour of him for I hope if I know my heart I shall follow 
no one but what follows the Lord Jesus X* in sincerity and 
in truth, but lett us only enquire into Sacred Writ and see 
how Christ himself and Apostles were vilified and what 
al those were to expect that woud follow the Lamb and His, 
which with regard to M r W — d is so well express'd in the 
inclosed Pamphlet t which I send for your Perusal that I 
need not say any more on this head. 

And now what shall I say concerning all this, that some- 
times I am alternately o'erwhelm'd with grief and Joy, 
with grief to see so sincere and young a Son of Levi so 
much abused, with Joy when I reflect for what cause he 
suffers and that his Master was worst used before him to 
whom I pray that we may be guided out of all Error and 



3 28 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

led into all truth, and not hastily nor wantonly speak evil 
of those things we know not, but having one single unto 
X 1 Jesus and watching and looking for the Mark of the 
Prize of our high calling D r M r Watson follow on your 
resolution in searching the Scriptures for there's the hidden 
treasure and no doubt God will -bless them to you, keep 
close to our Glorious Emanuel, be not ashamed of your 
Glory, labour more and more after an intimate Union with 
and feeling Possession of your God, till we arrive at this 
we are but shadows of Xtians and remember we have the 
Sons Anek to grapple with, the strong Man armed has 
taken possession of our Hearts and nothing but the Love of 
God can give us victory over them and now after this short 
exhortation to you pray that I may not at last be a Cast- 
away nor found wanting in the ballance of the Sanctuary. 
And now after presenting my kind respects to M a Watson 
I shall only assure that I am with much Esteem D r Sir 
Your obliged Fr d & hum 6 Serv* 

R, Hockley. 
(To be continued. ) 



J he American Philosophical Society, 174.3-1903. 329 



THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, 1743-1003. 

Address by J. G. Koscngarten, at the annual dinner of the Society, 
April 3, 1903. 

Founded in 1743 by Franklin and his associates, many of 
them members of the Junto described so affectionately in 
his Autobiography, the American Philosophical Society has 
had a long and honorable career. Formed on a broad 
basis, it embraced the representatives of all the sciences and 
of learning in the Colonies. Known to-day mainly as a 
body of scientific men, it still keeps in touch with histori- 
cal and literary men at home and abroad. To it in 1773 
Dr. Bush presented his "Inquiry into Dreams and Sleep,'' 
a curious subject on which another member, Mr. John 
Bigelow, has recently published a work, and on which still 
another member, Max Mtiller, wrote a thoughtful letter, 
printed in the second volume of his recent " Life and 
Letters." 

" An Essay on Universal Knowledge" was rewarded by a 
premium in its early days, and in 1770 there was presented 
a notice of families in Lancaster County that make home- 
spun; and later came a list of German immigrants from 
1729 to 1789. In 1789 there was presented a bottle ot 
petroleum from Oil Creek. In 1815 Fulton deposited the 
model of his torpedo boat. In 1817 President (both of 
the Society and of the United States) Jefferson deposited 
the original Journals and Daily jSote-Books of the Lewis 
and Clarke Expedition to the Pacific, and in doing so he 
acknowledged that at Washington there was no suitable de- 
pository for these valuable papers, and wrote that in the 
Philosophical Society they would be useful "for the His- 
torical Class." 

The Historical and Literary Committee published in 1819 
the first of its two volumes of " Transactions," containing 



330 The American Philosophical Society, 1743-1903. 

valuable papers by Heckewelder and Du Ponceau on Indian 
languages and on the early history of Pennsylvania. From 
that committee originated the Historical Society o£ Penn- 
sylvania, which has since grown into- such a large and 
important body, with its splendid wealth of original docu- 
ments and its larire library relating to the historv of Penn- 
sylvania. The Lewis and Clarke field notes were used b}- 
Nicholas Biddle in preparing a popular narrative of their 
expedition, but, following the fashion of the day, he made a 
readable and ilowing narrative. jN"ow, with the better sense 
of the value of original sources, these notes are being 
prepared for publication under the editorial supervision of 
one of the best historical scholars of the country, Mr. R. 
Thwaites, of the Historical Society of Wisconsin, and the 
careful editor of the " Jesuit Relations," that storehouse of 
information as to the very early geographical history of the 
country. His edition of the notes will be published as part 
of the centennial celebration of the first exploration of the 
Rocky Mountains and the Pacific coast. Before the Philo- 
sophical Society the elder De Lesseps read a paper on the 
Empire of Morocco, and later the Society encouraged the 
undertaking of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal. Be- 
fore the days of the Academy of Natural Sciences it received 
the reports of botanists like the Bartrams and Muhlenberg, 
and their herbariums, which were finally handed over to the 
Academy of Natural Sciences. So, too, its collection of 
rare coins went to the Xumismatic Society and its archaeo- 
logical collection to the University Archaeological Museum. 
Before the day of agricultural and horticultural societies, 
topics now discussed by them were presented and debated 
in the meetings and Transactions and Proceedings of the 
Philosophical Society, and papers on the English language 
and kindred subjects are there preserved that would to-day 
go to one of the numerous philological associations of the 
country. Geology and geography, aerial voyages, chem- 
istry, physics, astronomy, were all then subjects for papers 
and discussion in the Philosophical Society, and to-day many 



The American Piritosophwal Society, l?4J~100o. 331 

of the existing vigorous bodies devoted to these subjects 
still look to its publications and its library for the needed 
information as to the work done by early investigators. The 
hall of the Philosophical Society stands on ground in Inde- 
pendence Square, granted to it by the State before the Rev- 
olution, and it has shared its quarters in turn with the Col- 
lege of Philadelphia and the University of Pennsylvania, 
with the College of Physicians, the Historical Society, and 
the Athenaeum. To-day their buildings have far outgrown 
that of the Philosophical Society, but they still work in har- 
mony, mindful of their old relations. Peale's Museum was 
quartered in its hall, too, until it was moved into Independ- 
ence Hall; and when it was finally moved to the Chinese 
Museum, at Xinth and Sansom Streets, it was destroyed by 
fire, — a great los3, for it included many rare and valuable 
objects. 

Before trade and finance invaded its quiet Fifth Street 
hall, part of its building was occupied by Mr. John Vaughan, 
for fifty years its Secretary, and every travelling foreigner 
of distinction and every American of note was entertained 
at his Sunday morning breakfasts, and a record of all the 
famous men who shared his hospitality could be gathered 
from such books as " The Travels of the Duke of Saxe- 
Weimar" and "The Life of George Ticknor." After 
Vaughan's death, Dr. Caspar "Wistar, the President of the 
Philosophical Society, made his Sunday evening gatherings 
noteworthy, and on his death his friends perpetuated his 
memory by founding the Wistar Club, of which to this day 
most of the members are also members of the Philosophical 
Society. Its Saturday evenings are always noteworthy for 
the hospitality extended to all men of science and letters. 
Then, too, the name of Caspar Wistar is perpetuated in the 
Wistar Museum of Comparative Anatomy of the University 
of Pennsylvania, one of the most important institutions ot 
its kind in the country. Its President, General Isaac Wistar, 
was also until recently President of the Philosophical So- 
ciety, and his successor, Dr. Edgar P. Smith, is Vice-Pro- 



332 The American Philosophical Society, 174S-1908. 

vost of the University, which is also largely represented in 
the other officers of the Philosophical Society, — in the four 
Secretaries and in its Councils. So, too, the High School 
and Haverford and Bryn Mawr and Swarthrnorc, as well as 
Princeton University, have active representatives in the 
Philosophical Society. From the outset the American 
Philosophical Society was founded in honest imitation of 
the Royal Society of London, and it now selects and elects 
its members — resident, non-resident, and honorary — on the 
same basis, so as to secure representatives of all branches ot 
knowledge, and in numbers so limited — annually fifteen 
American members and five foreign members — as to select 
carefully the most representative men of note at home and 
abroad. It is this that makes membership in the Philo- 
sophical Society an honor and distinction. It was through 
Franklin, when he was in France, the representative ot 
American science as well as of his country, that there 
began an exchange of publications with the great French 
and other European scientific bodies that is still actively 
maintained. Franklin left to the Philosophical Society 
nearly a hundred volumes of the Transactions of the French 
Royal Institute of Science, and to these are now regularly 
added the numerous volumes issued by the five French 
Academies that constitute to-day the Institute of France,— 
perhaps the most influential body of its kind in the world. 
To the Philosophical Society came more than seventy vol- 
umes of Franklin's Papers, covering his long life of varied 
activity; these are now being slowly "calendared," and it 
is to be hoped that means will be supplied — for the Society's 
income is a very small one — to have the Calendar of the 
Franklin Papers ready as the contribution of the Society 
to the Franklin Bi-Centennial in 1906. At its annual 
meeting it was decided to invite to that celebration all the 
numerous bodies, local, American, and foreign, of which 
Franklin was a member. Here in Philadelphia he was the 
founder of the University, of the Pennsylvania Hospital, of 
the Philadelphia Library, of the first ilre and insurance 



The American Philosophical Society, 174.3-1903. 333 

companies, and he was honored at home and ahroad by 
degrees from many colleges and universities, and by elec- 
tion to all the great scientific societies. All of these will no 
doubt join in doing honor to his memory. The United 
States may well honor him as the first Postmaster, and as 
his State Papers are preserved in the Library of the Depart- 
ment of State in "Washington, it will no doubt be repre- 
sented, and will make this Bi-Centennial international and 
national. 

It is surprising that this venerable Society, the oldest 
scientific society in this country, and active and useful, has 
received so little recognition in the way of gifts. The 
Magellan Prize and the Michaud Fund both came from 
foreigners who knew its value, and from the former fund 
a prize is still awarded, while from the Michaud Fund 
money was given to defray the expense of the splendid 
collection of oaks planted in Fairmount Park. The late 
Henry M. Phillips founded a prize that is often awarded 
after careful work by competent and able judges. His 
nephew and namesake left a modest legacy for the library 
that may be increased to a sum sufficient to be of great use. 
But in all these long years of active life no benefactor has 
given such an endowment as would enable the Society 
to further the scientific work of its members and of the 
larger world of scientific and literary students who are free 
to use its publications to make their work known. It has 
been thought that Andrew Carnegie, a member of the 
American Philosophical Society, is so like Franklin in 
many ways that he would some day endow Franklin's and 
his Society with a fund large enough to enable it to enlist 
new recruits in the broad field covered by its purpose; 
"for promoting useful knowledge" is part of its title, and 
certainly both Franklin in his day and Carnegie in ours are 
the men who have given the world the best example of the 
best way of promoting useful knowledge. 

The foremost men of science and letters are found among 
the long list of names that constitute its roll of members. 



334 The America:,. PhUosopl cal < V . 1743-1903. 

Beginning with Franklin and Rittenhoose and Einnersley 

and the great names of our early colonial history, it added 
those of the most illustrious English and Continental 
students and scholars. After the Revolution it showed the 
Gratitude due our French allies bv electins: the most distin- 
guished Frenchmen who had served in the War of Ameri- 
can Independence. La Fayette and Roehambeau and their 
companions in arms and the early diplomatic rej resentatives 
of France, and the great philosophers and men of 5::enee 
and letters, and that tie is still kept alive by the many 
distinguished Frenchmen elected from time to time. Every 
country has since then supplied its quota, and Germany and 
Italy and Russia and South America and Australia and 
Canada are well represented. Every great American found 
worthy of the honor has gladly accepted it. 

The local representation at its annual meetings included 
many famous Philadelphia men of science, and at its last 
annual meeting every university and eollege, every scientific 
society, and every learned body of the country vras well 
represented by the members. Philadelphia can point with 
pride to such men as S. TVeir Mitchell and Joseph Wharton. 
George F. Baer and Alexander J. Cassart. Hampton Carson 
and Governor Pennyp acker. Horace Howard Fumes?. — 
three generations of that honored name were at one rime on 
its roll, — and, indeed, heredity has ;:ten been noted in the 
Baches, the descendants of Franklin, the Biddies, the Gad- 
waladers, the Pattersons, the Haupts. the Leas, the Merricks. 
the Morrises, the Rawies. the Fishers, the Sellers, the Ta- 
tars, while science and art and letters have given many of 
their best fruits in the present active members, so that tie 
American Philosophical Society still maintains its position 
alike from age and merit. 

The broad and catholic nature of the American Philo- 
sophical Society is well shown by the various branches of 
science and literature represented in its officers and in 
universities and colleges represented by those who read 
papers at its annual meeting and by those who discussed 



The American Philosophical Society, 17+3-1903. 335 

them. The Patron of the Society is the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania, ex officio, — an office as old as the Society itself; 
the present incumbent is the Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker, 
a Trustee of the University of Pennsylvania ; the President 
is Vice-Provost Edgar F. Smith, Harrison Professor of 
Chemistry in the University of Pennsylvania; the Vice- 
Presidents are Professor George F. Barker, Emeritus Profes- 
sor of Physics in the University of Pennsylvania ; Professor 
S. P. Langley, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution ot 
"Washington, I). C, and a distinguished astronomer; and 
Professor W". B. Scott, Professor of Geology at Princeton 
University. The Secretaries are Dr. I. Minis Hays, who is 
also the Librarian; Professor E. G. Conklin, a noted Biolo- 
gist; Professor Arthur W. Goodspeed, Professor of Physics 
and head of the Randal Morgan Physical Laboratory ; and 
Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., Professor of Assyriology and 
Librarian of the University of Pennsylvania. On the long 
list of those who read papers at the annual meeting there 
were representatives of Cornell, of Lafayette, of Johns Hop- 
kins, of Lehigh, of the Royal Society of London, of the Car- 
negie Institute, of the Rockefeller Institute, of Haverford, 
of the University of Pennsylvania, of Princeton, of Columbia, 
of Brown, of Bryn Mawr, of Harvard ; and among those who 
discussed the papers, a noteworthy representative of science 
was Joseph "Wharton, the founder of the Wharton School 
of the University and President of the Board of Trustees of 
Swarthmore. He showed an intimate knowledge of various 
branches of science and of numerous fields of learning not 
often combined in a successful man of business, who is at 
the same time a poet and a manufacturer. The presence 
of representatives of the Central High School of Philadel- 
phia and of other kindred institutions showed that the 
American Philosophical Society keeps in touch with all 
modern learning and rewards by membership attainment 
in every branch of useful knowledge. The life of such a 
Society, covering a period of over a hundred and sixty 
years, from 1743 to 1903, may well gain renewed vigor by 



336 The American Philosophical Society, 1713-1903. 

the large co-operation of scholars and students in its con- 
tinued and energetic activity. 

The Bi-Centennial of the birthday of Franklin is to be 
celebrated by the American Philosophical Society in such a 
way as to enlist, it is to be hoped, substantial aid for a 
Franklin Memorial Hall, in which this Society, encouraged 
by liberal endowment, may carry on the work so well 
planned and begun by Franklin. The long record of its 
many-sided activity in the broad field of useful knowledge 
is the best tribute to Franklin, and it is characteristic of his 
own long and useful career. His portrait and that of each 
of his successors in the office of President hang on its 
walls, as a constant inspiration to their fellow-members to 
be up and doing. What the Society has done in the past 
and is doing now, is the best reason for anticipating a long 
life of increasing activity and usefulness and for a recogni- 
tion of its claim for a share of the generous flood of gifts 
for scientific research. 



James Logan as a Poti. 337 



JAMES LOGAN AS A POET. 

BY AMELIA MOTT GUMMERE. 

The literary tastes of James Logan, and the collections 
of the Loganian Library are too well known to need ex- 
planation to Pennsylvanians. The following Latin poem, 
however, recently found among some of Logan's unpub- 
lished correspondence, is a good example of the ease with 
which the cultivated gentleman of his generation could 
handle the classics. It was written upon the death of a 
favorite little daughter, who died in infancy. There is a 
tender paternal touch which lends charm to the sentiment. 
and the critic must be reminded that the poem was written 
as a relief to emotion, and not for the purposes of the 
scholar. 

James Logan was not a man of extraordinary attain- 
ments, although he was well educated and accomplished. 
Li his day a knowledge of the classics was included in 
every system of education. Members of Parliament fell 
into Latin when English failed to express their feelings. 
An apt classical quotation was at once appreciated and ap- 
plauded. We fear that the days of Parliamentarian Latin 
are over ; and as for the classics among our own members 
of Congress, the very thought calls forth a smile. This 
rather clever little poem and its versified English transla- 
tion by a young classical scholar may interest students ot 
Pennsylvania history. 

Sis licet in teneris abrepta parentibu3 annis 
Vita exempta priiis quam videare frui, 

At patris et matris pleno prtecordia tangit 
Ictu discessus, cara puella, tuus. 

Non tulit eloquii certas setatula vires 
Ut posses animi prodere sensa tui ; 

vol. xxvii. — 22 



338 James Logan as a Poet. 

At tulit ingenii iam parturientis imago 

Posset ut indubiis mille patere modis 
Blanditia, aniplexus molles, lususque iocique, 

Et simulata ira et non simulatus amor, 
Inque patrem tencr affectus quern vineere morbi 

Aut Lethe infantis non valuere vires. 
Nulla dies unquam Ikpc memori de pectore toilet 

Parva sed afTeetus pignora certa tui. 
Corporis exuvias iam profeetura parabas 

La^ta iter extremum iam subitura polos. 
Quum dudum fixos tenuisti ius in ocellos 

Quo patri posses dicere, "Care, vale!" 
Fixos discedens torsisti dulcis ocellos 

Risque patri visa es dicere, "Care, vale!" 
Et tremula in caram flexisti lumina matrem 

Dicere quo posses, "Tu quoque, cara, vale!" 
Iamque valedicto hrec teterna lumina somno 

Condis et exanimi corpore tota fugis. 
Tu quoque, cara, vale, modo nata parentibus infans. 

L^titire et luctus causa perennis eris. 



ON THE DEATH OF A FAVORITE CHILD. 

BY JAMES LOG AX. 



Torn from a home that held thee dear 
While years were tender, grief unknown, 
Leaving thy parents sad and lone 

To drop the silent, mindful tear ; 

Thy youth did not permit of speech 
To show the workings of the mind : 
Unconscious actions all combined 

To prove what words could never teach. 

The sweetness of a baby grace, 

The sport, the jest, the anger feigned, 
The love sincere that always reigned 

And held dominion in thy face : 

This sweet emotion, like a breeze 

That fans thy father's heart and thine, 
Can never yield to Death's decline 

Or ravages of dire disease. 



James Logan as a Pott. 339 

Within our tender breasts there lie 

The certain pledges of thy love. 

The spirit, joyful, hies above. 
To prove the soul can never die. 

A benediction from thy eyes 

To ours, that said a sad farewell : 

The freedom from the body's cell, 
And journey to the welcome skies. 

Thy days were in the early leaf — 

An infant angel, bright to see: 

Eternal peace ! Thou' It always be 
A cause of mingled joy and grief. 

— [i?. M. G., Translator.] 



340 Friends and their Meeting-Houses at Crosswicks, TV. J. 



FEIENDS AND THEIR MEETING-HOUSES AT 
CROSSWICKS, NEW JERSEY. 

BY JOSEPH S. MIDDLETOX. 

On the 16th of Sixth month, 1677, the ship "Kent" 
arrived at New Castle, Delaware, with 230 passengers. 
Anions: them was Thomas Foulke and other Friends. In 
the Eleventh month of the same year came the ship " Wil- 
ling Mind," with 70 passengers, who landed near Salem, 
New Jersey. This was followed soon after by the < ; Martha,''' 
from Hnll, with about 114 passengers, who landed near 
Philadelphia. The next that arrived was the " Shield," 
from Hull, which came up the river and landed at Burling- 
ton in Tenth month, 1678. 

A large portion of these passengers were Friends from 
England, who settled in Pennsylvania and adjacent parts of 
West New Jersey. 

Thomas Foulke, Samuel and John Bunting, Francis 
Davenport, Thomas Gilberthorpe, Thomas Lambert, Wil- 
liam Satterthwaite, William Black, Samuel Taylor, and 
others, migrated eastward from the different landings and 
formed a settlement among the Indians on the Cross- weeks- 
ung, or divided creek (Crosswicks). 

In order more clearly to comprehend the original settle- 
ment, our minds must revert to the primitive condition ot 
the Indian settlement, neither roads nor bridges, but paths 
or trails through the woods and canoes to cross the creek. 

The Friends established a crossing on the farm of Francis 
Davenport, now occupied by Walter Bird, known as the 
David Rulon or Job Sutterly farm. This was called " Daven- 
port's crossing," or the upper ford, the lower ford being near 
where the Camden and Amboy Railroad crosses the creek 
below Yardville, near the junction of Doctor's Creek with 
Crosswicks Creek. 



Friends and their Meeting-Houses at Civsswicks, TV. J. 341 

A forcible reminder of the Indian village or settlement is 
the crooked street through the village of Crosswicks, being 
the original trail or pathway through the forest. A lone 
survivor of the original forest remains standing in the yard 
in front of the meeting-house, a noble oak, with arms up- 
lifted, as though saying, " I am monarch of all I survey," 
and appealing for protection. Could it but reveal to us 
what has passed beneath and around it, what history would 
be unfolded ! 

The first record of a meeting for Divine worship by 
the Society of Friends at Crosswicks was at the house of 
Thomas Lambert in 1677. In 1684 the meeting was held 
at the house of Francis Davenport. Prior to the erection 
of a meeting-house it was the custom to hold meetings for 
worship in the house of some Friend in the neighborhood. 

On the " 2nd of ye 8th mo., 1684," the monthly meeting 
was established and held at the house of Francis Davenport. 
The record is signed by John Wilford, Francis Daven- 
port, and William Watson, and recorded as " Chesterfield 
Monthly Meeting of Friends," by which name it is known 
at the present time. 

The first marriages recorded in the meeting were : 

Samuel Bunting to Mary Foulke, daughter of Thomas, 
1684. 

In 1686, Samuel Taylor and Susanna Horsman. 

In 1686, Anthony Woodward and Hannah Foulke. 

In 1687, Richard Harrison and Ruth Buckman. 

" At a monthly meeting held at the house of Francis 
Davenport, ye 7th of ye 11th mo. 1685 it was directed that 
deeds of Trust for the burying ground at Chesterfield be 
made from Thomas Foulke, Grantor, to Francis Davenport, 
Samuel Bunting, John Bunting, Thomas Gilberthorpe, 
Roger Parke and Robert Wilson." 

At the meeting in the 12th mo. the Committee reported 
it executed and placed in the hands of Thomas Lambert of 
JSTottingham (township). 

"At a monthly meeting held at the house of Thomas 



342 Friends and their Meeting-Houses at Cross wicks, N, J. 

Lambert ye 5th of ye 1st mo. 1G91 it is proposed to have a 
meeting house built at ye burying* ground at Chesterfield.'' 

At the meeting in the 6th mo. it was "agreed to build 
the house on the south side of the creek, most Friends 
think best to have it at ye Grave Yard." 

"At ye meeting held at Francis Davenport's ye 7th of ye 
11 mo. 1691, Francis Davenport, Samuel Andrews, William 
Wood, Samuel Bunting and Thomas Gilberthorpe, are ap- 
pointed to treat with carpenters about building a meeting 
house at or near the Grave Yard in Chesterfield." 

" At a meeting held ye 4th of ye 10 mo 1692 they re- 
ported they have let the work unto John Greene." 

" At a meeting held ye 2d. of ye 12 mo. 1692 John 
Wilsford Jr, Robert Murfin, Edward Rockhill, and John 
Abbot were appointed to receive a Deed of Trust for land 
to build the meeting house on." 

This deed, dated 3rd mo. 3d, 1692, conveyed six acres of 
land from Samuel Bunting and John Bunting to Robert 
Murfin, John Abbot, Edward Rockhill and John Wilsford 
for a consideration of ten shillings. 

The first meeting recorded held in the new meeting- 
house was " ye 6th. of ye 8th. mo. 1693." 

" At a monthly meeting held at the meeting house in 
Chesterfield ye 4th of ye 11 mo. 1693 the committee re- 
ported they had settled with John Greene about ye meet- 
ing house building according to agreement, paid him £40, 
and for buy work one Pound, also two shillings given him 
over and above." 

" There remains on hand £4. lis. Id. when all ye sub- 
scriptions are paid in. Also paid for lime 6s. 8d." 

" At a monthly meeting held ye 3rd of ye 1st. mo. 1697, 
a committee w r as appointed to build a frame stable for the 
accommodation of horses, 18 by 24 ft, with 6 feet posts to 
be near the meeting house, to be planked on the inside three 
feet high, to be well clapboarded on ye outside, well shingled 
with oak shingles & finished before ye 12th month next." 

"At a monthly meeting held ye 7th. of ye 1st, mo. 1706 



JPriends and (heir Alecting-Houses at Qvsswicks, N, J. 343 

it is considered at this meeting that it is necessary that a 
meeting house be built, and pursuant thereunto, this meet- 
ing appoints Francis Davenport and William Wood to care 
about the letting of Forty thousand bricks to he made in 
order thereto. They reported ye 2nd of ye 3rd mo. 1706 
that they had agreed with William Mott for 40,000 bricks 
for 40 Pounds, and John Farnsworth for 200 bushels of 
lime. At the meeting in the 11th mo. Samuel Bunting, 
Francis Davenport, William Wood, John Tantum, Thomas 
Lambert, and Robert Wilson were appointed to agree with 
some carpenter for doing ye carpenter work of ye meeting 
house proposed to be built." 

" At a monthly meeting held ye 6th of ye 12th mo 1706 
the Committee reported they had agreed with John Tantum 
to do the carpenter work. William Wood was appointed 
to give notice to workmen that Friends are ready to treat 
with them about ye bricklaying, &c, and Friends appointed 
to make agreements are Samuel Bunting, Francis Daven- 
port, John Tantum, William Wood and Thomas Lambert. 
John Farnsworth promiseth to have two hundred bushels of 
lime delivered at his mother's landing, he to have four pence 
per bushel for his carriage of the same." 

"At a monthly meeting held ye 6th of ye 1 mo 1707, 
Friends appointed to agree with workmen reported they 
had agreed with them to begin about the first of ye third 
month next. John Tantum and Thomas Lambert are ap- 
pointed to agree for shingles to be made and brought up, 
for covering of said meeting house." 

There seems to be no report when the house was fin- 
ished. 

" At a monthly meeting held ye 2nd. of' ye 8 mo 1712, 
William Wood and John Tantum were appointed to pro- 
cure, to be made for the use of this meeting a convenient 
Carriage for the easy and decent conveying of corpse to the 
burying place," wdiich was accordingly done. 

"At a monthly meeting held ye 7th of ye 1st mo., 1773, 
the Treasurer produced an account of the cost of the 



344 Friends and their Meeting-Houses at Crosswieks, N. J. 

stove, and erecting the same in its place, amounting to 
£8. 4s. lOd." 

" At a monthly meeting held ye 4th of ye 2nd mo 1773 
the subject of enlarging the meeting house in order to 
accommodate the Quarterly Meeting considered it was 
agreed to request the Quarterly Meeting to appoint a com- 
mittee to confer with us on the subject. " This was done 
and " a committee of the Quarterly Meeting attended the 
Monthly held ye 4th of ye 3rd mo 1773; at which time 
a committee was appointed to confer with them, namely, 
Anthony Syk.es, John Bullock, Amos Middleton, Thomas 
Thorn, James Lawrie, Joseph Horner, Benjamin Clark, 
Joseph Duer, Jonathan Wright, Stacy Potts, Caleb Shreve, 
Amos Wright, Edward Rockhill and Samuel Satterthwait 
Jr, respecting an addition to the meeting house. This 
committee met several times and agreed to report their 
sentiments thereon to said Quarter." 

"At a monthly held ye 1st of ye 7th mo 1773. This 
meeting appoints Stacy Potts, Abraham Skirm, James 
Oldell, and Benjamin Clark to view the meeting house at 
Buckingham Pa, ascertain its expense and report to our 
next meeting." At the next meeting they reported it " to 
be convenient, and ye amount of cost about £750." " This 
meeting concluded to build one about the like size and 
appointed a committee from the different meetings to take 
subscriptions, in order to enable us to accomplish said 
building." 

"At a monthly meeting held ye 4th of ye 11 mo 1773, 
Abel Middleton and Isaiah Eobbins are appointed mana- 
gers to carry on the building in the best manner they are 
capable of, and Caleb Xewbold is appointed to assist them 
in procuring materials. It is requested that the former 
committee meet with the managers at convenient times, to 
give them what assistance they can therein." The meeting 
appoints Amos Middleton, Treasurer, to receive the several 
collections for said purpose, and pay to the managers as 
they may have need of it. 



Friends and their Meeting-Houses at Crosswieks, N. ./. 34 5 

"At a monthly meeting held ye 9th of ye 11th mo 1775. 
The committee appointed to inspect the former subscrip- 
tions for money to build our new meeting house, and also 
consider what move will be necessary for completing the 
same report, they think it needful to raise £374; which 
was referred to the next meeting." 1 At which meeting it 
was directed to be done. I find no report of when the 
house was finished. 

At a Preparative meeting held the 29th of 1st mo., 1784, 
a committee was appointed to collect money to build a 
school-house, which was done, and a brick school-house 
built near the meeting-house. 

At a Preparative meeting held 24th of 2nd mo., 1785, 
a committee was appointed to open a school in the back 
part of the old meeting-house, with the consent of Joseph 
Forsythe. 

"At a monthly meeting held 5th of 10 mo. 1802. The 
Friends appointed to sell the old meeting house and hay 
house, which at a previous meeting had been directed to be 
sold and removed from the premises, reported it done, the 
net amount of sales being $228.50, which was directed to 
be apportioned among the School Funds, of the Prepara- 
tive Meetings belonging to Chesterfield Monthly Meeting. * ? 

When the British troops marched from Philadelphia on 
their way to Monmouth, in Sixth month, 1778, a detach- 
ment attempted to cross the bridge at Crosswick*. The 
Americans stationed on the opposite side, under General 
Dickinson, in endeavoring to prevent them from cross- 
ing, shot three cannon-balls into the meeting-house, two 
through the roof, and one into the brick wall, the imprint 
of which is yet visible. This last-mentioned ball is now in 
the possession of Margaret B. Ellis; it measures three inches 
in diameter and weighs three and one-half pounds. 



346 Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775. 



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Notes and Queries. 371 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

•fflotcs. 

Manuscripts and Documents relating to Colonial Penn- 
sylvania. — The following is a list of some of the most valuable manu- 
scripts and documents relating to Colonial Pennsylvania, acquired by 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in May last. 

Remonstrances of Adventurers, Free-Holders and Inhabitants of 
Philadelphia to William Penn, 1684. 

Letter of William Penn to Thomas Lloyd and members of the Pro- 
vincial Council. Lewes, 16th 6 mo. 16S4. 

Letter of William Penn, 1685, giving a detailed account of the defeat 
of the Pcevolutionary forces, the execution of Monmouth, and conveying 
important information in reference to Pennsylvania. 

Letter of William Penn to Thomas Lloyd and others, Worminghurst, 
1st 12 mo. 1686, doing away with the President of the Council and 
appointing five Commissioners. 

Letter of William Penn to Thomas Lloyd.. Worminghurst, 1st 12 mo. 
I6S6. 

Letter of William Penn to President Thomas Lloyd and others. Lon- 
don, 13th 2 mo. 1686. 

Letter of William Penn, in reference to arranging the Western 
boundary of Pennsylvania with the Indians. London, 21st 2 mo. 
1686. 

Letter of William Penn to Thomas Lloyd and others, instructions to 
the Commissioners of the Province. Worminghurst, 6th 4 mo. 1687. 

Letter of William Penn giving instructions to his Commissioners, 
and appointing John Simcock and Arthur Cook Commissioners in 
place of Dr. Moore and James Clavpooie. Worminghurst, 17th 7 
mo. 1687. 

Letter of William Penn in reference to the suppression of vice, the 
prosecution of the cave people, and forbidding the chopping down of 
trees in the town. Holland House, near London, 21st 8 mo. 1687. 

Letter of William Penn rebuking his Commissioners for dereliction 
of duty. Holland House, 21st 10 mo. 16S7. 

Letter of William Penn requesting Thomas Lloyd to accept the ap- 
pointment as Deputv Governor of Pennsvlvania. London, 28th 1 mo. 
1688. 

Letter of William Penn in reference to the division of the Province 
and the petulance of Thomas Lloyd. London, 15th 7 mo. 1693. 

Proclamation by Lloyd, as President of the Council, against the 
actions of a Eump Council. Philadelphia, 26th 9 mo. 1600. 

Petition of Markham and others of the Council to be allowed to take 
up arms against the French, then threatening to invade Pennsylvania. 
Philadelphia, 22d 2 mo. 1699. 

Memorial of the Council of the Lower Counties, asking privilege of 
choosing their own officers. 1st 2 mo. 1691. 



372 Nates and Queries. 

Markham's warrant for the election of members of Assembly for the 
Lower Counties ill Delaware, 1(305. 

Letter from Governors Lloyd and Markhani and their Council to 
William Penn, 1692. 

Address of the Council and Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania 
to King William III. Philadelphia, 18th 3 mo. 1699. 

Petition to Lieut.-Gov. Charles Gookin for the building of road to 
Germantown. Oct. 12, 1712. 

Letter of John Penn, relating to the settling of Germans in Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey. London, Oct. 9, 1728. 

Autograph drafts of letters, exercises, essays, articles, published in 
the "Gazette," etc., by Benjamin Franklin, prior to 1735, 59 pp. 

Original Manuscript of Samuel Smith's History of Pennsylvania, Part 
I., 388 pp. [Part II. was owned by the Society.] 

Manuscript of Proud's History of Pennsylvania from 1681 to 1742, 
6 vols. 493 pp. 

William Penn to His Children. — 
My Dear Springet 

Be good, learn to fear god, avoide evil, love thy book, be Kind to 
thy Brother & Sister & god will bless thee & I will exceedingly love 
thee, farewell Dear child, Thy Dear Father 

i 9 th 6 n,os2. W M Penn. 

my love to all y e Famely & to Friends. 

Dear Letitia, 

I dearly love y e , & would have thee sober, learn thy book, & love thy 
Brothers. I will Send thee a pretty Book to learn in. y e Lord bless 
thee & make a good woman of thee, farewell. 

— ThyDearFath W»P E >-x. 

my love to y e Famely. 

Dear Bille 

I love thee much, therefore be Sober & quiet, and learn his book, I 

will Send him one. so y 8 lord bless y e . Amen. Thy Dr : Fa r : 

19. 6 *o 82. W M Penn. 

my love to all y e Famely. 

addressed : 

For Springett Penn 

at Worminghurst 

P Arundal ) . Q -^ 
-r, ]■ m bussex 

Bagg J 

Death of Samuel Darch, 1814. — Extract from letter of James 
Pemberton Parke, Second Street, 3 mo. 15, 1814. 

"When I left Philadelphia, I had no idea that Samuel Darch was 
dangerously ill, but he has fallen a victim to typhus fever, and this 
morning I followed his remains to the grave, which were attended by a 
number of respectable citizens, the Washington Benevolent and other 
Societies of which he was a member. He was buried in the Free- 
Quaker ground, the use of which is granted, I understand, to the Uni- 
tarian Congregation, to which he belonged ; and James Taylor read a 
moral lecture ..." 



Notes and Queries. 373 

William Pexx's Recipe eok Dried Apples, Pears, and 
Plums.— - 

Lond. 28. 4 *« 95. 

Da. Anna Callowhil. 

It has not been forget fulness of my word, that thou hast not heard 
from me about y e receipt thou didst desire & I promessed ; for there is 
no need of a pocket book to remember me of thee & thyn, for you are 
dayly fresh in my memorial upon y c best account, & will, while I have 
a being here. But I received it but yesterday, & by reason of my pre- 
engagements in visits & business, my time was not enough my own to 
Send it thee. It came from y e Earl of Liecesters, one of y e most curious 
family's in the nation for Conservatorys of fruit &c. I wish y e direc- 
tion prove in practice, successfull, & could I have procured any in 
town from Spain or Portugal, had sent some, but thos from Tolouse in 
france were the best I ever eat, w ch y e war forbids, now D. Anna, give 
my endeared love to thy D r Husband, & virtuous Daughter, and my 
Daughters also, & accept of the same thy self, from him yt is 
with a true regard, 

mv love to thy Relations, Thy affect, assured Friend 

&"to frds. as free. W M Pex>\ 

A Receipt how to Dry Apples, Paires, Plums, &c. 

Choose y e largest Pippins, yt are not bruised, and lay as many as you 
can, one by one, upon gives ; then put them in y e oven, after y e house- 
hold bread is drawn, & there let them lye till next morning, when they 
are taken out squeeze them with your hands, to fiattthem, as you think 
of itt ; and turn them upon y e same sives, and putt them into y c oven 
again, but lett the fire be more slack then y e first time, yt is, a weaker 
heat, do so 3 or 4 times, & yt is enough : but yt is left to discretion as 
the fruit appears more or less dryed. when dryed they must be layd on 
shelves, one by one, & in moist weather let a chafing dish or 2 of Coals 
be sett pretty ueer them, w ch prevents moulding. Do this with all sorts 
of pairs good to eat, but M r Johns, Boncretians, wardens themselves, 
or any winter paire is best. 

Plums likewise are done this way, with less heat because their skin is 
thiner ; y e Largest are best for this way of eating ym. So any fruit, 
not to be dryed w* Sugar, proportioning y e fire to y e nature of y e fruit. 
Thus figgs may be dryed without Sugar, & may finde ym as good as any 
from abroad, you may also dry Peaches & Aprecocks this way, only 
Slitt them, & putt a little Sugar into y e hollow, laying them w lh their 
hollows uppermost ; but they are apt to be toughish. If the oven be at 
any time hett on purpose, it must not be more then to bake inanchets, 
or trench bread if to yt degree. 

Addressed : 

For my Deare ffriend 

Axxa Callowhill at 

Bristoll. 

The Carriages our Ancestors rode in. — Towards the close of 
the Revolution Quarrier & Hunter, whose shop was located on Filbert, 
between Seventh and Eighth StreetSj were the prominent carriage build- 
ers of Philadelphia. In addition to their local customers, the ministers of 
France and Holland, members of Congress, and officers of the army and 
navy were their patrons. They manufactured coaches, chariots, chaises, 



374 Notes and Queries. 

phaetons, sulkies, "sociables," and " vis-a-vis/' and the favorite colors 
of their bodies were olive, black, yellow, drab, green, brown, or purple. 
On all were painted either the coats of arms or ciphers of their owners. 
John Henderson, who succeeded the firm, also enjoyed a high reputation 
and did a large business. From the day-books of both firms the follow- 
ing items have been extracted : 

1780. The French Mini-der: Painting body of phaeton, borders and 
moulding, cypher and flowers ; painting coach. 

John Adams: Painting phaeton and coach, and three cyphers in gilt. 
D\ Anmours : Painting coach and phaeton, arms and crests. 

1781. John Adams: Painting chair, phaeton and carriage, and orna- 
ments. 

Col. Clement Biddle : Painting phaeton, gilding ornaments. 
Co!. Bayard: Painting chariot, arms and crest full gilt. 
W. Henry : Painting chair, gilt ornaments. 

John Hotter: Painting set of curtains, chair, arms and crests, full 
gilt. > . . m 

Edmund Randolph : Painting phaeton, arms and crests, gilding. 
Gen. Thomas M'uflin : Painting phaeton and gilding. 

1782. President of Congress [E. Boudinot] : Painting arms on coach, 
cleaning and varnishing. 

Jared Ingersoll: Painting chariot, arms and crests, full gilding. 

John Penn : Painting phaeton, arms and crests, gilding. 

Dr. William SJiippen Sen r : Painting chariot, arms and crests. 

Gouverneur Morris: Painting sulky and cypher. 

John Maepherson: Painting phaeton, coats of arms, and gilding. 

Cyrus Griffin : Painting chariot black, ornaments solid gilt. 

Marbqis : Painting chariot and ornaments. 

1783. Thomas Jefferson: Painting phaeton green, crests on the back. 
Col. Hamilton: Painting phaeton black, with cyphers. 

17S4. D r Craigie: Lettering 72 medicine boxes. 

Gen. Greene: Painting chariot body " pompedour," arms and crests, 
gilt carved moulding. 

Robert Morris: Painting chariot olive green, cheeks vermillion, 
cyphers and gilding. 

Charles Wharton : Painting phaeton. 

Baron Steuben : Painting sulky and arms. 

Capt. John Barry : Painting chaise and arms. 

Robert Wharton : Painting chair olive, cypher and helmets. 

1785. Daniel Jenifer : Painting chariot Devonshire brown, arms and 
crests. 

John Maepherson : Painting phaeton light olive, cypher and crest on 
back solid gilt. 

Col. Forrest : Painting chair drab, cypher on back full gilt. 

1786. Thomas McKean : Painting chariot arms and chests, altering 
arms, crests, and ornaments on chair. 

1788. Society of Weavers: Painting a flag, lion in gilt, rampant. 
Trustees Episcopal Academy : Gilding ball, vane and crown, of the 

cupolo. 

1789. James Wilson : Painting chair. 

Major Moore: Painting flag, " Northampton, " " Virginia," in gilt 
letters encircled by thirteen silver stars. During the years 1790 and 
1791, John Henderson painted many fire buckets : — Henry Moses, desig- 



Notes and Queries. 375 

nated by a "heart with wings" and Charles Biddle, "Diligent." In 
May of 1790, he painted *• a curtain for the steamboat 25 square yards." 

An Account of Coaches, Landaus, Chariots, and Foub- 
wheel Chaises in Philadelphia, 1761. — 

Persons by whom the carriages are kept &c. 
Proprietor, — 1 Chariot. 
Governour, — 1 Chariot. 

W ra Allen C. J.,— 1 Coach, 1 Chariot, 1 Chaise. 
Coll Bird,— 1 Chariot. 
D r Tho s Bond,— 1 Chariot, 1 Chaise. 
Benj. Chew,— 1 Chariot. 
W m Coxe, — 1 Chaise. 
And 1 Elliott,— 1 Chariot, 
David Franks, — 1 Chariot, 1 Chaise. 
Widow Francis, — 1 Chariot. 
Jos. Galloway, — 1 Chariot. 
W ffi Logan,— 1 Chariot, 1 Chaise. 
Tho 3 Lawrence, — 1 Chariot, 1 Chaise. 
Widow Lawrence, — 1 Coach. 
Jno. Lawrence, — 1 Chariot. 
William Moore, — 1 Chariot. 
Widow Masters, — 1 Coach, 1 Chaise. 
Doct r Moore, — 1 Chariot. 
Sam 1 Mifflin,— 1 Chaise. 
Cha s Norris, — 1 Chaise. 
W m Pluinsted,— 1 Chaise. 
W m Peters,— -1 Landau. 
Is. Pemberton, — 1 Chaise. 
Cha s Stedman, — 1 Chaise. 
Jno. Ross, — 1 Chaise. 
Abr m Taylor,— 1 Chariot. 
Jos. Turner, — 1 Chaise. 
Tho 3 Willing,— 1 Landau, 1 Chariot. 

Cha s Cox, a 4 wheel post Chaise. The Gov r a 2 wheel Chaise, and 
2 wheel Chair, beyond my attempt at Reckoning. 

From Nazareth to the Delaware Water Gap in 1748. — The 
following entries have been taken from the note-book of three Moravian 
clergymen. The route which they followed can now be taken with- 
out any of the difficulties which befell them, and much of the forest 
has long since given place to cultivated fields. The scenery is very 
attractive : 

1748. December 5. — Set out from Nazareth, Northward, through the 
woods for Meniolagameka, an Indian town of five huts, on the Pocopoco 
creek, north of the Blue Mountains [in now Monroe County]. It is 
the sole surviving Indian town in this neighborhood. The descent of 
the Blue Mountains on the Indian side, we found so trying as to be 
scarcely able to make it, even on foot, and had much trouble to get our 
two horses down. One of them was mired in a bog near the creek, and 
with difficulty was extricated. Having crossed the creek we soon came 
to the town and were cordially welcomed into the Captain's house. 
We visited in the other huts, and were given some Indian cakes baked 



376 Jtfotes and Queries. 

in the ashes. Later we set to cooking and preparing what provisions 
we had brought with us, and treated all present. Slept well on the 
deer skins spread for us. 

December 6. — Breakfasted after our fashion, and shared with the In- 
dians. Then our host reciprocated, preparing for us a special dish 
from pounded maize, which we relished. On setting out the Captain's 
brother accompanied us for a distance into the woods, and had we been 
without a guide for the first few miles would certainly have lost the 
way. We were much impeded by swamps and bogs. 

About 4 P.M. we came to an Indian hut, about 12 miles from Menio- 
lagameka, where we were served with bear's meat, wild honey, and 
Sequate, a preparation of maize. At night slept soundly on the bear 
skins spread out for us. 

December 7. — Breakfasted on bear and Sequate. Our host led the 
way through the pathless woods for fifteen miles. At 2 p.m. we reached 
Dansbury and stopped at McMichaels. He was not at home. Went 
three miles further to Daniel Brodheads, where we were received cor- 
dially, and had much discourse with him about the Indians. He had 
been an Indian trader but was now a Justice of the Peace. 

December 8. — Left Brodhead's and came to the Gap in the moun- 
tains, through which the Delaware runs. 

Letter of Benjamin Furley to John Henry Sprogell. — 

Rotterdam, 5 th Aprill, 1709. 
M R John Henry Sprogell, 

I was not a little grieved to hear that after all yo r trouble and pains 
in the voyage home, you were in yo r voyage outward bound to Virginia 
yo r Ship and Cargo was burnt by the French. But much more am I 
grieved to hear of yo T unrighteous, unchristian & ungrateful behaviour 
to & treatment of those two young men from whose parents & Relations 
you received so Signall and unparralelled Kindness while here. And 
that being a mere Straingor, upon M r Lidborrow's & my testifying being 
• s that you seemed to us to be an honest Man of a Sober Conversa- 
tion which we were the more Inclined to believe Because we Know yo r 
Education to have been such & had never seen or heard anything to 
the Contrary. 

But little did I think it was with an Intent to trust you or to let you 
run so far into their debt as I since heard, w th abundance of other things 
by you done which I shall not now relate it being needless because so 
evident to yo r Conscience if yett you have any left after such things. 
L^ngrateful Man, what would you have done, how would you have paid 
for yo r Ship or gott home with or without a Cargo if Mr Yandergraf 
had not assisted you w th his Creditt. Must you not have gone without 
remedy f how can you then do & Act thus unthankfully with him and 
his. What is past can not be prevented, but it may and must be re- 
pented of or Woe will be your portion in the end. I hope you are not 
so abandoned and given up to a reprobate mind as to persist in Evill 
doing by adding Iniquity to Wrong but be ready to Confess yo r Iniquity 
and make repai rations as far as you can by delivering over what you 
may have yet of the Goods you took home not having wherewith to pay 
for them to the young man whom his father has authorized to call you 
to ace 1 for the Bills you drew upon him and he paid. 



Notes and Queries. 377 

Let wlaat you have hitherto done in the case suffice and turn from 
the Evill of your ways that may find Mercy w lh God through Christ our 
redeemer. 

What Griefs of Spirritt will it be to yo r Dear father and Slather to 
hear those things of you, and Especially to have to hear that you p r sist 
in them. 

I hope things improved f I have given order to Tho 9 Fairman (or 
Hairman) to serve you an Injunction not to intermeddle in my affairs 
by virtue of the Letter of Atorney you took w th you. Little did I think 
when I gave you that power that you were such a person f Could I 
have thought it I should not have done it. I shall however be glad to 
Know of yo r Keform, Repentance & Well Doing accordingly. 

Thus Sir I rest yo r well-wishing Friend, 

Benjamin Furley. 

Notes of Travel, Winter of 1746-1747. — 

1746. September 27. Sailed from Gravesend, England, on the snow 
John Galley, Capt. Crosswaite. 

December 22. Arrived off Cape Henlopen ; ascertained the river Dela- 
ware was closed by ice. 

December 28. Left the vessel in a boat and landed with difficulty one 
mile below Lewes, which place we reached after a tiresome tramp 
through deep snow. 

December 29. Weather stormy and cold severe. Purchased a horse 
and sled. 

December SO. Set out for Philadelphia ; traveled through pathless 
woods and deep snow. Made but fourteen miles today, and put up at 
the house of an Irishman, where we bought another horse. At night it 
began to snow heavily. 

December 31. Made about fourteen miles, and spent the last day of 
the year at a miserable inn. 

1747, January 1. Extremely cold ; lost the road 5 but finally reached 
Dover, a town of some twenty houses. 

January 2. Made but nineteen miles today — heard that at Philadel- 
phia it was thought our vessel was lost. 

January 3. Made only a few miles. The snow had a thick crust 
which cut the horses legs. Stopped at CantwelPs Bridge. 

January 4. Made only seventeen miles. 

January 5. Reached Wilmington at noon, where we hired two extra 
horses, and later nighted at Chester. 

January 6. This afternoon arrived at Philadelphia. 

Extracts from Letters of Arram Taylor, Councillor. — 
Philadelphia, 5th June, 1742. — "I have sold the Plantation of Green- 
hedge to Oswald Peel for £400 stg., and all the stock upon it for £50. 
more." 

July 6th, 1742. — "The Constantine arrived here yesterday and came 
directly up to Town, but upon rumors of her having Palatinates on 
board and the Master being dead on the passage, Drs. Zachary and 
Bond were ordered to visit her, which they did and report that they had 
had a Putrid Fever on board, but that they were recovering. However, 
it was thought dangerous to admit them into Town, and therefore the 
ship is ordered down the river again. The passengers that came ashore 



378 Notes and Queries. 

are obliged to go out of Town, and the Master and Pilot are to be per- 
secuted." 

July J t fh, 1745.— u Mr. Plumsted died about a montb ago of the stone 
in the bladder ; Richard Martin in his Hay Harvest struck his leg 
against a scythe and bled 'till he died a few hours later." 

Letter of John Penx, 172S. — 

Lojcd* 9~ Octo 1 1723 

Respected Friend, 

Your Favour pr. Capt° Pierce of the 24 th June I have received & 
cannot Express the obligations I lye under to you for your Care & 
Trouble both on my own Private, & also our Publick affairs. & am very 
Sencible empty acknowledgments are but Poor Returns for Real Ser- 
vices Rec'd, but it is all that is att Present in my Power to give 

I am very glad the Survey made last Winter by Jacob Taylor, & 
Kich s Scull, of my Land att Mahanatawny, has defeated any Design 
Sprogall might have had upon it, & given me the Greatest Breadth on 
the River Schoolkill ; and I doubt not but your Self ec my Friend Peter 
Lloyd, will find means to Turn him out of any Settlements he has made 
within my lines, I hope by this Time Peter may have rec'd some money 
for Rent Either from the Person that has a Lease of Part of that Land, 
or my lotts in the Citty, which he gave me an Expectation of sometime 
ago in his Last. But he has been so much Ingaged this Spring & Summer 
in his new State of Life that I have not heard one word from him. 

I observe what you write in answer to our Letter Sent last Spring to 
Coll. Gordon about the Memoriall he sent to the Board of Trade Con- 
cerning the Palatines, & must desire you'l be refer' d to our Joynt 
answer to yours & our other Friends letter, which is design' d to be sent 
P this Vessell, if my Coz a Springett Penn Comes to Town who is now 
att Newmarkett, by which you'l see the Impossibility of getting a Gen 1 Act 
here for besides the obstructions that will be made to it by Maryland & any 
other Colloneys that are desirous of having them, it was Last week Proposed 
to the King in Councill that his Majesty should send over a number of 
German Families into New Jersey, by which you may find our Ministers 
here think them of Service in the Plantations, cV. as for a Private act we 
Cannot Think it will be of more Sen-ice than one made by the Assembly 
there, wherefore we are are of opinion that ought to be first obtained, 
which I think must have a good Effect either to Prohibett or Restrict 
them to some Limitations, & if after we have done this there should be 
any Occasion to Desire the assistance of the Crown, or Parliament, we 
should then Come more Properly before them then now. I hope by this 
Time you have gott an Assembly that will Easily Come into an Act, 
which I find was Proposed by the Last, & I suppose might have Pass'd 
had not the unhappy differance amongst the Members Prevented your 
Proceeding on Business, which however I hope may have a good Effect 
for I think no Persons of Common Understanding will again Trust their 
Privileges (which they are so fond off) to men that will be Carry' d 
away so far by a Party, as to leave the Business of their Country att so 
Criticall a Juncture as that was of your difference with the Indians. I 
hope by this Yessell to Send you over a Gen. Power from my self & 
Brothers to Receive Rents & Sell Lands in order to pay our Fathers 
debts, which must take of any Objection that Can be started, tho. 
in fact you have already the Power invested in your Selves by the 



Notes and Queries. 379 

Will, an authentick Coppy of tlio Proving: of which was sent you 
.rime time ago, & Joseph Dickenson (now in London) Promissing 
to pay the Remainder of his Fathers Bond will Close the Mort- 
gage att Least to Every Body but myself, Wherefore I must in 

the name of our family Request you'l be so Kind as to Joyn with our 
other Friends the Trustees to Execute the Power left you by my Fathers 
Will-, both in Receiving of Rents & Selling of Lands, by which I sup- 
pose a Considerable Sum may be raised, as also from the Palatines that 
are already Settled & be a Mean's to make them Quiet & Easy when 
they see their lands Confirm \1 to them, & whatever Numbers may Come 
over before you Can gett an Act Pass'd or in force you may now Settle 
where & how you Please, I say in Force because I think time ought to 
be allow'd after the Act is Pass'd for any y' are Coming from holland 
to have notice. 1 am with best Respt to your self & Family 

Your Much Oblig'd Friend 

John Penn. 

P.S. 

hearing nothing yett of my Coz n Springett Penn's being Come to Town 
I am Fear full shall not be able to send the Joynt Letter I Proposed by 
this Vessell but hope he will not disappoint me again which if he does 
not you may Expect it by a Vessell that will Sail in about a Week or 
Tenn days before which I doubt Cannot be able to send the Gen. Power 
from My Self & Brothers Coun. Will's whose advice we would take 
being not vett Come to Town. 

J. P. 

PRESERVATION OF THE PUBLIC EECOEDS OF PENNSYLVANIA. — The 

late Assembly passed an Act (No. 135) creating a Division of Public 
Records, in connection with the State Library, devoted to the preserva- 
tion of all public records throughout the Commonwealth, and especially 
those records of the State government not in current use, beginning 
with the earliest records, to the year 1750. The Act also provides for 
the appointment of five Advisory Commissioners, to act with the Trus- 
tees and the State Librarian. His Excellency the Governor of the 
Commonwealth has appointed the following Commissioners : John W. 
Jordan, LL.D., Librarian of the Historical Societv of Pennsylvania, 
and Julius F. Sachse, Litt.D., of Philadelphia ; Frank R. Dinenderfer, 
of Lancaster ; Boyd Crumrine, Esq., of Washington; and Edwin II. 
Anderson, Librarian of the Carnegie Library, of Pittsburg. State 
Librarian Montgomery is the general Secretary. 

William Neate, a London merchant, favorably known in commer- 
cial circles of Philadelphia, whose will was probated May 3, 1775, after 
bequests to family and relatives, and his " desire to be buried in the 
parish Church of Chippenham, County of Wilts," directs his executors 
to convey "to the Church Wardens and Vestry of Parish of Chippen- 
ham £250. sterling, the interest on which to be applied to the purchasing 
of good warm Great Coats, to be distributed yearly forever upon Saint 
Thomas's Day to so many poor Broad Cloth Weavers belonging to that 
Parish as such Interest or Dividends will purchase. But my Will that 
the said Coats may have no Mark or Badge upon them, and be given 
only to such persons as do not receive Alms from said Parish." 



880 Notes and Queries. 

Letter of William Ball, Maternal Grandfather of "Wash- 
ington.— 

S r 

I rece d yours dated the 17 lh of May : am sorry I could not get the 
plott ready sooner (then am like to doe) : I have bin verry much Indis- 
posed, with Hovers tooth ache and pain in my head : that have not bin 
able to set to plot, am afraid shall not have them ready before the Latter 
end of next week : shall send them as soon as they are compleeted. 

I am 
Y r Verry Hum bIe Serv 1 , 

William Ball. 

June 4* 1737 1737. 



Letters of Washington.- 



Philadelphia d* March 1794 



Dear Sir. 

Weeks have passed since I finished reading the first part of your 
translation of the Septuogent ; but having neglected (when I had the 
pleasure to see you last) to ascertain the medium through which I was 
to return it, and being unwilling to hazard the production to an uncer- 
tain conveyance, I give this letter to the Post Office in hopes of its 
reaching you, & of my receiving the information above, 
"lis unnecessary to add that with much truth 
I am, Dear Sir 

Your obed* H ble Serv', 

G° Washington. 

Addressed : 

Charles Thompson Esq., 
Chester County. 

Mount Vernon 13 th Aug 4 1798 
Dear Sir 

If you or Mrs Stuart could, by indirect means, discover the State of 
Washington Custis' mind, it would be wished. He appears to me to be 
moped & stupid — says nothing — and is always in some hole or corner 
secluded from company. Before he left Annapolis, he wrote to me de- 
siring to know whether he was to return there, or not, that he might 
pack up accordingly— I answered, that I was astonished at the question ! 
and that it appeared to me that nothing that could be said to him had 
the least effect, or left an impression beyond the moment — 

Whether this, by thwarting his views, is the cause of his present 
behaviour. I know not. Enclosed is his letter & my answer — to be re- 
turned when read — We are as usual, and unite in best regards for your 
Mrs. Stuart and the family. 

I am Dear Sir 

Y r obed & afiect 

G° Washington. 

David Stuart, Esq. 

Germantown Battlefield Monument Commission. — Governor 
Pennypacker has appointed Ethan Allen Weaver, Secretary of the Penn- 
sylvania Society of Sons of the Revolution, David S. B. Chew, Arthur H. 
Brockie, and Charles F. Jenkins, of Philadelphia, and Major-General 
John R. Brooke, U. S. A., of Rosemont, Commissioners for the erection 
of a monument on the Germautown battle-field, for which an appropria- 
tion of ten thousand dollars wa3 made by the last Legislature. 



Notes and Queries. 381 



Queries. 

Dunlap. — Information is wanted concerning the ancestry of Susan 
Dunlap, bom in the town of Union, Westmoreland County, in 1805, 
married February 24, 1824. Thomas Hays, and died September 2, 1846, 
in West Fallowfield, Crawford County, Pennsylvania. Her father was 
Thomas Dunlap, son of Thomas and Margaret (Carmichael) Dunlap, 
and her mother, Jane Wilson, of Adams County, daughter of Marma- 
duke and Susan (Baty?) Wilson. The dates of birth, marriage, and 
death of these parents and grandparents, and any other facts about 
them, are particularly desired. 

James A. Hays. 
Boise, Idaho. 

Replies. 

Hoopes (Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. XXYIT. pp. 106, 126, 
25G). — Ninth line from top of page 256, for " John and Grace Hoopes 
had one child," read, John and Grace Rowland had one child ; also, 
on tenth line, for "John Hoopes married a second time," read, John 
Rowland married a second time, etc. 

Grace Hoopes was born 7 mo. 17, 1697, and died 5 mo. 3, 1721 ; she 
married, 2 mo. 21, 1720, William Paschall, son of Thomas and Mar- 
garet, of Blockley. She left one child, Grace Paschall, born 4 mo. 26, 
1721. Married out of meeting, for which she made acknowledgment 
12 mo. 20, 1743, under the name of Grace Rowland. Her child 
Susannah was born September 18, 1743. After the death of Grace 

Rowland, her husband married Ann , and had ten children, of whom 

the first, Mary, was born May 7, 1749, and married John Jones, 
August 15, 1771, at Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Ed. Penna. Mag. 

Craig's Tavern, Bucks County, Pennsylvania. — Craig's Tavern 
was at Warrington, on the Philadelphia road, at the crossing of the 
Bristol road, four miles below Doylestown. The neighborhood was 
settled by Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, and John Craig was of this stock. 
In 1757 he was first granted a license, and in each successive year until 
1773. He seems to have been a man of character and standing, as his 
name not infrequently appears on the records as a grand juror and as 
an appointee of the court for special service. 

Ed. Penna. Mag. 



3Boofc notices. 

Justus Falckner, Mystic and Scholar, Devout Pietist in Ger- 
many, Hermit on the Wis3ahickon, Missionary on the Hudson. 
A Bi-Centennial Memorial of the First Regular Ordination of an 
Orthodox Pastor in America, Done November 24, 1703, at Gloria 
Dei, the Swedish Lutheran Church at Wicaco, Philadelphia. By 
Julius Friedrich Sachse, Litt.D. Philadelphia, 1903. 8vo. 141 
pages. Price, $2.50. 



382 Notes and Queries. 

The Musicof the Ethrata Cloister, also Conrad Beissel's Treatise 
on Music as set forth in a Preface to the "Turtel Taube" of 1747, 
Amplified with fac-simile Reproductions of Parts of the Text and 
some Original Ephrata Music of the Weyrauch's Hiigel, 1730 ; 
Rosen und Lilien, 1745; Turtle Taube, 1747; Choral Buch, 1754, 
etc. By Julius Friedrich Sachse, Litt.D. Lancaster, 1903. 8vo. 
108 pages. Price, $2.50. 
The title-pages of these recently published works of Dr. Sachse indi- 
cate their contents. They have been compiled from authentic sources 
and illustrated with the same liberality that characterizes the other 
works of the author relating to the Pietists of Pennsylvania. 



The Poems of Philip Freneau, Poet of the American Revo- 
lution - . By Fred. Lewis Pattee. Princeton, N. J., 1902. 
Vol. I.. Svo. 40G pa<res. Edition limited to 1250 copies. Price, 
$3.00 net. 
This memorial edition of the poems of Freneau, "The Poet of the 
American Revolution,'' will be issued in three volumes, of about 400 
pages each, by the Princeton Historical Association. Volume I., under 
notice, contains the editor's preface ; an introductory biography, with a 
literary estimate and criticism of his writings ; his early poems, 1768- 
1775 ; and first poetic period, 1775-1781. Freneau, as a creative force 
in the early period of American literature and as a writer of some of the 
finest lyrics in our native literature, since his activities closed about a 
century ago, has been completely neglected, and the facts as to his 
career are distorted in almost every work of reference. This neglect 
has resulted not from a lack of real worth in the man, but from preju- 
dices born during one of the most bitter and stormy eras of partisan 
politics that America ever knew. He was a victim of this era. For 
the first time we are now presented with a trustworthy account of the 
poet's life and influence, so far as it is possible to know and estimate 
them. The editor has endeavored not only to rescue every poem and 
satire that is in any way significant, but also to arrange them, so far as 
possible, chronologically, and has added historical notes of interest and 
value. The second volume will be issued in September. 

Genealogy of the Shoemaker Family of Cheltenham, Penn- 
sylvania. Compiled by Benjamin H. Shoemaker, for private cir- 
culation. Philadelphia, 1903. 524 pages. 
The most important contribution to local genealogy that has been 
published this year is the Shoemaker family of Cheltenham, near Phil- 
adelphia. The material has been collected and arranged with great 
care and patience, from Quaker meeting records and other equally re- 
liable sources. Its pages are not encumbered by any extraneous matter, 
but present modestly the chronicles of George and Sarah Shoemaker 
and ten generations of their descendants and allied families. It gives 
us pleasure to commend the painstaking effort of the compiler. The 
book is liberally illustrated with portraits, fac-similes of original docu- 
ments, and family seats, and there is an exhaustive index of names. It 
is printed with the utmost taste on selected paper and attractively 
bound by the J. B. Lippincott Co. 



Notes and Queries. 3 S3 

Proceedings of the Right Worshipful Grand Lodge of the 
Most Ancient and Honorable Fraternity of Free and 
Accepted Masons of Pennsylvania and Masonic Jurisdic- 
tion thereunto Belonging and its Celebration of the Sesqui- 
centennial Anniversary of the Initiation of Brother George Wash- 
ington into the Fraternity of Freemasons. Philadelphia, 1903. 
8vo. 402 pages. 
On November 5, 1902 (a.l. 5902), the Grand Lodge of Masons of 
Pennsylvania commemorated with appropriate and impressive cere- 
monies the sesqui-centennial of the initiation of George Washington 
into the fraternity of Freemasons. The memorial prepared volume, 
richly illustrated, giving the proceedings and a catalogue of the Loan 
Exhibition, shows earnest and unremitting labor. 



The Story; of Some French Refugees and their "Azilum," 

1793-1S00. By Louise Wells Murray. Athens, Pa., 1003. 8vo. 

150 pages. Illustrated. Price, 82.00. 

The French settlement at Asylum, in the present Bradford County, 

Pennsylvania, although of short duration, forms an interesting and 

romantic chapter in the history of the State. It was a direct outcome 

of the French Revolution. Mrs. Murray has gathered many new and 

important data; gives appreciative biographies of Keating, d'Autre- 

mont, Lefevre, Laporte, Hornet, and others ; and an appendix contains 

list of taxables, plan of association of the Asylum Company, and letters 

of Boulogne and others. A plan of the town of Asylum, portraits, and 

other illustrations add very much to the interest of the text. 



Captain Gustavus Conyngham. A Sketch of the Services he 

rendered to the Cause of American Independence. By Charles 

Henry Jones. Published by the Pennsylvania Society of Sons of the 

Revolution. 1903. 8vo. ' 32 pages. 

Few naval heroes of the Revolution, whose names are more widely 

known, did so much to injure the commercial interests of England as 

Captain Conyngham. None were inspired with higher motives. His 

daring operations in the English and Irish Channels and adjacent seas, 

his captures and escapes read like a romance of the Middle. Ages. 

Numerous illustrations add interest to the sketch. 



TnE History of the Girard National Bank of Philadelphia, 

1832-1902. By Josiah Granville Leach, LL.B. Philadelphia, 

1902. 8vo. 120 pages. 

The Girard National Bank has an interesting lineage and history. 

The bank was organized in 1832, but its lineage is traced to 1791, its 

immediate predecessor being Stephen Girard' s Bank, and its progenitor 

the first Bank of the United States. The history of the bank for 

seventy years has been faithfully traced, and the biographical sketches 

of its officers and directors are valuable and interesting additions. The 

illustrations are numerous, and as a piece of book-making it is very 

attractive. 



384 Notes and Queries. 

The South Atlantic Quarterly, John Spencer Bassett, editor, 
published at Durham, North Carolina, at two dollars per annum, begins 
its second volume with the January number. Its first year has been 
successful, and it is deserving of continued support on the ground of 
its own merit. 

The Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 
By Francis von A. Cabeen. Philadelphia. 1902. 8vo. 106 
pages. 

The author of this valuable and interesting contribution to the local 
history of our city, which first appeared in this Magazine, has had a 
limited number of reprints made. 

The Tioga Point Historical Society, at Athens, Pennsylvania, 
has just published the "Order-Book of Fort Sullivan and Extracts 
from Journals of Soldiers in General Sullivan's Army relating to Fort 
Sullivan," by Mrs. Louise Welles Murray. The " Carder-Book 1 ' dates 
from August 27, 1779, to October 26, 1779, and is an interesting 
and valuable contribution to local history and to Sullivan's expedition 
against the Indians of Western New York. Illustrations and maps 
are scattered through the text. 

History of Franklin and Marshall College. Bv Joseph 
Henry Dubbs, D.D., LL.D. Lancaster, 1903. Svo. 402 pages. 
The Rev. Dr. Dubbs, with his usual thoroughness and industry, has 
prepared a history of this well-known institution of learning and its 
ecclesiastical and educational interests. The volume is typographically 
admirable, the illustrations liberal, and it is well indexed. 

The Courts of Justice, Bench and Bar of Washington 
County, Pennsylvania : With Sketches of the Early Court- 
Houses, the Judicial System, the Law Judges, and the Poll of 
Attorneys of that County ; and a History of the Erection and 
Dedication of the Coiirt-House of 1900 ; with Portraits and Illus- 
trations. By Bovd Crumrine, of the Washinsrton County Bar. 
1902. Svo. 366'pages. 
Mr. Crumrine is the author of a number of important historical 
works, and as President of the Washington County Historical Society 
has done much to foster an interest in local history. His latest 
work — under notice — gives an historical account of the four court- 
houses which have been built since 1781, a list of the judges and roll 
of attorneys and county officers, and, like all its forerunners, shows 
indefatigable research. The biographical sketches, which have been 
prepared with great care, will be very helpful. The illustrations are 
numerous and the book is well printed and bound. 



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FACSIMILE OF COttJilSSIOfl OF BVT.-HAJCR QEN. EDWARD HAND. 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OP 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XXYII. 1903. No. 4. 



THE GENERALS OF THE CONTINENTAL LINE IN 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

BY SIMON GRATZ. 

For more than half a century the accepted list of gen- 
erals of the Revolutionary War commissioned by the Con- 
tinental Congress has been that originally given in Colonel 
Charles K. Gardner's "Dictionary of the Army of the 
United States." The statement that the list had been 
made from official sources, coupled with the fact that the 
author had for many years been the Assistant Adjutant- 
General of the United States, naturally induced the belief 
that it could be relied on as complete and exact. 

It contains the names of James Wilkinson, the Chevalier 
de la Neuville, Moses Hazen, and Thaddeus Kosciuszko, 
who were commissioned brigadier-generals by brevet at 
various times prior to November 3,1783; and of Stephen 
Moylan, Samuel Elbert, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and 
William Russell, who received like commissions on No- 
vember 3, 1783, under the provisions of a resolution of 
Congress passed September 30, 1783. 

So far as regards the generals who had full rank, there is 
no omission of names ; and until a comparatively late day 
vol. xxvii.— 25 ( 385 ) 



386 Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

there was no reason to doubt that, it contained the names 
of all who had obtained the rank of brigadier-general by 
brevet. The accidental discovery and exhibition of a com- 
mission issued to Colonel Lewis Mcola, srivins; him brevet 
rank as a brigadier-general under the provisions of the 
resolution mentioned, started an inquiry which will now 
be made with the view of determining, as exhaustively and 
accurately as possible, the names of all generals who re- 
ceived brevet rank under authority of the Continental Con- 
gress. Manifestly, if any such names are to form part of 
the list, it should embrace all. 

As all records of the commissions issued by authority of 
the resolution referred to were lost on the night of iSTovem- 
ber 8-9, 1800, by the burning of the building occupied by 
the War Department, little information on the subject can 
be had from an official source. The inquiry must, there- 
fore, be made on the lines followed in this paper. 

The full text of the resolution of September 30, 1783, is 
as follows : 

" Resolved^ That the Secretary at War issue to all officers 
in the army, under the rank of Major-General, who hold 
the same rank now that they held in the year 1777, a 
brevet commission one grade higher than their present 
rank, having respect to their seniority ; and that commis- 
sions for full colonels be granted to the lieutenant-colonels 
of 1777, the resolution of 27th May, 1778, notwith- 
standing." 

The Journals of Congress show that on November 3, 
1783, " on a report from the Secretary of War, to whom 
was referred a letter from Colonel Moylan: Resolved, 
That Colonel Stephen Moylan, Colonel Samuel Elbert, 
Colonel Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Colonel Wil- 
liam Russell be promoted to the rank of brigadiers by 
brevet." As the report is not in existence, the character of 
its contents and the purpose of the Secretary in making it 
must be wholly conjectural. Perhaps he doubted whether 
the resolution gave him authority to issue the commissions 



Generals of the Continental Line in (he Revolutionary War. 387 

without the formal approval of Congress ; perhaps lie was 
uncertain whether Moylan and Russell, who, according to 

Gardner, had been " disbanded" — that is, " retired'' or 
" furloughed" — in June, 1783, were within the seope of the 
resolution; though, if this were his reason, it is not easy 
to understand why the names of Elbert and Pinckney 
should have been coupled with them. 

However this may be, we know that the brevet commis- 
sions were ordered to be issued ; and during the entire 
remaining period of the existence of the Congress its Jour- 
nals do not contain a word in relation to the issue of any other 
commissions as brevet brigadier-generals by virtue of the 
resolution. 

It cannot be doubted that all officers who had undergone 
the hardships, trials, and perils of the war would, at its 
close, desire to leave the service with the highest rank ob- 
tainable. Hence there is a natural presumption that all 
colonels who, under the resolution, were entitled to the 
higher brevet commissions received them either upon ap- 
plication to the Secretary of War or without any applica- 
tion, and many such original commissions are in existence. 

Mr. F. B. Heitman, author of the " Historical Register of 
Officers of the Continental Army during the War of the 
Revolution," who has been connected with the Adjutant- 
General's office, as Chief of the Returns Division, for a 
great number of years, tells me he has every reason to 
believe that all colonels who came under the provisions of 
the resolution were commissioned as brigadier-generals by 
brevet; and further says that, according to his recollection, 
Colonel Charles K. Gardner, who, as Assistant Adjutant- 
General in the early part of the nineteenth century, had 
personally known many of the officers who served in the 
Revolutionary War, had expressed to him the same belief. 

The requisites for the brevet commission were two : the 
officer must have held the rank of colonel in the year 1777, 
and he must still hold that rank in the army on September 
30, 1783. 



388 Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

Leaving for separate consideration the names of those 
colonels who were " retired" during the year 1783, prior to 
the passage of the resolution, the list of those who were 
clearly entitled to the higher brevet rank is as follows : 

1. George Baylor. Lieutenant-colonel and aide-de-camp 
to General Washington, August 15, 1775, to January 9, 
1777. Colonel of the Third Continental Dragoons, January 
9, 1777. 

This regiment was consolidated with the First Conti- 
nental Dragoons, November 9, 1782, Baylor retaining the 
command. Served to the close of the war. 

His original commission is in existence. 1 

2. Daniel Brodhead. Colonel of the Eighth Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment, March 12, 1777 ; to rank from September 
29, 1776. Transferred to the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 
January 17, 1781. Served to the close of the war, — that is, 
until the final disbandment of the army on November 3, 
1783. 

His original commission as brigadier-general by brevet 
is in existence. 

3. Richard Butler. Colonel of the Ninth Pennsylvania 
Regiment, June 7, 1777. Transferred to the Fifth Penn- 
sylvania Regiment, January 17, 1781, and to the Third 
Pennsylvania Regiment, January 1, 1783. Served to No- 
vember 3, 1783. 

His original commission is in existence. 

4. John Crane. Colonel of the Third Continental Ar- 
tillery, January 1, 1777. Transferred to corp3 of artillery, 
June 17, 1783. Served to the close of the war. 

His original commission is in existence. 

5. John Gibson. Colonel of the Sixth Virginia Regi- 
ment, October 25, 1777. Transferred to the Ninth Virginia 
Regiment, September 14, 1778, and to the Seventh Virginia 

1 When an original commission is said to be in existence, it is to be 
understood, unless otherwise stated, that it has been seen by Mr. Heit- 
man or by the writer, and that it is a commission as brigadier-general 
by brevet under the resolution. 



Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 389 

Regiment, February 12, 1781. Served to the close of the 
war. 

6. John Gunby. Colonel of the Seventh Maryland Regi- 
ment, April 17, 1777. Transferred to the Second Maryland 
Regiment, January 1, 1781. Served to the close of the war. 

In A. A. Gunby 's sketch of the Revolutionary services 
of Colonel Gunby it is stated that " shortly after the close 
of the war he was given the title of brigadier-general." 
Also, that he was an original member of the Society of the 
Cincinnati for the State of Maryland; and that, in the 
minutes of that Society for July 5, 1784, "Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Gunby" is mentioned as being present. 

7. Richard Humpton. Colonel of the Eleventh Penn- 
sylvania Regiment, October 25, 1776. Transferred, suc- 
cessively, to the Tenth, Sixth, and Second Pennsylvania 
Regiments. Served to the close of the war. 

His original commission is in existence. 

8. Henry Jackson. Colonel of one of the sixteen addi- 
tional Continental regiments, — afterwards designated as the 
Sixteenth Massachusetts Regiment, — January 12, 1777. 
Transferred to the Ninth Massachusetts Regiment, January 
1, 1781, and to the Fourth Massachusetts Regiment, Janu- 
ary 1, 1783. Retained as colonel of the Continental or 
First American Regiment, November 3, 1783. Served to 
June 20, 1784. 

His commission as brevet brigadier-general, under the 
resolution, is of record in the War Department. 

9. Michael Jackson. Colonel of the Eighth Massa- 
chusetts Regiment, January 1, 1777. Transferred to the 
Third Massachusetts Regiment, June 12, 1783. Served to 
November 3, 1783. 

10. Monsieur de Laumoy. French officer, commissioned 
as colonel of engineers, November 17, 1777. Served to 
October 10, 1783. On the latter date Congress adopted 
the following resolution : 

" Resolved, That Major-General Duportail, Brigadier- 
General Laumoy, and Colonel Gouvion, who have served 



390 Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

with distinguished merit in the department of engineers, 
have leave to retire from the service of the United States, 
their affairs requiring their presence in Europe, and no ar- 
rangements having yet been made by which Congress might 
employ the abilities of these gentlemen, however desirous 
they might be of their services." 

11. George Mathews. Colonel of the Ninth Virginia 
Regiment, February 10, 1777. TTounded and taken 
prisoner at German town, October 4, 1777. Exchanged 
December 5, 1781. Served to the close of the war. 

The late Colonel Charles C. Jones, the historian of 
Georgia, told me that, after a careful and thorough inquiry 
to ascertain whether Mathews had been made a brigadier- 
general by brevet in the Continental service, he was con- 
vinced such was the case. His principal reason for this 
belief lay in the fact that when Mathews came to Georgia, 
from Virginia, at the close of the year 1783, — not in 1785, 
as stated in Appleton, — he was called and recognized as 
General Mathews. 

12. John Nevill (or Neville). Colonel of the Eighth 
Virginia Regiment, December 11, 1777. Transferred to the 
Fourth Virginia Regiment, September 14, 1778. Served to 
November 3, 1783. 

His commission as brigadier-general by brevet, nnder the 
resolution, is in the possession of the family. 

13. Matthias Ogden. Colonel of the First New Jersey 
Regiment, January 1, 1777. On April 21, 1783, Congress 
granted him leave to visit Europe. All the biographical 
dictionaries mention the fact that he received the commis- 
sion of brigadier-general by brevet. 

14. Elisha Sheldon. Colonel of the Second Continental 
Dragoons, December 12, 1776. Served to the close of the 
war. 

15. Heman Swift. Colonel of the Connecticut State 
Regiment, July to December, 1776. Colonel of the Seventh 
Connecticut Regiment, January 1, 1777. Transferred to 
the Second Connecticut Regiment, January 1, 1781. Re- 



generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 391 

tained as colonel of the Consolidated Connecticut Regiment, 
June, 1783. Served to December, 1783. 
His original commission is in existence. 

16. Philip Yan Cortlandt. Colonel of the Second New 
York Regiment, November 21, 1776. Served to the close 
of the war. Appleton (" Cyclopredia of American Biogra- 
phy") says, " After the disbandment of the army at the 
peace, Congress gave him the rank of brigadier-general." 
Drake says that he was promoted to the rank of brigadier- 
general, but erroneously states that the promotion was 
made on account of his gallant conduct at Yorktown. 

17. Gozen (or Gosse) Yan Schaick. Colonel of the 
Second Xew York Regiment, June 28, 1775. Colonel ot 
the First New York Regiment, March 8, 1776. Served to 
the close of the war. Drake (" Dictionary of American 
Biography") states that he was appointed a brigadier-gen- 
eral by brevet on October 10, 1783. Blake ("Biographical 
Dictionary") says he was a brigadier-general in the Ameri- 
can Revolutionary army. 

18. Joseph Yose. Colonel of the First Massachusetts 
Regiment, January 1, 1777. Served to November, 1783. 
Appleton says he was brevetted brigadier-general. Mr. 
Heitman tells me that the records of the War Department 
show that he was so addressed by the Department. 

19. Samuel B. Webb. Lieutenant-colonel and aide-de- 
camp to General "Washington, June 21, 1776. Colonel of 
one of the sixteen additional Continental regiments, Janu- 
ary 11, 1777. Transferred to the Third Connecticut Regi- 
ment, January 1, 1781. Served to November 13, 1783. 

The following extract from " Reminiscences of General 
Samuel B. Webb, of the Revolutionary Army," is, of itself, 
sufficient proof that the commission was issued to him. 

"A Committee of Officers to General Webb. 
" A number of Brigadier-General Sam'l B. Webb's par- 
ticular and real friends present to him their respectful 
compliments, and inform him that they have possessed 



392 Generals of the Continental Line, in the Revolutionary War. 

themselves of a lar^e Packet addressed to him by his new 
Title, and which contains the Commission from Congress 
to justify the Title, fav'd by Honorable Samuel Hunting- 
ton. They would further inform the General, that if it 
should be agreeable to him, and he is disengaged, that a 
number of his friends (perhaps a dozen) propose to wait on 
him this evening with the Packet, and with their Compli- 
ments of Congratulation on the happy event, and to testify, 
jointly and severally, how much they rejoice in his pro- 
motion. 

"Wednesday, 11 o'clock. Nov. 15, 1783." 

We come now to the consideration of those colonels 
who, having been " retired" during the year 1783, prior to 
September 30, were entitled to the brevet rank given by 
the resolution. 

After the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown on Oc- 
tober 19, 1781, it became apparent that the war was draw- 
ing near its close. In fact, this surrender of the main 
British army in America practically closed active hostili- 
ties, though the independence of the United States was not 
formally acknowledged by Great Britain until more than a 
year afterwards (Xovember 30, 1782), nor the treaty of 
peace concluded until September 3, 1783. 

The consolidation of depleted regiments, involving the 
retirement from active service of many officers, was at once 
commenced, economy in the public expenditures demand- 
ing that it be done as speedily as possible. 

On December 19, 1781, Congress passed a resolution re- 
questing the Commander-in-Chief to inform the Secretary of 
War, from time to time, of the number of general officers 
whom he judged necessary to be in the field in the main 
and separate armies ; and that, after such officers had been 
designated by the Secretary of War, all others should be 
considered as being on the half-pay establishment, but liable 
to be called into the field. 

On August 7, 1782, Congress directed that the Secretary 
of War should, on or before January 1, 1783, effect such a 



Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 393 

consolidation of the non-commissioned officers and privates 
belonging to the lines of the respective States as would 
form complete regiments or regiments of not less than five 
hundred rank and file, drawing from the junior regiments 
to fill the senior regiments ; that the officers of the line ot' 
each State should meet and agree and determine upon the 
officers who should remain in service to command the 
troops so arranged into new regiments ; that, in default of 
such agreement, the junior officers of each grade should 
retire ; and that the officers so retiring should retain their rank- 
in the army, and be called into the service, from time to time, 
according to seniority, in case of deficiencies of officers. 

On May 26, 1783, Congress passed a resolution instruct- 
ing the Commander-in-Chief " to grant furloughs to the 
non-commissioned officers and soldiers in the service of the 
United States, enlisted to serve during the war, who shall 
be discharged as soon as the definitive treaty of peace is 
concluded, together with a proportionable number of com- 
missioned officers of the different grades." 

In compliance with this direction, General Washington 
issued a general order in June, 1783, under which the 
greater part of the army was furloughed, and so remained 
until final discharge from service. 

On October 18, 1783, Congress adopted a proclamation 
directing that the entire army standing engaged to serve 
during the war should be absolutely discharged from ser- 
vice on and after November 3, 1783; and also declaring 
that, as " the further services in the field of t lie officers who are 
dera.nged and on furlough . . . can now be dispensed with, they 
have full permission to retire from service." 

It will be seen that, by the express language of the reso- 
lution of August 7, 1782, officers retiring under its provi- 
sions retained their rank in the army, and were subject to be 
called into service if occasion required. The word " re- 
tired" must, therefore, be interpreted to mean " temporarily 
relieved from active duty;" as, in view of what has been 
said, it is capable of no other signification, and cannot 



394- Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

possibly be considered as the equivalent of " left the ser- 
vice." 

The most conclusive proof that the right of these officers 
to the brevet rank allowed by the resolution of September 
30, 1783, was fully equal to that of the officers who con- 
tinued in active service until the disbandment of the army, 
and was so recognized by the Secretary of War, rests in' the 
fact that the original commissions as brigadier-generals by 
brevet, issued under the authority of the resolution to Colo- 
nel Walter Stewart, who was retired on January 1, 1783, 
and Colonel Lewis Nicola, who was retired in June, 1783, 
are in existence. That these commissions were given in 
strict conformity with the provisions of the resolution will 
be apparent when we remember that they were to issue " to 
all officers in the army" who then held the same rank that they 
held in the year 1777. There was no restriction of brevet 
rank to those who were in active seiTice. All who were in 
the army, whether in active service or temporarily retired 
from it, were on the same footing under the resolution. 

In the face of such positive evidence there can be no 
occasion for further pursuing an inquiry into the status of 
such officers, and we pass at once to the consideration of 
the names of the remaining colonels who, having held that 
rank in the year 1777, retained it in continuous service 
until retired between January 1 and June 1*2, 1783. 

20. Thomas Clark. Colonel of the First North Carolina 
Regiment, February 5, 1777. Retired January 1, 1783. 

His descendants state that the commission of brigadier- 
general by brevet was issued to him. 

21. Christian Febiger. Colonel of the Second Virginia 
Regiment, September 26, 1777. Retired January 1, 1783. 

His great-grandson, Mr. Christian C. Febiger, writes me, 
" Colonel Febiger always preferred that title, as by it his 
friends knew him best; but he was granted the title of 
brigadier-general when discharged at the close of the war. 
When my grandfather moved from this city (Philadelphia) 
to Pittsburgh, the trunk containing this commission, and 



Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 395 

many others of Colonel Febiger's papers, was unfortunately 
lost." Appleton states that he was brevetted brigadier- 
genera] on September 30, 1783. 

22. John Lamb. Colonel of the Second Continental 
Artillery, January 1, 1777. Retired June 17, 1783. 

It was the hope and expectation of Lamb's friends that, 
for his valuable services at Yorktown in September and 
October, 1781, Congress would give him the rank of briga- 
dier-general (see Leake's " Life of Lamb"). This, however, 
was not done, and it was a bitter disappointment to him. 
After the war his occupations were entirely in the civil line. 
He had no connection with the militia of his State. From 
the fact that, immediately following the close of the war, 
he was known as General Lamb, and was always so ad- 
dressed, there can be no doubt that he received the brevet 
commission under the resolution. 

The writer has seen several letters of this period — No- 
vember, 1783, to March, 1784 — written by Lamb, which 
bear the endorsement " General Lamb." 

23. Lewis Nicola. Colonel of the Invalid Regiment, 
June, 1777. Retired June, 1783. 

His original commission is in existence. 

24. William Shepard. Colonel of the Third Continental 
Infantry, October 2, 1776. Colonel of the Fourth Massa- 
chusetts Regiment, January 1, 1777. Retired January 1, 
1783. 

The Journals of Congress show that, on December 4, 
1782, an effort was made to secure his promotion to the 
rank of brigadier-general. Allen (" American Biographical 
Dictionary") says he was made a brigadier-general in 1783. 

25. Walter Stewart. Colonel of the Pennsylvania State 
Regiment, — afterwards called the Thirteenth Pennsylvania 
Regiment, — June 17, 1777. Transferred to the Second 
Pennsylvania Regiment, July 1, 1778. Retired January 1, 
1783. 

His commission from Congress as brigadier-general by 
brevet, dated October 10, 1783, is in the possession of his 



396 Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

descendant, Major Richard Church, of Belvidere, Alle- 
gany County, Xew York. 

26. Benjamin Tupper. Colonel of the Eleventh Massa- 
chusetts Regiment, July 7, 1777. Transferred to the Tenth 
Massachusetts Regiment, January 1, 1781, and to the Sixth 
Massachusetts Regiment, January 1', 1783. Served to June 
12, 1783. Both Drake and Appleton say he received the 
commission of "brigadier-general by brevet. 

The list is now completed; but before closing this in- 
quiry it will be well to mention several names which may 
be thought to have a claim for inclusion. 

According to Appleton, David Cobb was a brevet briga- 
dier-general at the close of the war. As he had not, at 
any time prior to 1783, held a higher rank than that of 
lieutenant-colonel, it is clear that he did not come within 
the provisions of the resolution ; and it is certain that no 
such promotion was given him by any special resolution 
of Congress. All efforts to learn whether the statement in 
Appleton is well founded having failed, we are forced to the 
conclusion that it is an error arising from the fact that 
shortly after the war Cobb was a major-general of militia. 

Thomas Craig (colonel of the Third Pennsylvania Regi- 
ment, August 1, 1777. Retired January 1, 1783) and 
Charles Harrison (colonel of the First Continental Artillery, 
January 1, 1777. Retired June 17, 1783), though appar- 
ently entitled to the brevet rank under the resolution, did 
not, so far as can be ascertained, receive it. 

There remains for consideration the supposed right of 
Richard Caswell, Governor of Xorth Carolina 1777-1779, 
to a place among the major-generals in the Continental line. 

On September 25, 1778, Congress " JResolced, That in case 
Governor Caswell shall find it consistent with the duties of 
his station, and shall be inclined, to march to the aid of 
South Carolina and Georgia, at the head of the Xorth 
Carolina forces, he shall, while on this expedition, have the 
rank and pay of Major-General in the Army of the United 
States of America." 



Generals of the Continental Line in tltc Revolutionary War. 397 

If, while he was governor, he had led the North Carolina 
forces to the aid of the States named, he would certainly 
have been entitled to the rank given by the resolution, 
even though its duration was limited to the time of his 
absence on the expedition. But it was not until the year 
1780, after he had ceased to be governor, that he commanded 
the jSTorth Carolina troops who were engaged, under General 
Gates, in the Southern campaign, and who took part in 
the disastrous battle of Camden. 

The terms of the resolution therefore preclude the con- 
clusion that this service gave him the rank of major-general 
in the Continental army. 

Complete List of Generals of the Revolutionary War, 
according to rank and seniority, with their re- 
SPECTIVE Terms of Service in Each Rank held by 

THEM. 

General and, Commander-in-Chief. 

George Washington. June 15, 1775, to December 23, 
1783. 

Major- Generals. 

Artemas Ward. June 17, 1775, to April 23, 1776 (when 

he resigned). 
Charles Lee. June 17, 1775, to January 10, 1780 (when he 

was dismissed). 
Philip Schuyler. June 19, 1775, to April 19, 1779 (when 

he resigned). 
Israel Putnam. June 19, 1775, to June 3, 1783 (when he 

was retired). 
Richard Montgomery. December 9, 1775, to December 31, 

1775 (when he was killed). 
John Thomas. March 6, 1776, to June 2, 1776 (when he 

died). 
Horatio Gates. May 16, 1776, to November 3, 1783. 
William Heath. August 9, 1776, to November 3, 1783. 
Joseph Spencer. August 9, 1776, to January 13, 1778 

(when he resigned). 



398 Generals of the Chntinehtal Line in the Revolutionary War. 

John Sullivan. August 9, 1776, to jSTovember 30, 1779 

(when he resigned). 
Nathanael Greene. August 9, 1776, to Xovernber 3, 1783. 
Benedict Arnold. February 17, 1777, to September 25, 

1780 (when he deserted to the enemy). 
William Alexander, Lord Stirling. February 19, 1777, to 

January 15, 1783 (when he died). 
Thomas Mifflin. February 19, 1777, to February 25, 1779 

(when he resigned). 
Arthur St. Clair. February 19, 1777, to Xovember 3, 

1783. 
Adam Stephen. February 19, 1777, to Xovember 20, 1777 

(when he was dismissed). 
Benjamin Lincoln. February 19, 1777, to October 29, 

1783. 
Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert Dumotier, Marquis 

de Lafayette. July 31, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 
Philippe Du Coudray. August 11, 1777, to September 15, 

1777 (when he was drowned). 
John, Baron de Kalb. September 15, 1777, to August 19, 

1780 (when he died from wounds). 
Robert Howe. October 20, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 
Alexander McDougall. October 20, 1777, to jSTovember 3, 

1783. 
Thomas Conway. December 13, 1777, to April 28, 1778 

(when he resigned). 
Friedrich Wilhelm August Heinrich Ferdinand, Baron 

Steuben. May 5, 1778, to April 15, 1784. 
William Smallwood. September 15, 1780, to November 3, 

1783. 
Samuel Holden Parsons. October 23, 1780, to July 22, 

1782 (when he was retired). 
Henry Knox. November 15, 1781, to June 20, 1784. 
The Chevalier Louis Lebegue Duportail. [November 16, 

1781, to October 10, 1783. 
William Moultrie. October 15, 1782, to November 3, 

1783. 



Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 399 

Major- Generals by Brevet. 

Under the Operation of the Resolution of September SO, 17S3. 

(Their terms of service will appear in the list containing 
their names as brigadier-generals.) 

James Clinton. George Weedon. 

Lachlan Mcintosh. George Clinton. 

John Glover. Edward Hand. 

John Paterson. Charles Scott. 

Anthonv Wayne. Jedediah Huntington. 

John Philip DeHaas. John Stark. 
Peter Muhlenberg. 

Brigadier- Generals. 

Horatio Gates. June 17, 1775, to May 16, 1776 (when he 

was promoted). 
John Thomas. June 22, 1775, to March 6, 1776 (when he 

was promoted). 
Richard Montgomery. June 22, 1775, to December 9, 

1775 (when he was promoted). 
David Wooster. June 22, 1775, to May 2, 1777 (when he 

died from wounds). 
"William Heath. June 22, 1775, to August 9, 1776 (when 

he was promoted). 
Joseph Spencer. June 22, 1775, to August 9, 1776 (when 

he was promoted). 
John Sullivan. June 22, 1775, to August 9, 1776 (when 

he was promoted). 
Nathanael Greene. June 22, 1775, to August 9, 1776 

(when he was promoted). 
Seth Pomeroy. June 22, 1775. Declined the appoint- 
ment, and was superseded on July 19, 1775. 
Joseph Frye. January 10, 1776, to April 23, 1776 (when 

he resigned from infirmity). 
Benedict Arnold. January 10, 1776, to February 17, 1777 

(when he was promoted). 



400 Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

John Armstrong. March 1, 1776, to April 4, 1777 (when 

he resigned). 
William Thompson. March 1, 1776, to September 3, 1781 

(when he died). 
Andrew Lewis. March 1, 1776, to April 15, 1777 (when 

he resigned). 
James Moore. March 1, 1776, to April 9, 1777 (when he 

died). 
William Alexander, Lord Stirling. March 1, 1776, to 

February 19, 1777 (when he was promoted). 
Robert Howe. March 1, 1776, to October 20, 1777 (when 

he was promoted). 
Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron de Woedtke. March 16, 1776, 

to July 28, 1776 (when he died). 
Thomas Mifflin. May 16, 1776, to February 19, 1777 

(when he was promoted). 
John Whetcomb. June 5, 1776. Declined the appoint- 
ment, 
Hugh Mercer. June 5, 1776, to January 11, 1777 (when 

he died from wounds). 
James Reed. August 9, 1776, to September, 1776 (when 

he resigned from infirmity). 
John Xixon. August 9, 1776, to September 12, 1780 

(when he resigned). 
Arthur St. Clair. August 9, 1776, to February 19, 1777 

(when he was promoted). 
Alexander McDougail. August 9, 1776, to October 20, 

1777 (when he was promoted). 
Samuel Holden Parsons. August 9, 1776, to October 23, 

1780 (when he was promoted). 
James Clinton. August 9, 1776, to jSovember 3, 1783. 
Adam Stephen. September 4, 1776, to February 19, 1777 

(when he was promoted). 
Christopher Gadsden. September 16, 1776, to October 2, 

1777 (when he resigned). 
William Moultrie. September 16, 1776, to October 15, 

1782 (when he was promoted). 



Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 401 

Lachlan Mcintosh. September 16, 1776, to November 3, 
1783. 

William Maxwell. October 23, 1776, to July 25, 1780 
(when he resigned). 

"William Smallwood. October 23, 1776, to September 15, 
1780 (when he was promoted). 

The Chevalier Matthias Alexis de Roche Fermoy. No- 
vember 5, 1776, to January 31, 1778 (when he re- 
signed). 

The Chevalier De Preudhomme De Borre. December 1, 
1776, to September 14, 1777 (when he resigned). 

Henry Knox. December 27, 1776, to November 15, 1781 
(when he was promoted). 

Francis Nash. February 5, 1777, to October 17, 1777 
(when he died from wounds). 

John Cadwalader. February 21, 1777. Declined the ap- 
pointment. 

Enoch Poor. February 21, 1777, to September 8, 1780 
(when he died). 

John Glover, February 21, 1777 to July 22, 1782 (when 
he was retired). 

John Paterson. February 21, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 

Anthony Wayne. February 21, 1777, to November 3, 
1783. 

James M. Yarnum. February 21, 1777, to March 5, 1779 
(when he resigned). 

John Philip DeHaas. February 21, 1777, to , 1783 

(when he was retired). 

William Woodford. February 21, 1777, to November 13, 
1780 (when he died). 

Peter Muhlenberg. February 21, 1777, to November 3, 
1783. 

George Weedon. February 21, 1777, to June, 1783 (when 
he was retired). 

George Clinton. March 25, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 

Edward Hand. April 1, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 

Charles Scott. April 1, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 
vol. xxvii. — 26 



402 Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 

Ebenezer Learned. April 2, 1777, to March 24, 1778 

(when he resigned). 
Jedediah Huntington. May 12, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 
Joseph Reed. May 12, 1777, to June 9, 1777 (when he 

declined the appointment). 
Thomas Conway. May 13, 1777, to December 13, 1777 

(when he was promoted). 
Casimir, Count Pulaski. September 15, 1777, to October 

11, 1779 (when he died from wounds). 
John Stark. October 4, 1777, to November 3, 1783. 
The Chevalier Louis Lebegue Duportail. November 17, 

1777, to November 16, 1781 (when he was promoted). 
Jethro Sumner. January 9, 1779, to November 3, 1783. 
James Hogun. January 9, 1779, to January 4, 1781 (when 

he died). 
Isaac Huger. January 9, 1779, to November 3, 1783. 
Mordecai Gist. January 9, 1779, to November 3, 1783. 
William Irvine. May 12, 1779, to November 3, 1783. 
Daniel Morgan. October 13, 1780, to November 3, 1783. 
Otho Holland Williams. May 9, 1782, to January 16, 1783 

(when he was retired). 
John Greaton. January 7, 1783, to November 3, 1783. 
Rufus Putnam. January 7, 1783, to November 3, 1783. 
Elias Dayton. January 7, 1783, to November 3, 1783. 
Charles Tufin Armand, Marquis de la Rouarie, March 26, 

1783, to November 3, 1783. 

Brigadier- Generals by Brevet. 
Under Various Resolutions of Congress. 

James Wilkinson. November 6, 1777, to March 6, 1778 
(when he resigned). 

The Chevalier de la Neuville. August 14, 1778, to Decem- 
ber 4, 1778 (when he was permitted to leave the ser- 
vice). 

Moses Hazen. June 29, 1781, to January 1, 1783 (when 
he was retired). 



Generals of the Continental Line in the Revolutionary War. 403 

Thaddeus Kosciuszko. October 13, 1783, to November 3, 

1783. 
Stephen Moylan, November 3, 1783. 
Samuel Elbert. November 3, 1783. 
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. November 3, 1783. 
William Russell. Xovember 3, 1783. 



Under the Resolution of September SO, 1783. 



George Baylor. 
Daniel Brodhead. 
Richard Butler. 
Thomas Clark. 
John Crane. 
Christian Febi°;er. 
John Gibson. 
John Gunby. 
Richard Hump ton. 
Henry Jackson. 
Michael Jackson. 
John Lamb. 
Monsieur deLaumov. 



George Mathews. 

John Nevill (or Neville). 

Lewis Nicola. 

Mathias Ogden. 

Elisha Sheldon. 

William Shepard. 

Walter Stewart. 

Heman Swift. 

Benjamin Tupper. 

Philip Van Cortlandt. 

Gozen (or Gosse) Yan^Schaick. 

Joseph Yose. 

Samuel B. Webb. 



404 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 



JOURNAL OF LIEUTENANT ROBERT PARKER, OF 
THE SECOND CONTINENTAL ARTILLERY, 1779. 

CONTRIBUTED BY HO>\ THOMAS R. BARD. 

[Robert Parker entered the service of the United States from Phila- 
delphia, April 26, 1777, as second lieutenant in the Second Continental 
Artillery, Colonel John Lamb, in which his brother-in-law, Andrew 
Porter, was a captain. He was promoted first lieutenant, January 1, 
1781, and transferred to the Fourth Continental Artillery, — the Pennsyl- 
vania regiment, Colonel Thomas Procter. He was made Captain Lieu- 
tenant to succeed Samuel Story, October 4, 1782. He served until June, 
1783. 

Lieutenant Parker was with his battery in the battles of Brandywine 
and Germantown in 1777, in the battle of Monmouth in 1778, with 
General James Clinton's brigade in General Sullivan's expedition 
against the Indians in 1779, and in the siege of Yorktown in 1781. He 
was with the Southern army in 1782-83. "While the army was at Val- 
ley Forge, Lieutenant Parker was one of a number of officers sent to 
Carlisle, Pennsylvania, by the Board of War, to learn of fixing ammu- 
nition. M As you are sent to obtain a perfect knowledge of the busi- 
ness," General Gates, the President of the Board, wrote April 23. 1778, 
" not only on your own account, but to promulgate it through the States, 
the Board make no doubt of your diligently and manually applying 
yourselves to the task you have undertaken. We have too good an 
opinion of you all to suppose it will be necessary to impress this senti- 
ment upon you ; because should there be any who are negligent, or 
averse to being taught, the Board are satisfied, as men regarding the 
interest of your country, you would return to your other duty, and put 
some other person in a situation so desirable as that you are now in. 
The time you have been at Carlisle was one argument with the Board, 
added to their anxiety to have the laboratory art more generally known, 
and we shall be happy to hear on your return to camp, as no doubt we 
shall, that the knowledge you have gained by your residence at Carlisle 
is equal to the expectation formed when the measure of sending you 
there was adopted." His stay at Carlisle was probably his first visit to 
the Cumberland Valley, in which Captain Parker made his home after 
the Revolution. 

When General Lafayette visited America, in 1824, James Madison 
Porter, the youngest son of General Andrew Porter, was presented to 



Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 405 

him soon after his arrival in New York. "Porter," said the French 
hero; "I remember that name. Any relation of Captain Porier, whom 
I met at the Brandywine ?" " A son," young Porter answered. u I bless 
you for your father's sake," Lafayette said. "He was a brave man. 
He had with him there a young man, a relative, I think, whose name I 
have forgotten. They fought very nearly together/'' " Was it Parker?'' 
Madison Porter asked. " That was the name." " He was my mother's 
brother." M Ah, indeed," the Marquis said ; "they were good soldiers, 
and very kind to me when I was wounded." Captain Parker was a 
member of the Society of the Cincinnati, and on November 17, 17S7, 
was appointed Collector of Excise for Franklin County by the Supreme 
Executive Council. 

Captain Parker was the son of Alexander Parker and the brother of 
Elizabeth Parker (born November 15, 1750, in what is now Montgomery 
County, Pennsylvania), who married Captain Andrew Porter on May 20, 
1777. He settled at Mercersburg, Pennsylvania, where he married on 
May 10, 17S7, Mary Smith (b. 1764, d. December 1, 1S4S), daughter of 
William Smith, the founder of the town of Mercersburg. He died May 
1, 1799. He had no sons. His two daughters : Elizabeth Parker 
married John McFarland, and Mary Smith Parker married Dr. P. W. 
Little, of Mercersburg, Pennsylvania.] 

Monday l£th June 1779. — Marched from Albany with 
Capt. Wool's Blisses & Porter's Company's of Artillery — Ar- 
rived in Scanactady 4 o'clock P.M. — Crossed the Mohawk 
River and encamped on the North Side — Dist. 17 miles — 
The Country from Albany to Scanactady is a very light sandy 
soil that produceth little else but scrubby Pines — Scanac- 
tady is a very pleasant Town situated on the S. side of the 
Mohawk River. It contains about four Hundred Houses, 
built regular, & in a very fertile spot of land. 

June 15th. — At 2 o'clock we embarked on board two Bat- 
teaus loaded with Military Stores. Proceeded five miles up 
the River, and encamped on the North Side. 

June 16th. — Struck our tent at Eight and embarked. 
Passed several strong Reefs and Rapid Currents which 
fatigued us very much. Encamped on the North Side — 
Distance 16 miles. 

Jane 17th. — Encamped at 8 o'clock — The Reefs k Strong 
Currents continuing some of which were very difficult to 



406 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 

get over (our boats being very heavy loaded) Passed Johns- 
town Side and the Month of Schoharie Creek. Encamped 
at Canawago on the South Side of the River — Distance 13 
miles. 

June 18th. — Embarked at 11 o'clock and proceeded over 
some bad Reefs. Arrived at Canajohaire 5 o'clock P.M. 
Distance 18 miles. 

The general course of this River is from N¥. to SE. in 
most places 150 Y'ds wide — The Channel very Irregular. 
In some places fordable & others very deep. It is very dif- 
ficult to go up with boats on account of the many bad 
Reefs and rapid Currents. The banks are for the most part 
10 or 12 feet high — The land near the River is very fer- 
tile — At this place lay Coll. Gansewoert's & Butler's Reg't 
— Coll. Weisenfelfs & Alden's having marched for Lake 
Otsega the day before— Here was a great Quantity of pro- 
visions and a large number of waggons employed in con- 
veying it & the Batteaus to the lake — Encamped on a hill 
at some distance from the River on the South Side, very 
much fatigued with our journey. 

Jane 19th.— This day Coll. Butler's Reg't. and the Rifle 
Corpse marched towards the lake. 

June 20th. — This morning we received two light three 
pounders from Fort Schuyler with their amunitions &c — 
Nothing material happened. 

June 21st. — This day was executed a Spy called Henry 
Herr, who said he was a private in Coll. John Butler's 
Reg't. He was taken up by a party of Militia at some 
distance from here, found guilty & hanged. Several others 
are in Confinement. 

June 22nd. — Nothing Material happened. 

June 23rd. — Nothing Material — Mustered in the After- 
noon. 

June 24-th. — This day was shot Titus, a soldier in the 

5th N.Y. Reg't for desertion. This day we had an elegant 
dinner at which was present thirty five gentlemen of the 
different Reg'ts. 



Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1719, 407 

Jane 25th. — Marched at 10 o'clock with Coll. Dcboin's 
Reg't towards Lake Otsega, passed through an Indifferent 
Country, but thinly Inhabited — -passed near some Salt 
Springs, Encamped at the foot of Brimstone Hill — Slept 
very Indifferently being much annoyed by a small fly called 
a punk — Rain in the Night — Distance 13 miles. 

June 26th. — Marched at 6 o'clock, passed Brimstone Hill 
which is very high, halted at Springfield & breakfasted with 
Capt Butler's Eeg't — Arrived at Lake Otsega 3 o'clock P.M. 
Embarked in Batteaus with Coll Deboin's Reef t & the Mili- 
tary Stores & proceeded to the 2sT end at Lows Farms — 
Dist. 2 miles. The Country from Brimstone Hill to the 
Lake is very fertile but not Inhabited only at Springfield, 
where has been a few houses which are burned to the 
ground by the Indians — The Country appears like low or 
Island land — The Timber chiefly Beech, Elm, Ash, Sugar 
Maple, & the Gum, & near the lake some Hemlock Swamps. 

June 27th.— Lay in Camp — a large quantity of provisions 
were sent from the lower landing to this place for Storage. 
This place is situated very pleasantly in a line grass Coun- 
try — Some Improvements have been made here and a saw 
mill erected — plenty of Fish in the lake and Neighboring 
Brooks. 

June 28th. — Gave an Entertainment to-day to the gentle- 
men of the other Eeg'ts — spent the day very agreeably, 
what we wanted in variety and Convenience was amply 
made up in good humour and Harmony, The remembrance 
of which naturally leads me to reflect on these ceremoni- 
ous assemblys (we generally see in Cities & populous Coun- 
tries) called Entertainments — where instead of promoting 
Harmony & Uninimity, they sow the seeds of discord k 
perpetual animosity — Instead of satisfying Nature with 
Temperance they satiate her with luxury. 

June 29th — Went to Springfield (dist, 6 miles) in Com- 
pany with a number of gentlemen to dine with the Officers 
of Coll Butler's Reg't, in compliance with a previous Invi- 
tation. 



408 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 

June SOth. — The General Hospital arrived to-day. 

July 1st. — Nothing of Consequence happened. 

July 2nd. — Received orders to hold ourselves in readiness 
to march. Embarked our Artillery, Ammunition k pro- 
vision on board the boats k lay ready to march. 

July 3rd. — Embarked at 7 o'clock on board 11 Batteaus 
(with Coll Deboin's Eeg't) k proceeded to the south end of 
the lake (dist. 10 miles) — Stored our ammunition in Cock- 
ran's House which stands about 200 yards from the lake k 
encamped near it. At this place lay Coll Butler's & Ganse- 
woerts Regts with the Riflemen — Coll. Veisenfelts with his 
Eeg't arrived in the afternoon. 

This lake is about 9 miles in length & from one to two 
wide — very 'pleasant. The water near the shore is shallow 
but in the middle very deep k of a greenish colour & 
hemm'd in on all sides by a ridge of Mountains. At this 
place there is an outlet which makes a small brook that 
forms the Head of the East branch of the Susquehanna 
Eiver. This breast will not admit of more than one batteau 
abreast to pass k that with difficulty — to remedy which we 
erected a dam across the outlet in order to raise a head of 
water in the lake to facilitate our passage down. 

July 4-th. — This day being the anniversary of Indep en- 
dance, the troops were paraded on the banks of the lake, 
when thirteen peices of Cannon were discharged together 
with a running fire of musquetry three times along the line 
w r ith as many huzzas from the troops — after which they all 
marched to the grand parade, when an excellent discourse 
was delivered suitable to the occasion by the Eev'd. Doct. 
Gans, Chaplan to the ]STew York Brigade. 

July oth. — Coll. Aldens Eeg't. with the remainder of the 
stores k provisions arrived this afternoon. 

July 6th. — Mr. Dean with a number of Oneida Indians 
arrived this afternoon — 

July 7th~9th. — Xothing worthy of notice occurred. 

July 10th. — This day found by experience that F : M = 
m : E. 



Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 409 

July 11th. — This morning I went out with a scout of 
sixty men, marched through the woods about 12 miles when 
we encamped— -Rained hard all day — at night the Rain 
and Wind increased — found our lodging none of the 
best. 

July 12th. — Rain in the morning early & very cold being 
out of provision the party returnd all but the men with 
whom I resolved to prosecute our Journey — We then 
proceeded over mountains, hills & morasses until we ar- 
rived at the Canandaragua or Schuyler's Lake about 7 miles 
farther — Here we staid some time to take a view of the lake 
& adjacent country — This lake lies about 8 miles W of 
Otsega Lake — it is about 7 miles in length & 1J in width, 
the outlet running S. E. falls into, or forms a junction with, 
Otsega Creek about 7 miles below the Lake and there 
assumes the name of Susquehanna River — Returned about 
6 miles on our way to Camp when night overtaking us, we 
were obliged to lay in the woods without fire. 

July 13th. — Rose early in the morning & pursued our 
journey to camp where we arrived at 8 o'clock, hungry & 
fatigued. 

July i4.th.S0th.mg Material happened. 

July 15th. — This day found the difference between EP 
& FC. 

July 16th. — Wrote some letters to my correspondants. 

July 17th-19th. — Nothing worthy of notice. 

July Will. — Lieut. Howell joined us from Albany, also 
found to my great S. that M : M == M : E. 

July 21st. — Wrote some letters to correspondants. A 
party was sent out to day to measure the distance to Lake 
Schuyler. 

July 22nd. — The party mentioned yesterday returned 
having measured the distance from here to Lake Schuyler 
found it to be K30°W from the lower end of Lake Otsega 
to the lower end of Schuyler Lake disk 8 miles. Gen. 
Court Martial ordered. 

July 23rd-26th. — Nothing of Consequence happened. 



410 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker ', 1779. 

July 27th. — A detachment of 205 men commanded by 
Coll. Gansewoert ordered out. 

July 28th.— Soldier in the 3rd X Y Regt shot for deser- 
tion — two under same predicament reprieved. 

July 29th-30th. — Xothing material. 

July 31st. — The party mentioned the 27th returned having 
been at Forts Plank & Herkimer (dist. 20 k 22 miles),' the 
enemy that occassioned this movement having retreated, 
leaving many marks of Barbarism behind. 

August 1st. — A command of 150 men was sent to [?] 
Creek, dist. 3 miles under the command of Major Pave. 

August 2nd-7'th, nothing happened. 

August 8th. — Prepared two boats to carry our artillery, 
mounted them on Truck Carriages, made experiments on 
the Lake — embarked our stores on board 15 Batteaus k 
orders to march in the morning. 

August 9th. — Took our departure from the Lake this 
morning with our little army consisting of 1500 effective 
men with 208 Batteaus loaded with provisions, ammuni- 
tions k proceeded in the following order : 

1st— 300 Light Infantry Commanded by Coll Butler k 
Major Cockran k Parr marching on the west side of the 
river formed the advane'd Guard. The other Troops that 
could be spared from the Boats form'd the flanks & Bear- 
guard, the Horses, Cattle ke. marched within the flank 
guard. The line of boats was in the following order. 

A few boats with light Infantry formed the advance party; 

2nd — One peice of artillery k the General. 

3d — 4th Pennsylvania k 4 ]ST. York Bgt. 

4th — Military Compy Hospital k 2 M. G. Stores. 

6th — 2nd peice of Artillery. 

7th — 3rd X. York brought up the Rear. 

Encamped at Burrowses farm dist. 17 miles by land k 
20 by water — plenty of rattle snakes here — Rains in the 
Kight— 

The general course of this River to-day is about S 20° 
W — for ten miles down it is not more than 20 yards wide 



Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779, 411 

k from \\ to 5 feet deep. 8 miles from the Lake foils in 
the Oatis Greek from Lake Schuyler k 7 miles further 
Cherry Valley Creek empties — a little lower it widens to 
about 40 yards — This Brook or River is very Navigable 
for so small a Stream — obstructed only by logs & trees fell 
across it. The adjacent Country is -rich, fertile & abounds 
with most sorts of Timber. The situation low, but risimr 
gradually into hills, at a distance from the shore but free 
from stone. The river is very crooked forming a number 
of very short turns which run in every point of the compass 
— Previous to our leaving the Lake the dam was opened 
which raised the water in the river k therby greatly faciliated 
our passage down. 

August 10th. — Marched at 3 o'clock P.M. Arrived at 
Yorkams at sunset dist. 5 miles by land k 6 by water. 
About a mile below Burrowses the river runs very rapid 
passing through a small ridge of mountains which continued 
all the way. Encamped here— the place very pleasant. 
Here has been an Improvement — a barn, house k an or- 
chard; found a peice of bark with an Inscription in the Li- 
dian Tongue, which Mr. Dean translated thus — 

the day before hobjday 1779 on this ground are 200 Indians 
friends to General Washington. 

August 11th. — Embarked at 8 o'clock, passed a large 
creek from the East Side — several reefs k narrows which 
retarded our march. Rapids continue for 8 miles. En- 
camped on Ogden's farm ~W. Side dist. 15 miles by land k 
21 by water — the Eiver very crooked forming a number of 
small Islands — from 40 to 50 yds wide. The banks in some 
places pretty high — the land very good k abounds with 
Butternut, Elm Ash, Maple Burch k Beech, thick foggy air. 

August 12th. — Took our departure at 7 o'clock, the river 
down for 9 miles was a very easy current so as to admit our 
boats three abreast — then it began to be rapid. Encamped 
at Unadilla, about a mile above the confluence. The Coun- 
try we passed is very good. 

Here has been a good settlement inhabited chielly by 



412 Journal of Lieutenant Hubert Parker, 1779. 

Scotch Emigrants who last year Hod to the Indians for pro- 
tection — It was formerly an old Indian settlement k last 
fall was burnt by Coll Butler— Dist. 65 miles by land & 20 
by water, E. Side. 

August 13th. — Early this morning went to see an old In- 
dian fort, about a mile from Camp, which appeared to be 
very old, of a circular form & contaiird about half an acre 
— passed some reefs, the mouth of the Unadilla river which 
empties from the ~W~. Side. Encamped at Cannahrunta on 
an Island, dist. 14 miles by land k 17 by water, the country 
very good — several old settlements on both sides of the 
river. The river after the junction of Unadilla is about an 
hundred yards wide — several rapids occasioned by Fish 
dams. 

August Hth. — Embarked at 9 o'clock passed several old 
settlements, water pretty good k few rapids. Encamped at 
Onequaya dist. 12 miles by land & 15 by water. This was 
an old Indian town that contained about fifty houses, some 
of which are very good — there has likewise been a church 
with a Christian Missionary. The land for J mile from 
the river is very good, but farther back it rises into hills. 
It has been settled on both sides of the river for many years 
k has long been an Asylum for miscreant Refugees from the 
neighboring States — last fall it was burnt k destroyed by 
Coll. Butler. 

August 15th. — Lay by waiting for a number of Militia ex- 
pected from Esopus. 

August 16th. — A party was sent in quest of the Militia 
who returned without them. 

August 17th. — Embarked at 9 o'clock, the river running 
nearly South k for 10 miles a very good current, a little 
farther it became very shallow, with a number of Islands. 
Encamped at the Tuscarora Settlement on the W. Side, 
dist. 20 miles by land & 25 by water — Several high rocks 
on the bank of the river — burnt a number of Indian houses 
on the passage. 

August ISth. — Embarked at 9 o'clock. The river run- 



Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 413 

irtng nearly N". W. The navigation good — Passed the mouth 
of the Sheninga River from the "W. side encamped a little 
way below that place— dist. by water 24 miles k by land 20 
— the distance by land across to Onoquaga is but 16 miles 
occasioned by the crooked course of the river — There has 
been a large Indian Town about 3 miles up the Shenango 
river, which, we sent a detachment to destroy — Two men 
met us this afternoon from Gen Poor, informing us that 
Gen. Sullivan was at the Tioga & had detached him (Gen. 
Poor) with a party up the river to meet us. 

August 19th. — Embarked at 9 o'clock — The river very 
shallow and full of islands — at 6 miles down we met Gen- 
erals Poor k Hand with nine hundred men from Gen Sulli- 
van, to escort us down — Halted some time k then pro- 
ceeded with them down the river. Encamped at Owaga on 
a line plain on the West side of the river, dist. by land 20 
k by water 24 miles — a mile and half from here there has 
been an Indian Town which we destroyed. 

August 20th. — Rain all day which occassioned us to 
lay by. 

August 21st. — Marched at 8 o'clock. Two boats with 
ammunition overset. Encamped at Fiby Patrick's farm or 
in Indian Majatawaga, dist. 12 miles by land & 14 bv water 
— Pitched our tents in an open peice of woods and in ex- 
tensive plain. 

August 22nd. — Embarked at 7 o'clock, arrived at Tioga 
at 9 — dist. 8 miles On our arrival at the Light Infantry 
Camp (which was about a mile from the main army), we 
were saluted with a discharge of 13 cannon — when we 
arrived opposite the Park, the like number was fired — after 
which we landed and encamped in the Park with Coll Proc- 
tor's Reg't. 

This encampmeut is situated on a neck of land just above 
the conflux of the Susquehanna and Tioga Rivers — The 
land level producing a great quantity of grass — a mile 
above the park lay the light troops of the army commanded 
by Gen Hand — this encampment extended from one river 



414 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 

to another which is only 200 yards, where there are three 
block houses building — At this place lay Generals Poors, 
Maxfield's & Hand's Brigades — with Coll Proctor's regiment 
of Artillery — the whole making near five thousand men 
with two 6 pounders, two oh Howitzers, four 3 pounders 
& a small Cohorn. — A universal joy now diffused itself 
through the army on the happy junction so long expected, 
and mutual congratulations closed the day. The general 
course of this river is from £T.E. to S.W. in many places 
shallow, but on the whole very navigable — arrived all safe — 
during the course of the march the order was changed 
reciprocally from front to rear every day. 

August 23rd. — Ordered to prepare to march — all the spare 
tents of the army were collected to make bags to hold flour 
for the expedition — the pack Horses got in readiness. 

August 24-th- — Continued our preparations to march ; at 
3 o'clock a gun was fired, as a signal to strike our tents & 
march — found great deficiency in point of pack horses &c, 
which occassioned great confusion. In the evening another 
gun was fired to pitch our tents— lay on the same ground. 

August 2oth. — Preparations for marching continued — 
drew six days salt provision — heavy rain which prevented 
us from marching. 

August 26th. — At 11 o'clock this morning after great diffi- 
culty, we got under way and began our march towards the 
Indian Country in the following order — Gen. Hand with a 
brigade of light Infantry and Kifle Corps formed the 
advance guard. Gen. Poor's formed the right k Gen. 
Maxfield the left flank — Gen. Clinton's brigade brought up 
the rear — after the light infantry and between the flanks 
was the Park consisting of two oh Irish Howitzers, Six 
light 3 pounders and one small Cohorn with ammunition &c. 
&c. The flank marched at such a distance from each other 
as to admit the pack horses in the centre — We carried with 
us 30 days provision & 1200 pack horses, in this manner 
we proceeded up the Tioga River about 3 miles through a 
very level & open country — Encamped on the bank of a 



Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 415 

beautiful k extensive meadow, that afforded a delightful 
prospect and plenty of grass for our horses. 

August 27th. — Marched at 9 o'clock, for two miles the 
country continued open k the road good, but after became 
bad by a ridge of mountains that projected itself close to 
the river — where we had to pass a narrow detile in the edge 
of the river — a high bank in ascending from the river — ' 
passed some deep swamps. Encamped on the banks of an 
extensive plain about 10 o'clock at night — found plenty of 
corn k beans here on which we fared sumptously — dist. 5 
miles. 

August 28th.-— Lay by till 2 o'clock P.M. — ordered that one 
days provision be stopt in lieu of the corn and beans. 
Crossed the Tioga river twice which was very deep k rapid 
— One of our batteaus was fired upon by a party of Indians 
— a little after our left flank discovered two Indians k fired 
upon them — but they escaped- — at dark encamped at She- 
mung, dist. 4 miles — This place is situated on a large 
plain on the banks of the Tioga river k was lately a popu- 
lous Indian Town, that contained about thirty houses, but 
was destroyed about 3 weeks ago by a detachment of Gen 
Sullivans Army. 

August 29th. — Marched at 10 o'clock — the country con- 
tinued level for some distance k very fertile. At 10 o'clock 
P.M. k about 3 miles above Chemung our advance parties dis- 
covered the enemy in front posted on an eminence behind 
a breastwork of logs &c, a few shots were exchanged, then 
our party returned and gave the intelligence — Our Artillery 
was then ordered to file off to the right about a quarter of a 
mile from the enemies' works When we unloaded and dis- 
encumbered ourselves of our baggage kc undiscovered by 
the enemy. In the mean time our right wing commanded 
by Gen. Poor, by a circuituous march endeavoured to out- 
flank and gain the enemies' rear, while part of the left wing 
crossed the Tioga River, which lay about half a mile on 
our left, in order to intercept their retreat, Should they 
attempt to pass that way — The rest of the army was left as 



416 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker y 1779. 

a reserve to cover the Artillery and make the attack in front 
if necessary. 

In this situation we remained near an hour keeping up 
a small fire of musquetry on the enemies front until the 
time allowed the right wing, to gain the post they intended, 
was expired — our Artillery was then ordered to advance 
upon the eminence, about two hundred yards in front ot 
the enemies' works, where we began the attack by opening 
upon them two 5 J Irish Howitzers & 6 three pounders, 
when a pleasing peice of Music ensued. But the Indians 
I beleive did not admire the sound so much, nor could they 
be prevailed upon to listen to its music, although we made 
use of all the eloquence we were masters of for that purpose, 
but they were deaf to our entreaties and turned their backs 
upon us in token of their detestation for us. 

In this situation without waiting to bid us good bye, 
they retreated with loss and the greatest precipitation. As 
soon as they began to retreat, parties were sent in pursuit 
of them — We remained on our ground for some time and 
were then ordered to advance up to their works — which we 
found situated on an eminence, with a small plain of clean 
land in front and pine woods in the rear—their works were 
made of pine logs, about a mile in length, about three feet 
high, and forming a number of angles, interspersed with 
green boughs in front to prevent discovery — from these we 
proceeded to their camp about a mile further where we 
halted & gave the signal for the right wing to find us & 
come in, which they did & gave the following account, that 
they were greatly deceived in the situation & distance of 
the ground which took up more time than they expected, 
to accomplish their design — and that they only fell in with 
the enemies' flank as they were retreating, when they had 
two men killed and about 30 wounded, a white man and a 
negro man taken prisoners, who gave an account that their 
whole force was collected there, consisting of 600 Indians 
& 200 whites, commanded by Butler & Brandt & the rest 
of the savage brethren. 



Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker , 1779. 417 

It appears from the best accounts that they had intended 
making their principal stand at that place & had nearly all 
their force collected for that purpose — Their works were 
constructed upon a good peice of ground and very well done 
for defence against musquetry. 

It must also be allowed that our plan of attack was judi- 
ciously laid, well executed and must reflect great Honor on 
those that conducted it — but the badness of the road with 
some other circumstances, prevented the right wing from 
gaining their post as soon as could be wished for & thereby 
part of the plan proved unsuccessful. Our loss was three 
killed and thirty six wounded — Sixteen of the enemy were 
found dead and a great number must be wounded. 

August 30th. — -This day almost all the army were em- 
ployed in cutting down the corn in this neighborhood. 
Several hundred acres were destroyed in this manner — A 
Lieutenant of Coll. Cilesfs Re°:t. died of the wounds he re- 
ceived in the action yesterday. The army received thanks 
of the General, for their behaviour yesterday — In the after- 
noon it was proposed to the troops whether they would 
consent to live on half allowance of provisions, which was 
unanimously agreed to — The smallness of our Magazines 
& the impossibility of procuring another supply in season 
rendered this measure absolutely necessary — The troops in 
testimony of their approbation gave three huzzas which re- 
echoed from Regiment to Eeonment — a small shower of 
rain in the evening — At dark the two Howitzers, two three 
pounders, all waggons &c. were taken down to be dismounted 
and put in boats — about eleven o'clock at night they were 
all sent down the river together with the wounded and 
every thing that was superfluous, to the garrison at Tioga, 
under the direction of Capt McClure. 

This place has been the encampment of the enemy for 
sometime past & is situated in a beautiful plain on the 
banks of the Tioga river, surrounded by large and extensive 
fields of corn of an amazing height, filled with different 
kinds of vegetables all of an excellent quality. Those fields 
vol. xxvn. — 27 



418 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 

of corn appear to have been planted on purpose to supply 
their scouts with provisions when they intended to make 
excursions on our frontier. 

August 31st. — Marched at 10 o'clock, the roads pretty had 
hut the land exceeding good for four miles where we crossed 
a creek that emptied itself into the Tioga at a place called 
jSTewtown. Here was an Indian Settlement and a small 
town which we destroyed. After we left this place we en- 
tered a very large and extensive plain, that produced little 
more than a few pine trees and wild grass. Marched about 
five miles further, the plain continuing, and encamped there. 
This dav we found the advantage of leaving our heavy 
artillery behind, having marched about 10 miles. 

September 1st. — Marched at 10 o'clock — The plain men- 
tioned yesterday continued about 3 miles further, then we 
entered a defile with a mountain on our left and a large and 
extensive meadow oil our right. In this meadow the water 
separates. The Cauga Branch running S. East falls into the 
Tioga at Xew Towui — another Creek runs JSTorth West and 
falls into the Sennecca Lake near Catherine's Town. These 
creeks interlap each other and run directly opposite and 
nearly parallel in the meadow and but a small distance 
apart — -This defile continued about two miles and then we 
entered into a dark, gloomy & almost impenetrable Hem- 
lock swamp, which continued for eight miles further — in 
many places it was so thick as scarcely ever to admit the 
rays of the sun to enter. Some places we w^ere obliged to 
ascend an almost perpendicular height and next descend 
the precipice into low muddy valleys filled with dirty rivu- 
lets. In this manner we proceeded cutting our road for the 
Artillery all the way — About two miles from the end of the 
swamp, night came on & left us in the midst of those 
gloomy regions, without the assistance of Sun, Moon or 
Stars, or even the benefit of a road — Here we were oblidged 
to make fires at the distance of thirty or forty yards from 
each other to assist us in making the road — until at length 
we arrived at Catherine Town at the end of the swamp 



Journal of Lieutenant Bobert Parker, 1779. 419 

about eleven o'clock — In short the difficulties we encoun- 
tered to-day would have prevented any army on the lace of 
the globe under our circumstances to have accomplished — 
but those who had nobly stepped forth in defence of their 
injured country and firmly resolved to surmount every ob- 
stacle and brave all dangers and difficulties that presented 
themselves in the way. When we arrived at Catherine's 
Town, the Indians had but just left, not expecting us there 
that night — they left their fires burning and had just time 
to make their escape. This was a very pretty Town that 
contained about thirty Houses very well built on a good 
peice of ground — most of the houses were pulled down for 
fires to warm and dry ourselves before morning. 

September 2nd. — This morning almost all the houses in the 
Town were demolished, having been burnt last night — Sev- 
eral Horn Cows &c were brought in by the Soldiers and 
sold — 'An old Indian squaw was found near the Town who 
gave account that the Indians had just left the town last 
night as our advance parties entered it & that previous to 
their departure they held a consultation when the Squaws 
urged the warriors to fight us but thev refused it saving we 
were invincible & that it was in vain for them to attempt it — 

Gen. Clinton's Brigade (who brought up the rear) did 
not arrive until noon, having been obliged to lay in the 
swamp all night. They as well as the other parts of the 
army, I believe, will not soon forget that they once passed 
through Catherine's Swamp — 

Parties of observation were sent out, who returned in the 
Evening, giving an account, that they had seen the tracks of 
a number of Indians as they had retreated k lay by the re- 
mainder of the day — Ordered to hold ourselves in readiness 
to march tomorrow morning. 

September 3rd. — Marched at 9 o'clock — the roads low and 
muddy for three miles — then we saw a very large ineadow, 
at some distance on our left — then we ascended a very high 
hill where we saw the head of the Seneca Lake & the 
meadowy before mentioned, above the head of the lake. 



420 Journal of Lieutenant Robert Parker, 1779. 

When we arrived at the top of the hill, the land was level and 
the woods open. Several tracks of the Indian's late retreat 
appeared on the way — encamped in the woods near a small 
brook — forage for our horses very scarce, dist. 12 miles. 

September 4-tli. — Rain in the morning prevented us from 
marching until 10 o'clock, when we struck our tents & got 
under way, passed some low, deep hollows k brooks — came 
to some Corn fields & a few houses which we destroyed — 
sa%v the Seneca lake several times at some distance on our 
left — The land continued very good the greatest part of 
the way — encamped in the woods, distance 10 miles. 

September 5th. — Marched at 7 o'clock the roads continued 
nearly the same as yesterday — the land exceeding good — 
Saw the lake several times — encamped at a place, called 
Condoy, but in English it is called Appletown, no doubt it 
first received this name from the number of apple-trees 
that grew there— -This place appears to be an old settle- 
ment & contains upwards of twenty houses on a very pleas- 
ant situation — an old man an inhabitant of Wyoming was 
retaken by our advance parties, who gave accounts that the 
enemy had retreated to Canadesoga, where they intended to 
make a stand. Encamped here — dist. 8 miles. 

September 6th. — A number of cattle strayed which pre- 
vented us from marching until 3 o'clock P.M. before which 
time, two sergeants arrived from Tioga — brought a number 
of letters with them giving an account of several advan- 
tages gained by our troops in different parts of the country. 
A small town was burnt on the Cauga Lake by a party that 
was sent in search of some baggage that was lost — the 
place appeared to be left in the greatest precipitation — a 
considerable Quantity of plunder was found in it — En- 
camped near the lake where there was plenty of grass & 
wild peas for our horses & ciittle, &c a most beautiful situa- 
tion with a full view of the lake. A small town appeared 
on the opposite side of the lake which was about five mile3 
across — Dist. to-day 3 miles. 

(To be continued.) 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1789-1742. 421 



SELECTED LETTEJRS FROM THE LETTER-BOOK OF 
RICHAED HOCKLEY, OF PHILADELPHIA, 1739-1742. 

(Continued from page 328.) 

Philadelphia April 18 th 1741 

Per y e Greyhound Cap 1 Shea 

M R John "Wkagg 
D R Sir 

It was with, much pleasure I reced your favour Via New 
York which brought me the agreable and much wish'd for 
Account of jour safe Arrival once more to your Native 
though unhappy shoar, and believe I, as well as many of 
your Friends here have been under some anxious thoughts 
for all of you and Sympathized with you on your first 
View of poor Charles Town being mostly laid in Ashes, 
but the difficultys that attended your voyage being gott 
through, the favourable escape of the Flames & the meeting 
your long expecting family in health is matter of rejoycing. 
We have had the severest Winter that has been known in 
this part of the world and happy it is that you escap'd it 
the Vessel that run ashore just before you is entirely lost 
and with much difficulty the Men saved their Lives several 
of em being frost bitten before they cou'd gett ashore on 
the 16 th of December our River became Terra firma and so 
continued untill the 16 th of March when to our Joy we coud 
see Water again and I assure you it was a great rarity for 
water just taken from the Pump in a few minutes became 
solid Ice and had it not been for very warm cloathing, large 
Fires and now & then a good deal of Centeral Heat I believe 
we should have turn'd to Bodys of Ice too, which has been 
the Case of several poor People not bless'd with the Com- 
forts of Life and woud have been the Case of many more 
had not our Inhabitants been bountifull, & distributed of 
their good things to the Needy, and had not this been the 
case our friends wou'd have been more liberal for the 
Assistance of the poor sufferers in Charles Town, they 



42 2 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-174$. 

have sent eome Hour and Bread by a Vessell that sails at 
the same time this does, and Governour Bull not being 
particular in his Letter to M r Penn they coud not well tell 
what woud be most acceptable, however they have more 
money left in their hands belonging to the Subscription and 
I suppose will wait further orders and we expect the other 
Congregations will make a Collection in a short time. 

The Chair is all flnish'd except the Guilding and I have 
sent to Xew York for some gold leaf we having none in 
town here and you may depend on it in a very short time. 
I am willing it shou'd look like the other part and shall be 
finish'd in the best manner it can be done here and I heartily 
wish the young Ladies health to use it. Be pleased to 
present M* Penns M r3 Freames and my Sisters with my 
own Compliments to M* T\ r ragg his Lady and M" Hume 
not forgetting yourself and believe me to be with much 
Esteem 

Your obliged Friend & very humble Serv* 

Rich 1 ' Hockley. 

Inclosed is the receipt for the Soup your Mamma desired 
pray give my Humble Service to M r Lampton. 

Philadelphia June 15 th 1741 
Per the Sloop Joseph & Mary Captain Rivers 
M r Jn°Wragg 

D E M R Wragg 

Your agreable favour per M r Balch I have just now 
receiv'cl and am much pleased to hear of your good Fam- 
ilys wellfare, and you can't think how much I am concern'd 
that the Chair does not come by thi3 Opportunity a3 it will 
keep the young Ladys in further Expectation and for some 
time will disappoint 'em of their intended pleasure, not- 
withstanding I wrote you in my last of its being finished 
all to the guilding yet the painter tells me there is several 
Embellishments necessary to be done in order to compleat 
it whether so or not, I must confess I am no Judge in the 
Art, but for my Life I can't get it finished as yet notwith- 
standing my repeated visits to him and pressing Entreatys, 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-17^2. 423 

laying before him, how scandalous it wou'd appear in your 
Eyes for Mm to be so tedious about a trifle, and perhaps 
censure my Care in not hastening him and still to little 
purpose, nay to tell you the truth I have almost lost my 
temper with him, and at last And Patience must be my 
Comforter as it must be yours, as to the trouble you mention 
to me, about it, is trifling, and can assure you shall find "a 
secret satisfaction if at any time I can oblige you and shall 
take it kind if you will give me the opportunity however 
I hope by the next conveyance the Chair will come safe to 
your hands, had there been another painter in the Town 
I should long ago have put it into his Care to finish it, 
but as it is not so, this is the way we are imposed on and 
cannot help ourselves. I have had no opportunity of con- 
versing yet w th M r Balch but as I reced your letter from 
him and believe he answers your Character of him, we 
have no certain account as yet of the town of Carthagene 
being in the Possession of our Troops though we daily 
Expect it, poor Captain Freame (M™ Fream.es Husband) 
after being at the Siege of all the Fortifications and in 
particular at Boccha Chico Castle and behaving of himself 
gallantly so as to be excused by Gen 1 "Wentworth from any 
more Duty on this Attack a few days after was seiz'd with 
a fever of which he dyed in twenty four hours to the great 
Grief of those nearly related to him as you may imagine, 
since your departure M r3 Freame was brought to Bed of a 
fine Girl who is likely to live and the latter End of next 
month we all embark for England notwithstanding these 
troublesome Times and please God in the Spring I return 
again here, where if I can be of any service to you, without 
Ceremony or reserve you may freely Command me. 

I am glad the Provisions our People sent came so oppor- 
tunely and they have still more money in their hands for 
the use of your Unfortunate but I am doubtful whether any 
Money will be Collected from other Societys than the 
Quakers. I hear you are going to enter into that Solemn 
State Matrimony tho not with the young Lady you had 



4 24 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

some thoughts off, and if youl excuse my freedom whom I 
thought not worthy your notice, as she slighted your Inno- 
cent Affections. I hope dear Sir it will be with the appro- 
bation of your Parents which will tend to make your life 
more agreable but in whatever state it pleases God to allot! 
you, you will always have my best Wishes who am with a 
particular Esteem — D r Sir 

Your assured friend k obliged Hum* Serv fc 

Eicn D Hockley. 

P.S. If I shou'd not have an oppertunity of sending 
the Chair before I sail M 1 Strettle k Ellis have both 
promised to send it by the first Conveyance all your 
Acquaintance here are well, except M* Cummings who has 
departed this Life I hope for a better, and all our family 
w th myself desire their Compliments to yours not forgetting 
M rs Hume and my humble sendee to M r Lampton. 

Philada Feb r - T 22 Qd 1742 
Per y* Catharine Capt Kollock 

M R Jn° Watson 
D B Sir 

Inclosed you have Invoice k Bill of Lading for forty 
Casks of Flour k twelve quarter Casks of Milk Bread k 
one Cask of Gammons which I hope will please the wax 
Candles I coud not mett Mvrtle Wax bein^ so scarce k 
would have made the Candles come very high, so have sent 
you none I am sorry the tallow ones did not please. I won- 
der at your reason of writing for light flour as you may 
observe by the weights of each Cask what you loose in the 
Freight and tis always three pence and six pence a hundred 
dearer than the heavy k you may have 18 Barrels of the 
heavy flour carried as cheap as the light I only mention this 
as I apprehend you are not appris'd of it. 

In my last to you w° h you cou'd not have receiv'd before 
I wa3 favour'd w th yours k you will see your objection as to 
the £8.12.1 answerd you think tis too much but it was 
owing to our Exchange falling when I laid out that money 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 17S9-l?i2. 425 

for your Ace* I ree'd a letter from M r Hyam wherein lie 
informs me of his having paid for your Aec' £8.12.11 but 
does not mention one word about the £23.7.11 on Ace 1 of 
the flour I left in your hands k unless you will be so good 
as to mention it again I am afrd he will carry the whole 
credit to Mess" Penns Ace' w ch is not right as I was con- 
cern'd one third in the whole Cargo left with you exclusive- 
of what M r Wright owes me I intend to mention it myself 
to him when an opportunity presents k as you now under- 
stand M r Wright's Affair I hope you will be able to finish it 
soone. I shall draw on M r George Udney for 28.6-str. for 
this parcell sent you now which will ballance it as our Ex- 
change is now at 55 p Cent k have returned you the 
Georgia Bills as no body will take them here & w n I was 
my self in London I found some difficulty in getting only 
three 20 S. Bills excha. so I hope you won't take it amiss 
for I shall always be glad to serve vou-in this manner as 
Im Constantly making remittances to London. You ask 
me what I think of M r Whitefield's conversion to the Mo- 
ravian Syestem in answer to w ch I must tell you he is no 
Moravian as I can assure you from two Letters of his that I 
have lately seen tis true he calls them his Brethren but 
thinks they hold some Errors but not essential ones he 
seems to breath a more Catholick Spirit than w n he first re- 
turn'd from Boston k is expect'd w th his Wife here in the 
Spring, the Moravians are a fine Sett of people truly re- 
ligious easy chearfull k courteous & a number of Polite well 
bred people are among them, they gain Proselytes every 
week k tho' malice & ill Fame represent them to the world 
as a sett of People holding damnable Errors yet their lives 
& Conversations no one can find fault with k as a Tree is to 
be known by its Fruits these people deserves the highest 
Esteem. Perhaps you may imagine I am one but I am not 
esteem'd so & am stedfast to the Quakers principles w cb I 
have always profest and like M r Whitefield w B he preach'd 
them up untill he derogated from them k gott into the 
Scheme of Reprobation w ch by no means squares w th the 



420 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

Notions that I hold after a mature & deliberate Considera- 
tion of the means of Salvation through Christ. I heartily 
wish you health w th M" Watson k your little Family to 
whom please to tender my best Wishes & am 

w th Esteem D r S r Y r Obli d Fr d & humble Ser' 

Richard Hockley. 

Philadia May 19 th 1742 

M K John Savage 
D R Sir 

About sixteen days since I arrived safe here from my 
voyage to England, which has occasioned my long silence 
and now I am settled here, was unwilling to slip this oppor- 
tunity by M r Bedon of offering my services to you or any of 
your friends that may have occasion to transact any busi- 
ness to this place, as you may depend on my best en- 
deavours & punctuality to serve you, if anything shou'd hap- 
pen to fall in your way I hope you'l not forgett me; and 
excuse this trouble as it is from a young Person just en- 
gaging into business and willing to put himself forward as 
farr as is consistent with Justice & Honour. I hope this 
will meet you with your Uncle and Aunt as agreable in every 
respect as I wish you and please to give my best respects to 
them, and believe me to be what I realy am D r Sir 

Your obliged Friend 

- & Humb Servant 

Rich d Hockley 

If this shoud reach you before M r Ellis leaves you pray 
give my hearty Service to him & lett him know I am 
arrived. 

Philada May 27 th 1742 
Via Newvork 
D* Sir 

I wrote you sometime since Via New York & therein 
gave you an ace* of my safe arrival but as I was much hur- 
ried & had just heard of that opportunity I had no time to 
Coppy my letter so that I hardly know what I wrote, tis 
true I have now time enough on my hands more than I de- 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1789-174$. 427 

sire and unless something in the Shipping way shorn! turn 
out I confess I don't know what I must do everything of 
trade seems to be at a stand and by what I can learn 'tis y* 
general complaint of every Person there's no demand for 
our Country Produce and yet it keeps up high Flour at 11/ 
to 11/6 & bread in proportion and there's as fine a prospect 
of a great Cropp this year as ever was known, Provisions in 
the West Indies is exceeding low & their Commoditys high 
rum sells here at 3/6 & mellasses 2/3 per y 9 Hogshead & yet 
y° mereh 13 complain they can't afford it at that Price, there 
never was known so great a quantity of Goods in this Place 
as is at present and I have been informed several Persons 
have offer'd there Goods for 90 p Cent and that I am sure 
can never answer, considering the great Charges attending 
them in London. Dr. Bard has the greatest business of any 
Person here great quantity of Goods are sold every Vendue 
& realy very good ones, the Shop keepers flock thither with 
their money to purchase Bargains instead of Paying their 
Creditors they stand indebted to, and in short very much 
hurts y e trading People here, a motion was made lately by 
some of the Corporation to Limitt y e value of the Sum put 
up, not less than five Pounds but it cou'd not meet w th ap- 
probation, and I am told Reece Meredith k M r Clifton y e 
West Indian offer'd to pay the Corporation £150 a year for 
y e Place of Vendue Master. 

I have taken all y e pains imaginable to put of my Cargo, 
by advertising & writing to y e People in y* Country that I 
am acquainted with but as yet to little purpose & not a 
Quaker will come anear me for what reasons I can't tell, 
unless the devilish prejudice they have ag* particular Persons 
and so are willing to extend it to those that are their Friends. 
I don't know how sufficiently to express my gratitude for y" 
Sum of money you was pleased to advance for me, if I had 
left my self more in debt to other People than I have I don't 
know what I must have done as they woud Expect remit- 
tances and I not capable of Performing they might impute 
it to some other cause than y 8 real one, of my not having it 



428 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 

in my Power to do it, I have accepted of your kind offer of 
Lodging with M r Lardner as it will save me some expence, 
and have been twice at Springetsbury, but both Places ap- 
pear not to me as usual and instead of affording me any 
real satisfaction rather damps my Spirits, both y e Gardens & 
Vineyard are I think in tolerable good order but still there 
wants a superior Eye over it, your directions to Jacob '& 
James will be complyed with, and there's a fine show of 
Grapes, the Orange trees flourish most delightfully, but am 
afraid the Quicksett hedge will not answer your expectation. 
As to publick affairs M r Peters k M r Lardner no doubt 
will inform you off fully I being obliged constantly to attend 
from morning 'till quite night in my Store have not an op- 
portunity of knowing much unless what I hear by chance 
but can inform you that the answer you sent to y e Assem- 
bly's Petition meets w th the Governours & the rest of your 
friends approbation, they are all quite delighted with it, and 
y* Senators are allotted into different Committees to make a 
reply of some sort or other to it & my brother Sam tells me 
they press John Kinsey's assistance very much to help them 
which he has refused & declares he will have nothing to do 
with it, the Male Contents say you have made a rodd for 
your own breech 8 , I most heartily wish they may smart for 
it cou'd but y* Innocent pass free, I coud not have thought 
Mr. Kinsey to be the Man I find he is, he is much dis- 
gusted at his being removed & tells everybody he is removed 
from doing you any more Sendees, and wou'd I believe be 
glad of an opportunity of doing your Family any Prejudice 
in his way, though I am sensible he cannot in reality as you 
desire nothing but what is consistent w th y e strictest Honour 
& Justice, he complains much of y e small Gratuity as he 
calls it for his great Services done you though M r Plum- 
stead did say when he heard what you had order'd him he 
thought you very Lavish and more than he deserved. M r 
Logan is of the same opinion as to ye Sum of money 
order d him, though Jn° Kinsey refused it several times but 
has at last taken it. 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 429 

My brother Sam is to sett out for New York sometime 
next week with M r Peters he express his great liking to M r 
Smith and make no doubt, neither application or diligence 
will be wanting on his side, M r Kinsey has told M r Logan 
that the young Ladd You placed with him was one of very 
pregnant Parts, and as such M r Logan told M r Peters twas 
y e best thing you cou'd do for him to remove him there, so 
that I hope Sir my brother will in every respect answer the 
great Care & Charge you are at for his Education and every 
expence will be done in as frugall a manner as possible. 
James desires you wou'd be pleased to send over two Stone 
rowlers for the Garden those made in this place will not do 
neither answer the expence and imagines they will come 
cheaper from London they must be two feet 8 inches in 
length one 18 inches y e 15 in diameter, all the Flowers I 
brought with me flourish exceedingly but y* Hautboy 
Strawberrys are all dead and 'tis very difficult I believe, to 
gett them safe here, they were in the same box and had y e 
same Care taken of them and what is the reason they don't 
do I cant account for. 

I hope this will find you in health, and that your Voyage 
to London will be answer'd in every respect agreable to 
your wishes, and as your presence is much wanted here 
expect the time will not be long 'ere you turn your thoughts 
on your Yoyage hither, but untill I have the pleasure of 
Congratulating you on your Arrival here, an Anxiety for 
your AVellfare, and the thoughts of dull slow time will 
alternately possess my Mind, excuse Sir my Expressions as 
they arise from a Heart touch'd with y e deepest Sense of 
Gratitude & Affection for nothing in thi3 world cou'd give 
me greater pleasure than to convince you on all occasions 
with how sincere an Esteem I am 
D r k Hon d Sir 

Your most At? 9 & obliged Fr d & hum Serv* 

Eich d Hockley. 

Tho s Penx Esq r 



430 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-17^.2. 

Philap* June 6 th 1742 

by Capt Geo. Davis 

Tho 8 Penn Esq r 
Hon Sir 

Above is coppy of what I wrote you Via New York and 
least that shou'd have miscarried I trouble you with this by 
Cap 1 Davis to lett you see that I am not unmindfull ,of 
writing, though I have nothing pleasing to communicate at 
present and to trouble you with a repetition of my own ill 
luck and Uneasiness is not decent, and cannot be agreable, 
though what strongly affects y e mind, cannot be easily con- 
ceal'd especially when writing to a friend, as it appears like 
some relief to unburthen the Mind. My brother is not yet 
gone to York, as M r Peters can't go with him, being in 
daily expectation of the Indians coming down to receive 
their goods, and 'tis necessary he shou'd in order to settle 
the Terms w th M r Smith and when they are dispatch'd they 
will immediately sett out, Sain is not Idle all this time but 
writes for M r W™ Peters and has an opportunity of reading 
his books which may be of service to him, as he will have 
an opportunity of seeing into the different Forms as most 
Lawyers vary in some sort or other in their Manner, M r 
Peters has gott into some practice already in y a County 
Courts and is in a fair way of getting good business, Sam 
has drawn several declarations for him already but he does 
not approve of his way as it differs from y e common form 
something which was M r Kinsey's practice though y e Ladd 
is well acquainted with both. 

By y' advice & direction of Mess" Plumsted & Peters I 
waited with Sam on M r Kinsey to take his leave of him, and 
to know what he expected for his board and had twenty 
Pistoles with me, M r Kinsey said y e ladd had been of a good 
deal of service to him especially in the Loan office business, 
he wish'd him good success and as there was no good un- 
derstanding between your Family and him he thought 'twas 
as well for Sammy & him to part, if the money offer 'd him 
was to come as from Sam he wou'd not take a farthing but 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-1742. 431 

intimated if from you 'twas a very different Case and I sup- 
pose wou'd not have been a very reasonable demand, which 
I was much, surprized at, and told him 'twas on Sam's Ac- 
count so saved y e twenty Pistoles and return'd them to M* 
Peters, whether you will approve of this management or not 
I am in some doubt, but have acted agreable to y e Gentle- 
men's direction, and after M r Kinsey's declaration of mv 
brother's service I shou'd have look'd upon it as so much 
Monev thrown awav. M r Ivinsev could not forbear entrimr 
into detail of the difference between you k him, and said a 
good natur'd Man woud do any thing to oblige his Friend 
when conscience was not concern'd and did not doubt if he 
was out of the Assembly you wou'd have entertaiird a srood 
opinion of him, but that he eou'd never agree with you 
about putting y e Country into a posture of Defence and if 
that must be done he always look'd upon it to be more 
proper to come from the King k Parliament, I told him I 
thought that good Xatured Men who in Conscience thought 
it their duty for y e good of Society to have y e Country in 
some sort or other put into a way of making a Defence in 
Case of an Attack shou'd rather be regarded than look'd 
upon with an Evil Eye and treated with that disrespect and 
Contempt they had been on this occasion, and to come from 
y e Persons it did, plainly appear'd to me they could not be 
y e people they profess'd to be and woud gladly have y* 
world think them, he said mankind woud always differ in 
their sentiments and what he said or did was nothing but 
what was agreable to his Conscience k then we parted. 

I make no doubt Sir but you will recommend me to some 
of your friends when opportunity offers, that may want to 
be concern'd in Shipping of our Produce when there's a pros- 
pect of advantage, for at present I have so little success in 
selling my Goods that I have but an indifferent prospect be- 
fore me, and I am sure J tis not owing to any neglect or in- 
dustry to be used in that way and what trifle I have already 
sold is at so small an advance that y e Charge k trouble I 
have been at can never be answer'd and must trust a 



432 Letters from Letter-Book of Richard Hockley, 1739-17 £2. 

year by agreement and be glad to receive what is due 
then. 

Jemmy Haines is return'd from y e West Indies w th Capt. 
Simms and told me he wrote twice to you whilst there, he 
has some thoughts of returning to London for ho has never 
had his health since he left this Place, Cap* Wall is gone to 
Barbadoes in M r Shippen's Vessell his wife lives here but 1 
have not yet seen her, he was so necessituous as to be obliged 
to borrow money from M r Lardner which he lent, I wish 
his West India fortune may turn out according to expecta- 
tion, tho I am credibly inform'd his Father in Law flung 
him down five hundred Pistoles which he refused and said 
'twas sufficient he had his daughter, I suppose he thought 
by this Means to ingratiate himself into y e old mans good 
opinion which he has done, but 500 pistoles woivd have put 
him into a pretty way of business so that he might be less 
obliged to his friends, he is gone this Voyage only upon 
bare wages and am sure that can never maintain his family. 

All your Xegroes are well, Cato will answer your Expecta- 
tion as a barber and behaves very well, Caesar is indefatigu- 
able and will make a good Carpenter. 

I hope Sir you'l be so good a3 to favour me with a line 
when your business will permitt as it will give me great 
pleasure to hear from you and that is y e only one I can ex- 
pect till you arrive safe here. 

I am as always 

D r Sir 
Y r most Aff* & obliged Fr 4 
& Humb. Serv* 

Ricn D Hockley. 

Philad^ June 27 th 1742 
P" y e Brig 1 Nancy Cap 1 Howell. 
Tho s Penn Esq* 

Dear Sir 

The foregoing is coppy of what I wrote you by Cap* 
Davis and send this duplicate Via Lisbon least y e other 
shou'd not have reached You, the Indians are not come 



v.'.:. / . ' . ' '.'.-■ 

160 of five y ','■.,. ■ . '.. 

. . : yt the* - - . \ . -. .-. ■ . : -. 

"■:;\: I ■ ■ •- - . : ', ■;- ;. \ . '. .-. e 

India >P en 

tod torn out vastly b- . . - . -. - 

.,• .'.'.-..- . ." rr . . 'j -. ■■-■ - 

PUIS direct! ;..:.-. . . .'. ?r> 

.:'.:'... ; . - 

-■ /, ■ '. : • all 250 I 

but reason : .: :L , 

Cm . ' \.\ . - - -■.'-■ . • 

bear of a French M r Lardnerwaati: 

bat week i W"l a - : M*] Pern's 

! f ■...."..-■■. - • . : . : . . ^ . 

take not none It j : .. ". ', . - . . . ; . ; :-ee . ■-.'.- ' 

Lf iit h • i 1: . .. - 

Freai ie - Lan 1 for C . - . -. - - • 

MM - mortgage . ; ; ■.'.-_- lc:~ joir 

.::::. 1 ... ; .• ; . -.- : ■ ~ : ; " . 

dbere'i ;ry little mo: r re:ei :r. : ' : i. is a geool 

deal -.- 'o:: :: =ome \ . ■.-'.' lienta 

; : m _;._•-.-. :Le I :::L. M ielo.ee J \\ 
Peters the Ie::e-L Lai ehem . :: were re- 

Lens .- e .: l they .".-.. - . ". re . - - .- - : 

the King end se -. ;: '. : dims rim: L :'.. _■ ; i ".:;- I 
are like te be =e:t . ;■ -. : . ne means . : :me: :: M 
Kinsevs. I suppose he i .. : Le - : : -r: . .-. . . ::" 

it : thrls Le tell me -.11-"- z :: ::mm : . . . ■ -e .: 

tc vc :. the :»nlv ;.- Lin: :mi ~. ; ; .: -- -; :. - ie n: 

• • • • 

j ostice but what they are meerly :'.._•.' ". . eel :. :~ - ■: o 

are Lbsen: :hey :.. i: - mov ; ; 7...- ::mes ' y 

Charles Willings Vossell le 1.1 -m:L Lie: ell :m Lie :^m 

Aem end - . :"l :.. if : L Pl-eme:e-i : il 1 L^~e : r- 



434 Letters from Letter-Booh of Richard Hockley, 1739-171 2. 

descended have loaded her half on yours. Flour now is at 
3 mill reas y € Quintal \v ch is 128 lb but as there's so little 
money coming in and he apprehensive you may have occa- 
sion for it in London preferrs Bills at present as the speediest 
remittance and more agreable to you as he imagines you 
must want money in order to carry on the affair between 
L d Baltimore & you. 

And this brings me to speak tho with a great deal of 
Concern of the Sum you was so kind as to advance for me 
in London, when or how I shall be able to repay it I can- 
not tell unless you will give me leave to advertise my Land 
and Lott for Sale which I will do immediately upon your 
advice and so raise the Money that way, I am so strangely 
disappointed in y e Sale of my Cargo that I plainly see I 
cannot be able to comply w th y e payment of so large a Sum 
in any reasonable time and wish I may have it in my power 
to answer the other Gentlemen I am indebted to so as to 
save my credit. I have sold to y e Value of between eleven 
k twelve hundred pounds this Currency and as I wrote you 
before at a low advance which has a good deal unsorted my 
Store, so that I must be obliged to send for some fresh 
goods in the Spring in order to gett off y e rest of my Goods 
if possible, and they will credit me and can see no way to 
avoid involving my self still more which gives me more 
uneasiness than I am well able to bear, could I command 
the Money I have sold these goods for in any reasonable 
time twou'd be something, but Sales being very slow and 
the Credit so long and profitts so small that 'tis very dis- 
couraging, and y e quantity sold is very trifling considering 
y' Cargo I brought and on the first opening is always the 
greatest Sale for that Cargo, and now Harvest is coming on 
little will be done till the Fall, nor can I expect much as I 
brought over but very few Winter Goods with me, this Sir 
is a true State of the Case and hope you will not take amiss 
my endeavouring to remitt as soon as possible to Mess r ' 
Barclay & Dawson & Samuel before I do to you, nor think 
that I intrude upon your Friendship and Goodness too 



Letters from Letter-Book of Richard JloeMcy, 1789-17^2. 435 

much, I am sensible of what's right and am under very 
great Concern I have it not in my Power to comply with it 
and though I know your disposition to favour me and 
opinion of my Candour, I can't help being very uneasy it 
shou'd thus fall out. M r Peters has bought M r Taylor's 
scantling and 'tis carried to y e Hill and put under a Shedd, 
he has a notion you intend to build a house there for your 
self to live in before that at Springettsbury is built I believe 
he is mistaken and told him so, as you propose to build 
soon it wou'd be proper I believe that Bricks shoud be 
made against you come but M T Peters knows nothing about 
it and there's no orders given to make any nor won't be 
untill he hears from you, and the Ground all rouud Spring- 
ettsbury has been tryed but not iitt to make bricks with 
this was done before M r Steels death and nothing has been 
thought on it since. I wrote you sometime ago that there 
was a fine shew of Grapes at Springettsbury and the 
bunches hang very thick but there's either a blight or some 
Insect that destroys some one third others one half of the 
Clusters and yet the leaves and shoots looks as fresh and 
flourishing as may be, this being Sunday I propose to walk 
out by my self to Springettsbury and see if I can with all 
the reflection that I am Master of compose my mind a little 
if I shoud it will be something new to me. 

M r Lardner and my Sister are up at Pennsbury they are 
gone to look after and take down some of the Furniture. 
I cou'd sell your Chaise for twenty pounds but can't take 
it as if is but two thirds of the price you limitted me to. M r 
Strettle has sent the Bed Chintz to my store that was 
Jenkins's but I believe you must use them yourself for I 
believe no body will buy them, please Sir to give my 
hum 1 Respects to M r Jn° Penn M" Freame M r Rich d Penn 
& his Family and impatiently expecting to hear from you 

am as always 

3 D r Sir 

Yours most affect 17 

Rich Hockley. 

(To be continued.) 



436 Mrs. Washington's "Book of Cookery." 



MRS. WASHINGTON'S "BOOK OF COOKERY." 

BY MISS J. C. WYLIB. 

Among the interesting and valuable relic3 and manu- 
scripts, formerly the property of George Washington, of 
Mount Vernon, purchased in 1892 by the Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania, is " A Book of Cookery" used by 
Mrs. Washington and her descendants. The book is 6 x 8 
inches, substantially bound in leather, and contains upward 
of five hundred and fifty recipes (one dated April 30, 1706) 
and a full index. There are a few notes in the hand- 
writing of Mrs. Washington, but the writer of the recipes 
is identified through the following records : " This Book 
written by Eleanor Parke Custis's great-grandmother Mrs. 
John Custis, was given to her by her Beloved Grand 
Mama Martha Washington, formerly Mrs. Daniel Custis;" 
and. in another part of the book, " This Book for [illegible] 
Lewis, written by her great-great-grandmother Mrs. Frances 
Parke Custis wife of John Custis, and eldest daughter and 
coheiress of Col. Daniel Parke aide to the Duke of Marl- 
borough at the battle of Blenheim." The autographs of 
Eleanor Parke Custis Lewis, Lucy Parke, Peter Kemp, and 
others are to be found scattered through the book. 

In the following excerpts selected from the " Book of 
Cookery" no changes in spelling or punctuation have been 
made. 

TO MAKE A FRYKECY. 

Take 2 Chicken, or a hare, kill & flaw them hot, take out theyr in- 
trills & wipe them within, cut them in pieces & break theyr bones with 
a pestle, y a put halfe a pound of butter into ye frying pan, & fry it till 
it be browne, y n put in ye chickin & give it a walme or two, yn put in 
halfe a pinte of faire water well seasoned with pepper & salt & a little 
[?] put in a haDdfull of parsley, & time, & an onion, shread all small fry 
all these together till they be enough, & when it is ready to be dished 
up put into ye pan ye youlks of 5 or 6 eggs, well beaten & mixed 



Mrs. Washington's « Book of Cookery." 437 

w u a little wine vinrgar or juice of Leamons, stir them well together 
least it curdle y D dish it up without any more frying. 

TO STEW WARDEN'S (PEARS). 

Boyle them first in faire water, then pare & stew them between 2 
dishes with cinnamon sugar and rose water, or with the same seasoning 
you may put them in a pie & bake them. 

TO MAKE A LETTIS TART. 

When you have raised ye crust lay in all over the bottom some butter 
& strow in some sugar cinnamon & a little ginger, then boyle y r cabbage 
Lettis in a little water & salt & when ye water is drayned from it, lay it 
in y r coffin with some dammask pruens stoned, then lay on ye top some 
marrow & such seasoning as you layd on ye bottom, y n close it up and 
bake it. 

TO BOIL GREEN PEASE. 

When they are shelled put them into a Long Gaily -pot and set it into 
a pot of Seething water & cover ye gally-pot well, and in a short time 
you will find y e Pease to be fine & tender ; then put them out into a 
dish, and strew some salt upon them, and put in a good quantity of 
butter, and shake them well between 2 dishes, then put them into a hot 
dish and serve them to table. If they who are to eat them love spear- 
mint, put a sprig into the pot w th them. 

TO WASH SILK STOCKINGS. 

Make a strong hot ladder lay y r Stockings on a table take a peice of 
sail cloth Double it and rub y m soundly first on one side and y n y e other 
3 ladders wrinse y m well lett y m Dry on the wrong sides when they are 
near dry put y m out iron them smooth on ye wrong side. 

TO DRESS A DISH OF MUSH RUMPS. 

Take y r firme mushrumps & pill y e scin from them & scrape away all 
y e red y t grows on y e insyde of them & pill y r stalks likewise. If you 
finde them firme throw them as you doe them into faire water & let them 
ly 3 or 4 hours, then take them out of ye water & set them on y e fire in 
a pan, theyr owne Liquor will stew them, put in an onnion cut in halves 
and often shake them, as ye water rises cast it still away till you finde 
them allmoste dry, then take out the onnion & put in a little sweet 
cream y* is thick & shread in some time & parsley, & put in some grated 
nutmegg & a little grose pepper & a little salt & soe let them boyle, 
shakeing them well together, & put in A piece of fresh butter giveing 
them another shake & soe dish them up. 



438 Mt$> Washington's "Book of Cookery" 



TO MAKE HIPPOCRT3. 

Take 4 gallons of freneh wine & 2 gallons sack &■ 9 pound of powder 
sugar & 12 ounces of cinnamon, 9 ounces of ginger one ounce of nut- 
meg one ounce of corriander seeds, halfe an ounce of cloves & 2 quarts 
of new milk, put y e wine & 2 pound of sugar into a clean tub & bruise 
all ye spices but not small & strow them on the top of y e wine oc let it 
stand close covered 2 hours, then put in ye rest of y 8 sugar & y e milk & 
stir them well together, then put it into a clean coten bagg & let it run 
twice thorough it into a clean pot & when it is clear bottle it up for y r 
use. These spices will make y e same quantity againe. If you would 
have it red culler it' with red wine. 

TO MAKE CAPOX ALE. 

Take an old Capon with yellow Leggs, pull him & crush y e bones, 
but keep y e scin whole & then take an ounce of carraway seeds, and an 
ounce of anny seeds, and two ounces of harts home, and one handfull 
of rosemary tops, a piece or 2 of mace, and a Leamon pill, sow all these 
into ye bellie of your capon & chop him into a hot mash or hot water, 
and put hira into two gallons of strong ale when it is working, after let 
it stand two or three dayes & then drink it, or you may bottle it after it 
hath stood 4 or 5 dayes & put a lump of sugar into every bottle w ch will 
make it drink brisker, this ale is good for any who are in a consump- 
tion, & it is restorative for any other weakness. 

TO MAKE COCK WATER. 

Take a red cock & pull it alive and whip it till it be dead allmoste, 
then cut him in 4 quarters while he is alive & drayn him well from bloud 
with A cloth, then take of penny royall, of pimpernell, of broad time, 
& rosemary of each one handfull, 2 pound & a quarter of raysons of ye 
sun, or currans rather, well piked & rubed in a cloth but not washed, a 
quarter of a pound of dates cut in slyces from y e stones, and as many 
burrage, buglos or cowslip flowers or clove gilliflowrs according to ye 
season of ye year as you can get, or about halfe a handfull of each. 
Then put ye cock into ye still, the bone side to ye bottom, next of all ye 
hearbs after ye currans, & strow ye dates all about ye currans, & cover 
all over with leaf gold, then into this you must poure a pottle of sack 
& let it stand all night in ye still close luted [sic] after set ye still in 
goeing, & let it drop into a glass wherein is 4 ounces of white sugar 
candy finely beaten when this is stilled it must be mixed all together in 
one, & sweeten it more with sugar it must be still' d very leasurely, <k 
drink of it 5 or 6 spoonfulls at a time morning & evening, for it is very 
restorative & excellently good for a consumption. 



Mrs. Washington's "Book of Cookery." 439 



TO MAKE MOSS POWDER FOR A SWEET EAOO. 

Take 2 pound of the moss of a sweet apple tree gathered between ye 
2 Lady dayes, & infuse it in a quart of damask rose water 24 hours 
then take it out & dry it in an oven, on sire bottoms, then beat it into 
powder & put to it one ounce of lignum Alices beaten Sc searced 2 
ounces of orris a dram of muske half a dram of ambergreece, a quarter 
of a dram of civit. put all these into a hot morter and beat them 
together with a hot pestle, y n searce them thorough a course hare searce' 
after put it into a bagg & lay it amongst your clothes. 

TO KEAPE THE TEETH CLEAN & WHITE & TO FASTEN THEM. 

Take cuttle fish bone and make it into very fine powder & rub the 
teeth therewith, then wash them after with white wine & planten water 
& 3 or 4 drops of spirit of vittorell mixt with them & rub them well 
with a cloth, & it will preserve y e teeth from putrefaction, & keep them 
fast white & clean and preserve from ye toothach if it be used every day. 

TO MAKE AN HARTICHOAK PIE. 

Take 12 hartychoak bottoms y* are good & large after you have boyled 
them, take them clear from y e leaves & cores, season them with a little 
pepper & salt & lay them in a coffin of paste with a pound of butter & 
y e marrow of 2 bones in bigg pieces, then close it up and set it in ye 
oven, then put halfe a pound of sugar to halfe a pint of verges & some 
powder of cinnamon and ginger, boyle these together & when ye pie is 
halfe baked put this Liquor in & set it in y c oven againe, till it be quite 
bak'd. 

TO MAKE AN HUMBLE PIE. 

Take ye humbles of a deere, or a calves heart or pluck or a sheeps 
heart, perboyle it, and when it is colde shread it small with beefe suet 
& season it with cloves, mace, nutmegg & ginger beaten small, & mingle 
with it currans verges & salt, put all into y e pie & set it in the oven an 
houre, then take it out cut it up & put in some clarret wine melted 
butter & sugar beat together then cover it a little & serve it up. 

TO MAKE GINGER BREAD. 

Take a gallon of ye purest honey & sot it on ye fire till it boyle, then 
take it of & put into it allmoste halfe a pinte of good white wine vinegar, 
& it will make the scum rise y l you may take it of very clean, & when 
it is scumed put into it a quart of strong ale and set it on the fire again, 
then put in halfe a pound of ginger, half a pound or more of good 
licorish halfe a pound of anny seed, 6 ounces of red sanders, let all these 
be finely beat and searced and mingle them well together ; and let the 



440 Mrs, Washington's "Book of Cookery:'' 

spices boil in it, then put in a peck of grated bread by little and little 
and wcrke it well in, & then roll it in searced cinnamon of which you 
mu^t allow halfe a pound to this proportion, when you have workd it 
well together then print it in moulds or make it into what fashion you 
please. 

TO MAKE DR. SMITHS COKDIALL POWDER. 

Take crabbs claws soe far as they are black in fine powder 3 ounces 
6eed pearle one ounce red corral in fine powder crabbs eyes white, 
amber, hartshorn e calcin'd of each an ounce, gallingall angellico roots 
ye scull of a dead man calcin'd of each halfe an ounce, cocheneale 2 
drams, powder all these finely, & make a Jelly of 3 ounces of hartshorne 
& 2 cast snakes skines, in which make yr powder into balls, & put in, 
in y e makeing up, of muske 3 grayns ambergreece 6 grayns & saffron 
halfe a dram, of this powder give 10 or 12 grayns to a man or woman, 
& 5 to a child. 

TO FORCE A LEGG OF LAMBE OR MUTOK. 

Take one of y e bigest Leggs of Lamb you can get & fatest stuff it all 
in y c but end with sweet hearbs shread small & some of ye best of y e kell 
shread amongst it with an anchovis & a few capers allsoe shread, & a 
little Leamon pill & a little peper & salt mixed all together. When you 
have stufd it, crush y e top of y e shank end upward, & lay it in a pudding 
pie pot, y n put to it a little white wine, a little salt & a little nutmegg 
mixed together, with which wash y e Legg all over with a feather, y n set 
it in y* oven with other meat, an hour will serve it, you must have in 
a readyness some sweet breads of veal or lamb, sheeps kidneys and 
lambs stones against y r legg of Lamb is baked fry them in sweet butter 
with saussages & lay about y r Legg when it is dished up, for y e sauce 
take some strong broth & gravie of roste meat, an anchovie or 2 & a 
little pickle of oysters, give them all a boyle together, y n beat an egg 
youlk or two together, & when y e sauce is boyled put in y e eggs, & stir 
them but let it not boyle after, least it curdle, y n poure y e sauce on y e 
meat being layd in a large dish stick in sippits & garnish y r dish with 
hearbs & hard eggs, shread small together. 

TO MAKE A COLD POSSIT OR SULLIBUB. 

Take a quart of sweete cream & boyle it with a nutmegg cut in 4 
quarters y n take it of & stir it till it be quite cold, y n powre it into a 
bottle glass over night y*you would have a sullibub, then you must take 
halfe a pinte of water & as much white wine & 2 spoonfulls of rose water, 
& lay in it half in it halfe a leamon pill green or dry, & some rosemary, 
& Eweeten it, then stand high on a table & poure y e boyled cream into 
y e white wine, let it stand 4 or 5 hours & it will come. 



Extracts from the Journal of Rev. James Sproat, 1778, 441 



EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF REY. JAMES 

SPROAT, HOSPITAL CHAPLAIN OF THE MIDDLE 
DEPARTMENT, 1778. 

BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

[The Rev. James Sproat, D.D. (Princeton), was born April 11, 1722, 
at .Scituate, Massachusetts; graduated at Yale, 1741; died October 18, 
1793, at Philadelphia, of yellow fever. He entered the ministry of the 
Presbyterian Church, in Connecticut, in 1743, and in 1768 succeeded 
the Rev. Gilbert Tennent as pastor of the Second Presbyterian Church, 
Philadelphia. Dr. Sproat was elected by Congress, February 10, 1778, 
a Chaplain for the Hospitals in the Middle Department, located in Phila- 
delphia, Northampton, Berks, Lancaster, and Chester Counties, and 
served until 1781. After the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British 
forces, with his family, he returned and resumed the pastorate of his con- 
gregation until 1787. He also continued his weekly visitations to the 
sick and wounded in the Bettering House, and statedly to the hospitals 
in the country until they were abandoned, — the hospital at the Yellow 
Springs being the last. His journal covering the period between 1779 
and 1781, although noting his visits to the hospitals, lacks the interesting 
details recorded in the year 1778, and is mainly devoted to his labors 
in his congregation. For additional details relating to the hospitals at 
Bethlehem and Lititz, see Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. XX. page 
137.] 

1778, April 1. — Rode to Easton and lodged at my good 
friends the Barnhills. 

April 2. — To Bethlehem, traveling very bad; dined with 
Doctors Finley and Hall. In the afternoon discoursed and 
prayed with the sick in their different wards, that were un- 
able to attend sermon. Drank tea with Dr. Otto. Lodged 
at the tavern ; the company of Mr. Caldwell and Dr. Dayton 
rendered the evening agreeable. 

April 3. — Preached to the convalescents, upwards of 100, 
and then dined with the doctors. After dinner rode to 
Allentown, lodged at Mr. Cowell's, and called on Dr. Smith. 



442 Extracts from the Journal of Rev. James Sproat, 1778, 

April 4. — Visited, discoursed and prayed with the sick. 

April 14.. — Rode to Reading; visited the Hospital, dis- 
coursed with all the patients. Preached in the afternoon, 
and again visited the sick. Found a number of friends 
from Philadelphia here. 

April 17. — At Dunkertown [Ephrata] ; visited and 
prayed with all the sick ; preached in the Hospital. Dr. 
Scott is the senior doctor here, a worthy, good man. 

April IS. — Rode 12 miles to SchaefFerstown; visited the 
Hospital. Preached in the Dutch Church, where all that 
were able were paraded and attended in good order. 
Lodged with Dr. Glentworth, and met Gen. Mcintosh. 

April 19. — To Lititz, where I dined with Dr. Alison, who 
is the senior doctor here. Visited the Hospital, prayed 
with the sick ; at 3 o'clock preached to the convalescents. 

April 20. — Pode to Lancaster in company with Mr. 
Mackey, father of Mrs. Alison. Dined with Dr. Jackson, 
then visited the Hospital and prayed in the different wards. 

April 21. — Preached in the Barracks to all convalescents 
that were able to attend. Lodged at J. 33. Smith's; dined 
at Mr. Harbinson's, drank tea at Mrs. Rhea's. Met many 
of my Philadelphia friends. About 203 patients in the 
Hospital. 

April 25. — This day rode to the Yellow Springs ; visited 
the Hospital, conversed and prayed with the sick, that were 
not able to attend the sermon. Lodged with Dr. Kennedy. 

April 26. — This Hospital seems to be very neat, and the 
sick comfortably provided for. This evening rode three 
miles to see my old friend "William. Ralston and hi3 family, 
and was kindly received. 

April 27. — Mr. Ralston rode with me to French Creek 
Church. "William Smith and G-. Tennent doctors here — the 
senior doctor is abroad. This Hospital very neat and clean, 
and the sick seem well attended. Here I met again Gen. 
Mcintosh, who is visiting the Hospitals in an official ca- 
pacity. According to my usual custom, first visited and 
then conversed with the sick and wounded in their wards, 



Extracts from the Journal of Rev* James Sproat, 1778, 443 

in the forenoon ; in the afternoon preached to them all in 
the Church. 

April 28. — Rode to the camp at Valley Forge — was a 
good deal pleased with the situation of the camp. Met my 
son [Captain William Sproat, Fourth Pennsylvania Line] in 
health. Heard from my family at Egg Harbor. Dined with 
my nephew Col. [Ebenezer] Sproat [Twelfth Massachusetts ' 
Line], my son, and several gentlemen. Went over the 
Schuylkill to get lodgings. Lodged at Gen. [Joseph] 
Reed's where I met good Mrs. de Bert; called on Hugh 
Hodge. Xighted at W. Henry's. 

'April 30. — Applied to Gen. Greene and Col. John Cox 
for wagons to transport my goods from Swedes Ford to 
trie Forks of Delaware, which was granted. 

May 2. — At Bethlehem — The Hospital has been removed 
from this place ; only a few invalids remain. Called to see 
Capt, Balding, who had his leg amputated since I was here 
last; conversed and prayed with him, and then rode to 
Easton. 

June 9. — Sat out for the Hospitals ; dined at Allentown. 

June 10. — At French Creek; lodged with the Commis- 
sary. 

June 11. — Visited the Hospitals, saw Doctors Smith, 
Rogers and Tennent. In the forenoon preached in one of 
the Hospitals, Dr. Smith accompanied me. This Hospital 
very airy and clean ; about 66 patients in it. Returned to 
the other, met my son Billy. He and I dined with the 
doctor; preached at the other Hospital, a church, clean 
and airy ; 96 patients in it. Dr. Binney, the senior, came 
in in time for the sendee. Drank tea with the doctors and 
my son, after which parted with my son. Rode a mile with 
Dr. Binnev and lodged at his house. He is genteel, learned 
and hospitable, and his lady from the city. 

June 12. — Rode to Yellow Springs, lit at Dr. Kennedy^, 
who, poor gentleman is very sick. Visited Dr. Otto. Dined 
at Dr. Kennedy's, and afterwards preached in the Hospital, 
which is new and airy, but not finished. Smoked a pipe, 



444 Extracts from the Journal of Rev. James Sproat, 1778. 

and then preached to a number in an adjacent barn. Many 
sick here, though clean and airy. Drank tea with the 
doctors and matron. In the evening returned to D r Ken- 
nedy's, who is no better. 

June 13. — Understand the doctor is no better. After 
breakfast preached in the upper gallery of the Hospital. 
Genteely treated by Dr. Otto and the matron, Mrs. Adarhs. 
Preached in a barn before dinner. After dinner preached 
in another barn. In these barns there are 182 patients. 
Took a little spirits and rode to a third barn and preached 
again. The barns clean and airy, and in good order. 
Doctors Fallon, senior; Hailing and Oowell, juniors; White 
and Marshall mates. Eode to the Red Lion, where D r 
Latimer is senior, and lodged at the Tavern. 

June 11}.. — Preached forenoon to the patients, 127, in the 
Quaker meeting which is used as a hospital. Doctors 
Latimer, senior, [torn'] juniors, Mates Bull and Tobin. 
Dined with the doctors and later preached in the barn. 

June 17. — Returned to Lancaster, dined at Mr. Pur die's, 
called to see Mrs. Rhea, Capt. Harvey and others. Lodged 
at S. B. Smith's. 

June 18. — Breakfasted at Mr. Harbinson's ; called to pay 
my compliments to Mr. Hancock, also on Mr. Taggert. 
Rode to Manheim, dined with Mrs. Shippen, old Dr. Ship- 
pen, the former paid me $240., but could not settle with 
respect to rations. Rode to Lititz, put up at Dr. Alison's. 
Spent the evening with D r Brown, the Physician General. 

June 19. — Preached in the forenoon to the patients, dined 
with Dr. Brown. Detained by the rain. 

June 20. — Still raining and could not set out. This 
evening Mr. Mackey brought us the news of the evacuation 
of the city by the enemy. 

July 29. — Set out for the Hospitals, via Philadelphia. 

August J^. — Rode to Dr. Glentworth's in the rain and got 
wet. Could not speak to the invalids owing to indisposi- 
tion, and kindly treated by the Doctor. About 70 in the 
hospital ; 30 expect to be sent away soon. 



Extracts from the Journal of Rev. James Sj)roat, 177S. 445 

August 5. — Preached at the Hospitals. Dr. Glentwortb 
rode with me to camp, stopped at Col. Craig's quarters, and 
then proceeded to Yellow Springs. 

August 6. — Feeling better, preached to seventy patients. 
Rode to Uchian, dined with Doctors Brown and Fallon. 
The house very clean, preached, and then to Downingtown 
and lodged with Dr. Smith. 

August 7. — Arose early, preached at 8 o'clock to the 74 
patients here, and after the sermon proceeded to Philadel- 
phia. 

September 7. — Set out for the Hospital at Philadelphia. 

September 11. — Visited and preached to the sick at the 
Bettering House. 

September 14. — Rode to French Creek, and on 

September IS, preached to the 138 patients in the Hospital, 
who seem to be well attended by the physicians. Rode to 
the Yellow Springs in the afternoon, and preached in the 
hospital. "Will return to Philadelphia in the morning. 

October 1. — Returned with my family to Philadelphia 
from the Forks of Delaware. 

October 13. — Set out for the Hospitals in the country. 
Preach at the Yellow Springs to the 115 sick and 16 guards. 

October H. — Rode to French Creek and preach to 89 
sick. Lodged with Doctors Smith and Tennent. 



446 Biographical Sketch of Luke Wills Brodhead. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF LUKE WILLS BROD- 
HEAD, OF MONROE COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. 

Luke Wills Brodhead, who died May 13, 1902, was 
elected a member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
November 24, 1845, and was its oldest member at the date 
of his death. He was a son of Luke and Elizabeth (Wills) 
Brodhead, and was born September 12, 1821, in Smith- 
field Township, then in Northampton County, Pennsylvania. 
After receiving a thorough education in the local schools 
and at the Stroudsburg Academy, he entered upon a mer- 
cantile career at White Haven, Carbon County, where he 
was elected President of the Town Council and a school 
director. Returning to the Delaware Water Gap, he was 
appointed postmaster, and at the expiration of his term be- 
came the courteous and genial proprietor of one of the best- 
known summer hostelries of that famous resort until his 
decease. Daniel Brodhead, the ancestor of those who bear 
the name in the United States, was a native of Yorkshire, 
England. He was a captain of grenadiers in the reign of 
Charles II., joined the expedition under Colonel Richard 
Nicholls, and was present at the surrender, in 1664, of New 
Netherlands. The following year he was appointed to the 
command of the military forces in Ulster County, where he 
continued to reside until his death in 1667. 

Daniel, a grandson of Captain Daniel Brodhead, was the 
first of the family to move from New York to Pennsylva- 
nia, and in 1738 settled on a tract of one thousand acres 
on the creek since bearing his name, and embraced within 
'the present town of East Stroudsburg. This property, 
which was increased by an additional purchase of five hun- 
dred acres, was locally known as the " Brodhead Manor" 
and the settlement of Dansbury. In 1747 he was com- 
missioned a justice of the peace for the Northern District 



Biographical Sketch of Luke Wills Brodhcad. 447 

of Bucks County, which in 1752 became Northampton 
and in 1S36 Monroe County. With the Indians who lived 
in the neighborhood Justice Brodhead was on friendly 
terms, and desired to aid them in promoting their civiliza- 
tion, and induced the Moravian missionaries to establish a 
mission among them, erecting a building for the purpose. 
He died in July of 1755, at Bethlehem, whither he had gone 
for medical treatment. 

Luke Brodhead, the grandfather of Luke W. Brodhead, 
entered the Continental service in November, 1775, as a 
sergeant in Captain Abraham Miller's company of Colonel 
William Thompson's Pennsylvania Battalion of Riflemen, 
and participated in the campaign which closed with the 
evacuation of Boston by the British forces. He was com- 
missioned a third lieutenant May 28, 1776; second lieuten- 
ant October 24, 1776, in the Pennsylvania Rifle Battalion, 
Colonel Samuel Miles; and at the battle of Long Island 
was severely wounded and captured and confined in the 
" Sugar-House"' and on a prison-ship until exchanged De- 
cember 8, 1776, for Lieutenant Wellington, Twenty-sixth 
British Foot. He was promoted captain February 15, 
1777, and assigned to the Sixth Regiment Pennsylvania 
Line, and participated in the battles of Brandywine, Ger- 
mantown, and Monmouth. Owing to the hardships he en- 
dured as a prisoner of war and suffering from his wounds, 
his health was so much impaired that he was forced to re- 
tire from the service, and rejoined his family in 1778. He 
was commissioned colonel immediately preceding his re- 
tirement. 

Luke W. Brodhead was a man of more than ordinary 
ability, and for many years was deeply interested in the 
history and genealogy of the Upper Delaware and Mini- 
eink Valley. His published contributions comprise the 
following : 

" The Delaware Water Gap : Its Scenery, its Legends, and 
its Early History;" " The Minisinks and its Early People, 
the Indians;" " An Ancient Petition;" " Tatamy;" " Set- 



448 Biographical Sketch of Luke Wills Brodhead. 

tlementof Smithfield;" "Portals of the Minisink: Tradi- 
tion and History of the ' "Walking Purchase' Region and 
the Gateway of the Delaware ;" " Early Frontier Life in 
Pennsylvania : Efficient Military Services of Four Brothers ;" 
"George Lebar;" "Historical Notes of the Minisinks : Cap- 
ture of John Hilborn by the Indians on Brodhead's Creek;" 
"Pioneer Roads, the Old Mine Road, Early People, etc.;" 
" The Old Stone Seminary of Stroudsburg in 1815;" " In- 
dian Trails;" " Soldiers in the "War of 1812 from the Town- 
ships of Smithfield and Stroud;" "Almost a Centenarian: 
The Last of the Soldiers of the War of 1812 in Northern 
Pennsylvania;" "History of the Old Bell on the School- 
House at Delaware Water Gap;" " Indian Graves at Paha- 
quarra;" "Half-Century of Journalism;" "The Depuy 
Family;" "Early Settlement of the Delaware: Was the 
Upper Delaware occupied before Philadelphia ? Early Oc- 
cupation of the Upper Delaware ;" " Sketches of the Stroud, 
Van Campen, McDowell, Hyndshaw, Drake, and Brodhead 
Families." He was also associate editor of the " History of 
Wayne, Pike, and Monroe Counties." 

In addition to his connection with the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania, Mr. Brodhead was a member of the Xu- 
mismatic and Antiquary Society, the Geographical Society, 
and the Pennsylvania Society Sons of the Revolution, of 
Philadelphia; the Minisink Valley Historical Society, the 
Moravian Historical Society, the Georgia Historical Society, 
the Kansas Historical Society, and several college literary 
societies. 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 449 



PENNSYLVANIA SOLDIEBS OF THE REVOLUTION 
ENTITLED TO DEPRECIATION PAY. 

[The list of the "Soldiers of the Revolution," printed in the Pennsyl- 
vania Archives, Second Series, Vol. XIII. pp. 3-249, copied from the 
Depreciation Account books, lacks one important feature, the designa- 
tion of the regiments and the arm of the service to which they were 
attached. The editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine has found in 
the Department of the Auditor-General, at Harrisburg, a number of pay- 
rolls on Depreciation Pay account, which supply this deficiency. These 
pay-rolls, however, contain only a few thousand names, but, should more 
of them be found, they will be prepared for publication. This valuable 
data will enable those making researches to identify with more certainty 
their ancestors who were in active service, whether in the Continental 
Line or the militia of the State.] 

Accot of Payments of Depreciation of Pay, on Settlement. 
April, 1782. 

Samuel Lindsay, Lieut. Flying Camp 

James Hutchinson, Surgeon Penna. Navy 

Thomas Wylie, Capt. Artillery Artificers 

Alexander Power, Q. M. " 

Solomon Hailing, late Sen r Surgeon Gen. Hospital 

Bedford Williams, " Jun T " " 

William Brown, " Surgeon's Mate " 
* William Scull, Matross Artillery Artificers 

William Vister, " " 

Ezekiel Evans, " " 

Olwald Kissenback, « " 

James Tully, " " 

Alexander Dow, Lieut. " 

John Jordan, Capt & Pay M r " 

Charles Mason, Matross " 

James Dowdle, Jesse Roe's Co. " 

William Austin, " " 

vol. xxvir. — 29 



450 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 

Frederick Ream, Matross Artillery Artificer's 

Isaac Miles, " 

Thomas Crothers, " 

Richard La vers, " 

Laurence McGinnis, " 

Hugh Huston, " 

Barnabas Harriott, " 

Edward Bryan, " 

Sylvanus Holdcraft, " 

John Barlow, " 

John Swindel, " 

William Lowes, " 

John Armstrong, " 

John Bryan, " 

John Shine, " 

Moses Boen, " 

Mary Baker for her husband who was killed 

John Morris, late private Fourth Regiment 



Henry Poole, 
Dennis Reiley, 

William Frances, 

ixtsi 



Matross Artillery Artificers 



Peter Yert, " 

Philip Mell, 

John Mount, " 

Edward Cochran, " 

John Guilliam, " 

Philip Her, " 

John Wagg, " 

Thomas Brown, " " 

Moses Butler, " " 

Mark Rhodes, " « 

Richard Thomas, " " 

James Gibson, late Capt. " 

John McKimm, by wife Sarah, private Invalid Regt. 

John Rocyan, Serg* Artillery 7 Artificers 

Henry Stroop, late Lieut. " 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 451 

James Elliot, Capt. Independent Company 

Charles McCarter, late Surg. Fourth Regiment 

John Smith, Matross Artillery Artificers 

David Lard, " " 

George Cook, " " 

Richard Trusted, " " 

Philip Dennis, " " 

John Spillerback, " " 

Andrew Clarke, " " 

James Bruce, Corp 1 " 

Baltis Trolet, " " 

William Vickers, Matross " 

Malcom McKnight, " " 

William Poor, " " 

Reuben Harriott, " " 

David Reimer, " " 

Neil MeCaffery, « " 

Alexander Wright, " " 

William Fayser, " " 

John Hampton, " " 

John Cahill, " " 

Thomas Liggot, " " 

Daniel McCloud, " « 

Thomas Henrock, " " 

John Coats, " . * 

Ludwig Streitholf, " " 

Jonathan Arnold, " " 

John Carty, " " 

Ashul Harriott, " l * 

Andrew Harriott, " " 

Jacob Beck, M " 

John Irvine, Capt. Second Regiment 

William Miller, late Capt. Seventh Regiment 

Samuel A. McCloskey, Surgeon Artillery Artificers 

Alexander Wilson, Corp 1 " 

William Hudson, Matross " 

Thomas Engle, " " 



452 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay 



Matross Artillery 



Artificers 



Serg 4 
Matrosa 



John Dal ton, 

John Adams, 

Alexander Miller, 

John Roe, 

"William Kinnard, 

Thomas Hood, 

Samuel Adams, 

Jacob Ferguson, 

John Adams, 

Peter Stoy, 

John Seller, 

Thomas Pembroke, 

Jonathan Xewton, 

William Espie, 

James McCHntock, 

John Kynaston, 

Daniel Barkmire, * 

Gershom Padden, 

Valentine Hoes, ( 

Barnabas Bonner, 

Joseph Armitage, Corp 

Jacob Ashmead, late Capt. Second Regiment 

George- Glentworth, " Sen r Surgeon Gen. Hosp. 

William McCloskey, Surg. Mate Artillery Artificers 

Joseph Rice, late Capt. Artillery 

Patrick Sliaw, " private Second Regiment 

George Morris, Lieut. Artillery Artificers 

James Fallon, late Sen r Surgeon Gen. Hosp. 

Samuel Edmuston, " " " 

Matthew Knox, late Capt. Third Regiment 

Casper Shane, Corp 1 Artillery 

James Dickinson, Corp 1 

George Shively, private 

William Crawford, late Capt. 

Abraham Kinney, " Ensign 

George Stevenson, Surgeon's Mate 

Edward Graham, late Dragoon Moylan's 



Fourth Regiment 
Eleventh " 
Fifth « 

Third " 

First " 



1 


<< 


ii 


u 


ii 


a 


ii 


ii 


ii 


a 


a 


u 


iC 

i 


a 


a 


it 


a 


u 


Berg* 


a 


Matross 


a 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 458 

David Jackson, late Sen 1 " Surgeon Gen. Hosp. 

Daniel Carteret, Matross Artillery Artificers 

Nathaniel Hood, " " 

Angus Wilkinson, 

Christian Nevile, 

James Clarke, 

James Steel, 

William Kent, 

George Marshall, 

William Chetwyn, 

James Davis, 

John Gilmore, 

John Tagg, 

Adam Berger, 

Jacob Schreder, " " 

John Wilson, " " 

William Parker, " " 

John Bernard, " " 

Nicholas Reib, " " 

James Higgins, " " 

William Dickson, " " 

Andrew Hawke, late private German Regiment 

Thomas Murray, " Dragoon Moylan's " 

Tobias Hess, " private German " 

James Tate, ' " Surgeon Third " 

William Smith, " Sen r Surgeon Gen. Hosp. 

James Sproat, D.D., Chaplain " 

Thomas Mclntire, Capt. Independent Co. 

James Livingston, Lieut. Artillery Artificers 

William E. Godfrey, Capt.-Lieut. " 

James Bruce, Matross " 

May, 17S2. 

John Sprowls, Lieut. Artillery Artificers 
Philip Lower, Serg* Proctor's Artillery 
Samuel Nightlinger, filer Eleventh Regiment 
James Johnston, Serg* 






454 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 

John Brown, fifer Eleventh Regiment 

Stephen Singlewood, Serg* Second " 

Nicholas Lntz, Lieut. Col. Flying Camp 

Gabriel Blaheney, Lieut. " 

Samuel McClellan, Lieut. " 

David Owen, private Sixth Regiment 

Philip Peter, " First " 

James Ryan, " Second " 

Joseph Coxe, Lieut. Sixth " 

Henry Hambright, Capt. Flying Camp 

Charles Cartwright, Matross Artillery Artificers 

Cornelius Leary, " " 

Patrick McAboy, " " 

Samuel Repman, " " 

John Conrad Latour, Lieut., John P. Schott'3 Corps 

John Bigham, Lieut. Fifth Regiment 

Jacob Sheppard, private Invalid Regiment 

William Henderson, Pay M r Moylan's Cavalry 

Daniel Daley, Dragoon " 

• Francis Miller, Matros3 Artillery Artificers 
David Martin, " " 

William McEwen, « " 

George. Thomas, " " 

Samuel Allen, " " 

John Walker, " " 

Josiah Jenkins, " " 

. William Brown, " " 

Joseph Thornhill, " " 

Israel Thornhill, « " 

Robert Thornhill, " " 

Benjamin Elllbourne, Drum r " 

William Dennig, Serg fc " 

John King, Trumpeter Moylan's Cavalry 
Samuel North, Serg 1 Artillery Artificers 
Andrew Patterson, gunner " 

Jonathan Bailey, Matross " 

John Harris, Corp 1 " 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 455 

Benjamin Kidd, Matross Artilley Artificers 

John Dayley, " " 

Isaac "Wall, " " 

James Scran ton, Serg e " 

James Hatton, Matross " 

Ralph Moore, " " 

Abraham Dull, Serg* Col. Moylan's Cavalry 

Andrew Beyers, Serg* Malcolm's Regiment 

Mathias Ambruster, private Tenth Reg* to Art. Artif. 

Adam Speckt, private German Regiment 

William Preston, Lt. Jesse Roe's Co. Art. Artif. 

William Wiggins, Matross Artillery Artificers 

Patrick Fox, " " 

Andrew Wilson, " " 

Joseph Leech, " " 

Jonathan Center, " " 

John Boggs, " " 

Daniel Reed, " « 

Jacob Hayney, " " 

Edward Armstrong, Kmth Regiment 

William Shippen, Jr., Med. Direct. General 

William Williams, Lieut. Col. Third Regiment 

William Cathcart, Surgeon Moylan's Cavalry 

George F. Facundus, private German Regiment 

Jacob Ernfighter, Matross Artillery Artificers 

Peter Gosner* deed., Cap* Second Regiment 

Patrick Byrne, Corp 1 Eleventh " 

Thomas White, private Second " 

John Burnie, Serg* " " 

Matthew Scott, Cap* Flying Camp 

Jacob Myers, Serg* Second Regiment 

Ezra Patterson, Lieut. Artillery 

Joseph Williams, Serg* Major Eleventh Regiment 

June, 1782. 

Andrew Galbraith, Major Flying Camp 
Bernard Ward, Cap* Atlee's Regiment 



456 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 



Third 


Regiment 


Eleventh 


a 


Third 


u 


Sixth 


a 


First 


a 


Seventh 


n 



Jacob Kagel, private 
William Shaw, Serg 1 
Daniel Graham, " 
John Gordon, private 
John Hughes, CapVLieut. 
John Hoge, Lieut. 
Ephraim Hunter, Lieut. Flying Camp 
Robert Vernon, private Second Regiment 
John Fade, " Sixth " 

John McGinnis, " Seventh " 

Joseph Rowland, Serg* " " 

William Courtney, private " " 

William Crowley, Matross Artillery Artificers 
Kicholas Hoffman, private Tenth Regiment 
John Xevill, Serg' Lamb's Regiment Artillery 
Peter Decher, Cap* Fifth Regiment 
Hezekiah Davies, Lieut, Flying Camp 



Simon Shelleberger 


, private 


Tenth 


Reginn 


Allen McClean, 


Serg* 


Eleventh 




Godfrey Rauck, 


private 


Second 




David Linton, 


drummer Tenth 




Patrick Dickinson, 




First Art. 




William Butler, 


private 


Second 




Abraham Creepe, 


K 


Fifth 




James Shaw t 


Corp 1 


Tenth 




Godfrey Creismore. 


private Artillery 




William Tunks, 


Serg* 


Third Re 


giment 


Achilles Parker, 


private 


« 


a 


John Hazelhurst, 


a 


Fourth 


a 


Alexander Hill, 


a 


Second 


a 


John Haines, 


drummei 


• Third 


a 


William Stewart, 


private 


Second 


K 


Matthew Richards, 


it 


Invalid 


it 


Martin Ashbourne, 


a 


Tenth 


a 


John McGill, 


a 


Third 


it 


Edward Foster, 


it 


Fourth 


it 


Michael Conwav, 

si 1 


a 


Third 


a 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 457 

Edward Brooke, Corp 1 Fifth Regiment 

Philip Shearer, private Second " 

George Ingleth, " Fourth " 

John Bowden, drummer " «* 

Christian Gettes, Lieut, prisoner 

George Ottenberger, private German Regiment 

Jacob Vanderslice, Serg fc Fifth " 

Mathlas Armbruster, private Tenth " 

William Dixon, " Third « 

John McCreery, " Fifth " 

John Buckborough, " " " 

John Spade, drummer Artillery 

Nicholas Seppreril, private Eleventh Regiment 

Frederick Seppreril, " German " 

Michael Ferraugh, " " " 

James Deveney, Serg* Fifth " 

John Lochry, private " " 

Elijah Bowman, Bombardier Artillery 

Anthony Donlavey, private Third Regiment 

Edward Lang, " " " 

John Duffield, " " " 

John Graham, Matross Artillery Artificers 

Henry Hattori, " " 

Henry Brown, " " 

Christian Shyrock, " u 

Philip Hope, private Second Regiment 

James Toner, " Third « 

Thomas Shields, " " " 

Charles Young, Matross First Regiment Artillery 

Gabriel Hungaries, private Tenth " 

Joseph Harris, " Second " 

Ferdinand Sch warts, u a " 

William Gristock, " " " 

Robert Anderson, " 

Abraham Saunders, " 

Samuel McClughan, " 

John Burges, " Eleventh Regiment 



458 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 

John McDonnell, Q. M. Serg* Eleventh Regiment 

John Crossen, private Second " 

George Miller, " Eleventh " 

James Butler, Corp 1 " " 

John Magill, private Invalid " 

Ferdinand (Dutch), private Fourth " 

Laurence Forman, Matross Artillery 

Joseph Cunningham, Serg* Third Regiment 

Adam Clover, private Sixth " 

John Laird, " Fifth " 

George Britt, " Eleventh " 

G. H. Henderson, Apothecary Mate Gen. Hospital 

Conrad Riemy, private Second Regiment 

James Fitzsimmons, " Eleventh " 

John Christie, Corp 1 Fourth " 

Jacob RedhefFer, private Second " 

Alexander Graydon, Capt. Third " (prisoner) 

Andrew Forrest, " " " ( " ) 

William Scivington, Matross Artillery Artificers 

James Young, " " " 

James Gamble, Lieut, say Ensign Fourth Regiment 

Elijah Davis, Matross Artillery Artificers 

Michael Engle, " " " 

Henry Greer, Lieut. " " 

William Brown, private Fourth Regiment 

Andrew Mills, " Second " 

Peter Weidner, " Fifth " 

Christopher Dungan, " Ninth " 

Philip Reymer, lifer Eleventh " 

Andrew McXabb, private " " 

Ludwig Orbigust, " First " 

Michael Johnston, Flying Camp 

John Young, Matross of Artillery 

Philip Shreder, private & Corp 1 German Regiment 

Martin Sullivan, " Tenth Regiment 

Francis Alison, Sen r Surgeon Gen. Hospital 

Robert Wiley, private Third Regiment 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 459 



Jacob Cook, 


private Eleventh 


Regiment 


Fergus Moore, 


" Seventh 


a 


Levi Davis, 


Corp 1 Second 


a 


Patrick Brown, 


" Third 


a 


George Unroe, 


private Second 


u 


Andrew Druchabroad, 




<t 


John Francis, 


U <t 


" 


Sebastian Spencer, 


" Ninth 


a 


George Hubley, 


Capt German 


a 



November %4, 1783. 

John Brown, fifer German Regiment 

Thomas Bowland, private Tenth Regiment 

John Hiller, " " " 

Christian Seleis, trumpet. Lee's Legion 

William ISfelson, private Eleventh Regiment 

John Coleman, " First " 

Jacob Winfield, " 

John Goudy, " 

Daniel Leary, late Serg* Third 

William Welsh, private 

Jacob Wise, late •" 

John Dailey, " 

William Barne3, \ L 

Jacob Halter, " 

Martin Diehl, " " 

Dennis Carrol, 

Thomas Mitchell, « Sixth 



U 


a 


Eleventh 


« 


Third 


a 


u 


a 


Fourth 


u 


Fifth 


a 


Tenth 


« 


Second 


« 



February 18, 1784. 

Estate Mich 1 Sexton, private First Regiment 

Robert Oldis, « 

Robert Justis, " 

William Fielman, " 

Stoffel Zubley, " 

John Harrington, late u 

Charles Kelly, « 



Eleventh Regiment 


Second 


a 


Sixth 


a 


Fourth 


a, 


Eleventh 


u 


Seventh 


it 



a 


Fifth 


a 


Tenth 


u 


Second 


Sc-rg' 


Eleventh 


private 


\ Third 


u 


Tenth 


u 


German 


it 


Third 


u 


Sixth 



460 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 

Widow Philip Helter, private Tenth Regiment 

John Coon, " " " 

Jared Irwin, " " " 

John Taylor, 

Peter Cross, 

John Cochran, 

John Barber, 

John Jordan, 

Gottlieh Miers, 

John Snyder, 

Patrick Bryan, 

Est. John Robinson, 

Martin Ileilman, 

Jacob M c Clean, " German " 

Jolm Marks, Matross Artillery 

Martin Perry, private Third Regiment 

Michael Grew, " Eleventh Regiment 

Robert Dixon, " Third " 

John Batton, " « " 

David Alshouse, " Second " 

March 1, 1784. 

Jacob Hisler, corp 1 Fourth Regiment 
Jacob Weisner, fifer " " 

John Beatty, corp 1 Third " 

Capt. Isaac Sweeney deed., Eleventh Regiment 
Henry Layman, private Second " 

Joseph Sling, corp 1 Third " 

Frederick Foltz, private Cadwalader's Regiment 
Samuel Willis, private First Regiment 

Cornelius Hutchison, " Second Regiment 
Patrick Collins, late " Flying Camp 
John Mean, Corp 1 Fourth Regiment 

March 9, 1784. 

Benjamin Golden, Dragoon Lee's Legion 
Benjamin Ford, " " " 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay, 461 

Conrad Frank, private Second Regiment 
Jacob Fredericks, " " " 

Michael Fry, " " « 

Lawrence Fry, fifer " " 

James Cain, private Tenth " 

William Eeddick, late fifer Eleventh Regiment 
Isaac M c Camont, private Flying Camp 
Samuel Shannon, " Eleventh Regiment 
Benjamin Carson, Serg* First " 

Nicholas Sailhimer, private Artillery 
Elijah Star, " Tenth " 

Mathias Loughman, 

John M c Dowel, " Third " 

Andrew Dillman, " Second " 

Adam Stroop, 

April *, 1784, 

John Shirer, private 

Hugh Swords, private Eleventh Regiment 

George White, Dragoon Lee's Legion 

John M c Clelland, late private Fifth Regiment 

Benjamin Cox, private Eleventh " 

William Field, 

Hugh Cimmins, private Flying Camp 

James Boyle, t " First Regiment 

Isaac Still, late Serg* Fourth " 

Hugh McEvey, private " " 

Est. James White, late dragoon Lee's Legion 

John Kernee, private Sixth Regiment 

Patrick Stockney, " Seventh ' " 

William Donin, Serg* First " 

Thomas Jack, " Third « 

Patrick Ambrose, private First " 

John Hunter, Matross Artillery 

Jacob Slyder, private Second Regiment 

John Henesey, Corp 1 Ninth " 

Jacob Shaffer, private late Cadwalader's Regiment 

Andrew Creswell, private Second Regiment 



4G2 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depredation Pay. 

Robert Eakins, 

John Purtle, private Sixth Regiment 

Leonard Smith, " " " 

John Duiheld, dee'd. " Fourth u 

James Duff, late " Third " 

Thomas Murray, " Second " 

Jacob Kink, late " Eleventh " 

Hugh Hughes, " Fifth " 

Henry Fleming, " Third " 

Christian Kuhn, " German " 

Francis Bordison, fifer " " 

George Polk, private Fifth " 

Patrick McDonald, " Third " 

Detrick Aurand,late " Second " 
Robert Christy, " Fifth " 

Philip Vanimaker, " Second " 
Peter Feigel, late " Magaw's " 

Archibald Brown, Dragoon Lee's Legion 
Adam Colander, private Cadwalader's Regiment 

May 6, 178 4. 

William Servine, dee'd. Hazen's Regiment 

Widow of Peter Drank, private German Regiment 

James McClure, late Corp 1 Second 

Micaiah Eaton, Dragoon Moylan's 

Robert Kerns, Serg* Eighth 

John Borgar, dee'd. private Second 

Daniel Davis, " " 

James Ratcliff, 

John Carney, private Ninth Regiment 

Alexander Cavin, " Seventh " 

Eberham Lutman, " Sixth " 

Thomas Flaghead, " Hazen's " 

John McClosky, " First " 

Thomas Delop, late Matross Artillery 

David McClane, " private Seventh Regiment 

James Jackson, " " Xinth " 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 463 

David DifFenderfer, late Ensign German Regiment 
Edward Cook, private Second " 

Nathaniel Williams, " " " 

Francis Smith, " Ninth « 

June 2, 1784. 
David Reed, late gunner Proctor's Artillery 
George Lenox, private Second Regiment 
Jacob Kimble, " Eighth " 

James Stewart, " Eleventh " 
Thomas Harbey, " Fourth " 

Baltus Collins, late Serg fc Artillery Artificers 
Frederick Water, private Fourth Regiment 
Henry Pifer, " German " 

Griffith Evans, Clerk & Storekeeper Gen 1 Hospital 
John Burns, private Eleventh Regiment 
Barney Cossler, private Ninth " 

Michael Lenick, 

July P, 1784. 

Joseph Bunner, private Ninth Regiment 

Abdiel M c Allister, 

Est. Anthony Spinhouse, 

John Graham, Matross Artillery 

Baltus Christ, private Third Regiment 

Frederick Stull, private Second Regiment 

Thomas Bull, Lieut. Col. Flying Camp 

James Reed, Serg* First Regiment 

Est. John Devoid, private Fourth " 

John Heveley, Serg* Second " 

Joseph White, Dragoon Moylan's " 

August 11, 1784. 
John Grive, late Lieut. Seventh Regiment 
Est. John Cain, private Third " 
Alexander Denny, private Seventh Regiment 
Est. John Flanagan, " Fifth " 

Dudley Magee, " Tenth " 



464 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 



Samuel Achrnuty, private Third Regiment 
Henry Heagy, " First " 

Aaron Steve, " Third « 

William McGinnia, " Eleventh " 
John Boyle, Serg* Fourth « 

Lieut. Lawrence Manning, Hazen's " 

Jacob Rifle, private Second Regiment 
Thomas Forrest, 

James Maxwell, Serg' Seventh Regiment 
Est. John Reynolds, private Fifth Regiment 
Francis Lucas, private First Regiment 



September 2%, 1784. 

John Carney, private Ninth 

Jacob Botamee, " German 

Est. Daniel Mc Yey, " Second 

Joseph Mansfield, " Sixth 

Mathias Derr, " Third 

George Runigon, " Tenth 

Robert Ross, " Fifth 



Regiment 



• October 12\ 1784. 

John Shruck, private Third 

Christian Mentges, " German 
Thomas Baxter, " Fifth 

Est. James Hamilton, " 
John Nixon, " 



Reg 



Seventh 

Fourth 

Tenth 

Fifth 

German 



ment 



Peter Locar, " 

Henry Hoover, " 

Est. Mark Miller, " 

James McHaffey, 

Frederick Wilt, Corp 1 Magaw's Regiment 

Michael Redman, private Cadwalader's Regiment 

John Cochran, private Tenth & transferred Invalids 

John King, private Second Regiment 

Est. John Stammers, private Tenth Regiment 

Michael Pitts, " " " 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 465 

James Bevins, private Third Regiment 

William Stoge, " Tenth " 

Est. Michael M c Gahan, " Second « 
Stephen Sirams, Serg 1 First " 

November <28, 1784. 

Est. William Welsh, Lee's Legion 
Peter Sink, of the Third Regiment 
Patrick Crely, private Flying Camp 
Conrad Peter, " " " 

William Henderson, corp 1 Artillery 
Terrence Duffey, serg* Eleventh Regiment 
Est. John Bacon, private Eighth " 
Daniel Watson, " Flying Camp 

Est. Josephus Broomhead, serg* Artillery 

December 10, 1784. 

Adam Glaze, private Eleventh Regiment 
Aaron Giier, " Fourth " 

Daniel Dougherty, private First " 
Daniel Graham, " Ninth " 

James Beatty, corp 1 Eleventh " 

Samuel Johnstoli, Serg* Fifth " 

William Davidson, " Eleventh " 
John Hargey, " Seventh " 

John Cowey, private Ninth " 

William Broadstock, private Second Regiment 
Est. John PufTenherger, private Fourth " 
James Lawless, " Eighth " 

January 98, 1785. 

Est. AYilliam Marquis, private Eleventh Regiment 
David Rees, " Flying Camp 

Est. Thomas Cunningham, private Eleventh Regiment. 
" William Meadows, " " " 

VOL. XXVII. — 30 



466 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay, 

Est. Michael Berry, private Second Regiment 
John Cockenderfer, " German " 
Robert Pollard, serg* Artillery 

March 5, 1785. 

Patrick Sinn, private Fifth Regiment 
Est. James Kelly, private Second Regiment 
John Stevenson, " Flying Camp 

Jesse Moore, fifer 

Est. Henry Betting, Matross Artillery Artificers 
" Robert Cobham, " « " 

" John Montgomery, Matross Artillery Artificers 
" Hugh Devinney, private Fourth Regiment 
" E. Meallv, " Eleventh " 

John Jacob Bower, " First " 

Est. William Murray, " Eleventh " 
" James McDonock, " Fourth " 
" William Kershaw, " Artillery 

May 7, 1785. 
Patrick Richard, 
Est. Peter Petter, Flying Camp 
Thomas Philips, late Lieutenant of the Xavy 
Michael Shafier, 
Henry HofTner, 

John Smith, private Flying Camp 
John Koehler, " Capt. J. P. Schott's Company 
Est. George Housman, 
Michael Zoeller, 
Patrick Early, 
John Connor, 
Archibald Hanna, 

March i, 1786. 
William Millegan, 
William Anderson, 
Thomas Monday, 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 4G7 

Henry Desperate, private Morgan's Regiment 

Timothy Mounty, " " " 

William Cassady, " « " 

Thomas Burke, lifer Tenth Regiment 

Ephraim Donnelly, corp 1 Eleventh Regiment 

Richard Groozner, drummer Third Regiment 

Joseph Finley, Captain Eighth " 

John Harris, 

Edward Coyle, Eleventh " 

David Kerbauch, drummer Second " 

John Hamersley, corp 1 Fifth " 

William McCormick, private First " 

David Fick, Lieutenant Artillery 

Samuel Watts, private Fifth " 

Daniel Frazier, " Eleventh " 

Robert Bohannan, private Eleventh " 

Thomas Prudden, Mate General Hospital 

Andrew Caldwell, " " " 

William Carman, serg* Third Regiment 

Martin Taits, private Fourth " 

Dat eman Bonser, private German Regiment 

Jacob Frailey, Mate General Hospital 

Abraham Wood, Lieutenant Fifth Regiment 

James Stuart, private Eleventh " 

Archibald Mustard, private Tenth " 

Jacob Sherrick, " German " 

Henry Schuler, " Second " 

Jacob Eppright, Serg* First " 

John Kelty, private First Regiment 

James Broadwood, " " " 

Samuel Leonard, corp 1 " " 

Abraham Brossius, private Fifth " 

Charles Clarke, late Lieutenant Militia. 

William McPherson, late Lieutenant Atlee's Regiment 

George Naeson, private Fourth Regiment 

Samuel Mills, " Third " 

William Turman, " " " 



468 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 



Philip Clyon, private Second Regiment 

Robert Jones, " First " 

John Campbell, " Eleventh " 

Christian Reinholdt, drummer Second Regiment 

Christian Bittinger, private First Regiment 

Robert Thompson, 

Michael Karr, 

Henry Lutz, 

James Chambers, 

"William Wiggins, 

Godfrey Deering, 

Daniel Burns, 

William Short, 

Hugh Stone, 

William Gilbert, 

Michael Royall, 

Joseph Reid, 

John M c Culloch, 

John Kinney, 

John Fortiscue, 

John Tollinger^ 

Robert M c Neal, 

David Griffiths, Artillery 

Mark Coyle, private Tenth Regiment 

Daniel Jamison, Lieutenant Flying Camp 

James Elliott, private Seventh Regiment 

Frederick Shafer, private Third Regiment 



a 


Sixth 


a 


a 


Third 


a 


a 


Sixth 


a 


u 


Seventh 


a 


serg* 


a 


a 


private 


Second 


a 


u 


Fifth 


a 


a 


Tenth 


a 


a 


Fourth 


a 


serg 4 


Eleventh 


a 


a 


Artillery 




private 


Second 


a 


a 


Fifth 


a 


a 


Eleventh 


a 


a 


Sixth 


a 


a 


Tenth 


a 


a 


First Artillery Regiment 



Andrew Hagar, 


a 


German 


Hi 


Bgiment 


Michael Rum m el, 


a 


l: 




a 


William Lehman, 


ii 


a 




a 


Philip Long, 


a 


Fifth 




a 


Adam Koch, 


a 


Ninth 




a 



Michael M c 0. Nolty, gunner First Artillery Regiment 
Patrick M°Donald, private Third Regiment 
Gislin Humphreys, fife r Ninth " 

John Gray, serg* Eleventh Regiment 
Owen Winters, private Tenth Regiment 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 469 

Henderson Wright, private Ninth Regiment 
Est. Daniel Delaney, " Third « 

Hermanns Thornton, Matross Artillery 
William Dingley, serg* Eleventh Regiment 
Patrick M*Lean, corp 1 " " 

Edward Lee, private Third " 

John Morgan, " Eleventh " 

George Conrad, " Second " 

Richard Wallace, " " " 

Henry Gardiner, " Tenth " 

Richard Pill, dragoon Moylairs Regiment 
William Benson, dragoon Moylan's Regiment 
Jesse Housley, " " « 

Francis Hagan, " " " 

Cornelius Organ, " " " 

Price Keys, serg* " " 

John Everhart, private Second " 

Christian Zimmerman, serg* Fifth " 

George Detriek, private Fourth " 

Francis Mulls, serg* German " 

William Jones, private Fifth " 

John Langley, " Eleventh " 

John Rague, Surgeon's Mate First " 

Archibald Goff, corp 1 Tenth " 

William Eniberson, Bombardier Artillery 
Thomas Harrol, private Fifth Regiment 
William Dick, « Third " " 

Philip Weitzell, serg* First Artillery Regiment 
James Reed, serg* First " 

John Toy, " Third 
Edward M c Cowan, private Tenth " 

Patrick Leonard, " First " 

James Trost, " Eleventh " 

William Campbell, serg 1 Tenth « 

Peter Burket, " First " 

Henry Yeech, private Invalid " 



470 Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 

Peter Jacobs, private Second Regiment 

Henry M e Cabe, " Tenth 

John Eoss, " Seventh " 

William McGowan, " Third « 

Daniel Delaney, " Eleventh " 

James McConnell, " Third " 

William Briggs, " " « 

John Duguid, Captain Fourth a 

Godfrey Myers, Lieutenant Flying Camp 
John Evans, private Third Regiment 
Laurence Tragey, private Xinth Regiment 
John Fox, " £s"avy 

William Adam, Surgeon Artillery 
Leonard Myers, private Second Regiment 
Peter Ropp, " Tenth " 

John Lewis, " Eleventh " 

John Green, Ensign of Militia 
Dennis Daley, corp 1 Eleventh Regiment 
George Holm an, private !N"inth " 
Christian Steinheiser, private iSTinth Regiment 
ISToble Crone, " " « 

Thomas Reed, Ensign Flying Camp 
Henry Mitchell, serg* Fifth « 

Daniel Stevens, private Second " 

James Murphy, drummer Fourth " 

Thomas Cook, Q.M. Serg 4 " " 

James Elian, serg* Eleventh " 

Alexander Simonton, corp 1 First " 

John Saltar, private Second " 

John Ward, serg* First " 

John Kerr, private " " 

John Wright, ser£* Eleventh " 

John Bayley, private First " 

Edmund Butler, " Eleventh " 

John Brown, Fourth " 

Robert Douglas, private Eleventh " 



V 



Pennsylvania Soldiers entitled to Depreciation Pay. 471 

John Cavanaugh, corp 1 Seventh Regiment 
John Good, " Fourth " 

John Harden, Drum Major Tenth " 

Robert "Williams, private Fifth " 

[Xote. — The foregoing officers and soldiers, or their heirs, were paid 
one-third of the Depreciation Pay on their respective certificates, ob- 
tained under resolution of Assembty. — Ed. Penna. Mag.] 

(To be continued.) 



472 The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 



THE FELLOWSHIP FIRE COMPANY OF PHILADEL- 
PHIA, ORGANIZED 1738. 

BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

The city of Philadelphia had not been laid out one year 
before it was visited by a lire, the sufferers being some re- 
cently arrived Germans, and for whose relief a subscription 
was made. As the city grew fires became more frequent 
through faultily constructed chimneys and the general use of 
wood for fuel, and Mayor Samuel Preston, in 1711, recom- 
mended the purchase of buckets, hooks, and an engine. 
In December of 1718 the City Council purchased of Abra- 
ham Bickley an imported fire-engine for £50. This was 
the first fire-engine owned by the city. The first " great 
fire" took place on the night of April 24, 1730, a descrip- 
tion of which is printed in Bradford's American Mercury of 
April 30 : 

On the 24th. inst, between Ten and Eleven at Night, the greatest 
Fire happen'd in this city that ever has been known here. Some say it 
began in a Store among Rigging. Several Stores under one long Eoof 
on a Wharf (all belonging to Mr. Fishbourn) were so suddenly in Flames 
'twas impossible to save much of the Goods in any of them. From 
these a vast Pile of Staves took Fire, which increased the Heat there 
was no coming near. Among other Parcels of Staves and Wooden 
Buildings were so nigh the Flames that all that End of the Town was 
in eminent Danger ; but the Wind was low. Two Cooper Shops on 
Kingstreet, at the West End of the Stores flamed surprisingly, commu- 
nicated the Flames to two new Tenements of Mr. Fishbourn' s, one of 
which is almost entirely consumed ; and flying across that narrow Street 
took Mr. Fishboura's House that was Cap 1 Anthony's ; Mr. Plumsted's 
new House and Mr. Dickinson's large fine Building ; all which are 
reduced to Ashes, except the Brick Walls, some of which and the 
Chimneys, except Mr. Plumsted's House, which is not wholly destroy' d. 
Many Gentlemen have lost considerable Quantities of Goods by the Fire 
and by Thieves: And several other adjacent Buildings have suffer' d. 
But the Vigilance and Industry of great Numbers of well-disposed 
People saved Abundance of Good3 and valuable Things, and stopt the 
Flames from spreading further ; on which Emergency the greatest Men 



The FeHoicship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 473 

in tho Town did not disdain to labour very hard with their own Hands. 
And several of them, with others, have taken this Occasion (for People 
would not be mov'd at another Time) to make a Collection of Money for 
a better Engine than what we now have, and for good Buckets. The 
loss sustained by the late dreadful Fire, amounts to several Thousand 
Pounds. 

This disastrous fire, which at one time threatened „the 
destruction of the southern part of the city, made the 
whole population realize how inadequate were the apparatus 
and appliances for the protection of their property from fire. 
The City Council at once ordered three fire-engines and 
two hundred leather "buckets to he purchased in England, 
and provided twenty ladders and twenty-five hooks and 
axes. A year elapsed, however, before two of the engines 
were received, and by direction of the mayor one was sta- 
tioned in the yard of the Friends' Meeting-ITouse, Second 
and Market Streets, the other on the lot of Francis Jones, 
corner Second and Walnut Streets. The old Bickley engine 
was stationed in the yard of the Baptist Church, on Second 
near Arch Street. As late as 1771 only six fire-engines 
comprised the entire force of the city. 

In 1731 Franklin read a paper before his fellows of the 
Junto Club on the accidents and carelessness by which 
houses are set on fire, and made preventive recommenda- 
tions. This gave rise to a project which followed, — of form- 
ing an association for the extinguishing of fires and for mutual 
assistance in removing and securing goods from damage. 
On December 7, 1736, the Union Fire Company was organ- 
ized with thirty members, Franklin being of the number. 

The second company to organize was the Fellowship Fire 
Company, on March 1, 1738. The second Minute-Book of 
this company, from March 7, 1742, to December 4, 1780, is 
in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
from which the following extracts have been copied : 

ARTICLES OF THE FELLOWSHIP FIP.E COMPANY. 

Philadelphia the First Day of the First Month in the year of our 
Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty Eight. 



474 The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 

We whose Names are hereunto subscribed, reposing special Confidence 
in each others Friendship Do for the better preserving our Houses 
Goods and Effects from Fire Mutually agree in manner following, That 
is to say. 

1st. That We each of us at his own proper Charge provide Two 
Leathern Buckets & Two Bags of good Osnabrigs or wider Linnen 
whereof each Bag shall contain Four yards at least and shall have a 
String fastened near the mouth which said Buckets and Bags shall be 
marked with our names respectively & Company, and shall be applyed 
to no other use than for preserving our Houses Goods and Eifects in 
case of Fire as aforesaid. 

2d. That if any of us shall fail to provide & keep his Buckets & Bags 
as aforesaid he shall forfeit and pay the sum of Five Shillings for every 
Bag & Bucket wanting. 

3rd. That if any of the Buckets or Bags aforesaid shall be lost or 
damaged at any Fire, the same shall be supplyed & repaired out of the 
Stock of the Company. 

4ih. That We will all of us upon hearing of Fire breaking out im- 
mediately repair to the same with our Buckets & Bags and there employ 
our best Endeavours to preserve the House, Goods & Effects of such of 
us as shall be in danger. And if more than one of us shall happen to 
be in Danger at the same time We will divide ourselves as near as may 
be to be equally helpfull. And to prevent suspicious Persons from 
coming into or carrying any Goods out of such Houses ; Two or more 
of our Number shall constantly attend at the Doors untill all the Goods 
and Effects that can be saved shall be carryed to some safe Place to be 
appointed by the Owner or such of our Company as shall be present ; 
Where one or more of us shall attend them till they can be conveniently 
delivered to or secured for the Owner. And if a Fire should happen in 
the Night Time such of our Company whose Houses may be thought in 
Danger shall place Candles in every Room to prevent Confusion & that 
their Friends may be able to give them the more speedy and Effectual 
Assistance. 

5th. That We will meet together in the Evening of the First second 
Day of the Week in every Month at such Hour & Place as may be 
agreed on by the Company from Time to Time to consider of what may 
be further usefull in the Premises, And whatsoever shall be expended at 
every Meeting shall be paid by the Members met, And if any Member 
shall neglect to meet as aforesaid he shall forfeit and pay One Shilling 
And for not meeting once a Quarter shall moreover forfeit & pay Five 
Shillings. 

6th. That we will each of us in our Turns according to the Order of 
our Subscription serve the Company as Clerk for the Space of One 
Month, whose Business shall be to Inspect the Condition of each of our 



The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 475 

Buckets Bags & List of Names and make Report thereof at every 
Monthly Meeting, to collect all Fines and Forfeitures accrueing by 
Virtue hereof ; to warn every Member of the Time and Place of Meeting 
on the Day appointed aforesaid at least Three Hours beforehand, And 
if any New Member be proposed to be admitted or any Alterations to be 
made in these present Articles he shall inform every Member thereof at 
the time of Warning And shall if required read over a Copy of these 
Presents & a List of the Subscribers Names at the Begining of every 
Meeting, and shall keep Minutes of the Proceedings of the said Meeting 
in a Book to be provided for that Purpose at the Expence of the Com- 
pany, & the said Clerk shall the next day after any Fire | with Two 
other Members who in their Turns as aforesaid shall -be obliged to assist 
him | endeavour to collect all the Buckets & Bags and send them to the 
Members respectively to whome they belong, And if the Comp. Ladders 
should be damaged or left at a Fire, he shall cause them to be repaired 
& convey' d to the Places where they are usualy fixed, And the Expence 
if any shall be paid out of the Stock of the Company, Which said Clerk 
shall be accountable to the rest of the Company for and pay to the next 
Succeeding Clerk, all the Monies accrueing or belonging unto the Com- 
pany by Virtue of these Presents ; And if any Member shall refuse or 
neglect to Serve as Clerk, in his turn as aforesaid or get some other 
Member to serve in his Stead, he shall forfeit & pay the Sum of Tenn 
Shillings. 

7th. That our Company shall not exceed the Number of Thirty Per- 
sons, No New Member to be admitted, No Alterations to be made in 
these present Articles, nor any Sum of Money above Five Pounds to be 
disposed of until the Meeting next after the same is first proposed and 
the whole Company acquainted therewith by the Clerk as aforesaid, nor 
without the Consent of Two Thirds of our whole Number, the whole 
Two Thirds being met* And that all other Affairs relating to the Com- 
pany shall be determined by Three fourths of the Members met, And 
that the Time of entering upon Business shall be one Hour after the 
Time appointed for Meeting as aforesaid. 

8th. That each Member shall keep a List of all the Subscribers 
Names fixed in open View near the Buckets & Bags or forfeit the Sum 
of One Shilling. 

9th. That all Fines & Forfeitures ariseing by Virtue hereof shall be 
paid to the Clerk for the Time being for the Use of the Company to be 
a Common Stock. And if any Member refuse to pay any Fine or For- 
feiture aforesaid when demanded his Name shall be razed out and he 
shall from thenceforth be Excluded the Company. 

Lastly. That upon the Death of any of our Company the Sur- 
vivors shall in Time of Danger as aforesaid be aiding & assisting to 
the Widow of such Decedent during her Widowhood in the same 



476 The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 

manner as if her Husband had been living, She only keeping the 

Buckets & Bap* in repair & causing the Same to be sent to every Fire as 

aforesaid. 

In Witness whereof We have hereunto set our hands the Day and 

Year first above Written. 

Isaac Williams John Howell 

Obadiah Eldridge Benj* Betterton 

Jacob Shoemaker Andrew Bradford ' 

Jonathan Zane W m Callender 

William Moode Joseph Noble 

Thomas Hine Sol. Fussell 

Edward Cathrall Jno Pole 

George Sharswood Abram Mitchell 

Moses Hewes Samuel Powell 

John Jones, Jun r Joseph King 

John Langdale William Corry 

Thomas Say Caspar Wistar 

Barnaby Barnes John Wister 

John Biddle David Deshler 

Jacob Shoemaker jun r Alex r Cruckshank 

Joseph Stiles 
George Hitner 
Jonathan Carmalt, 

17£2. March 7. — Agreed to purchase 12 convenient Bas- 
kets at the expence of the Co., and place in the hands of 
Isaac "Williams, Edward Catherall, Jacob Shoemaker, Jona- 
than Zane, William Callender, Benjamin Betterton, Sol. 
Fussell, John Pole and Caspar Wistar — that said Baskets 
be marked, and only used for preserving the goods and 
effects of such as shall be in danger. 

174.3. April 2. — The death of Thomas Hine reported. 

1745. — Four ladders belonging to the company are kept 
at John Jones, on Chestnut street ; Samuel Morris, on 
Second street; Henry Keppele, on Market street, and 
widow "Wistar, on Market street. Four others are kept 
at Joseph King, on Water street; John Heads, on Second 
street; Samuel Morris Jr., on Second street; Reuben 
Haines, on Market street. Two ladders at Thomas Clif- 
ford, on Water street; and in alley adjoining Thomas 
Morris on Second street. 



The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 477 



November 6.— The old articles of association of 1738 were 
revised, and the following new one added : That the Buckets 
k Bags so provided be hung near the front door of each of our 
dwelling houses, k he that neglects to keep them shall forfeit 
and pay 5 shillings for every Bucket k Bag wanting aforesaid, 
k each member shall provide a list of all the subscribers 
names k place it near the Buckets k Bags in open view, 
on failure of which he shall forfeit and pay one shilling. 

These revised articles were signed by 
members : 



the following 



Isaac "Williams 
Benjamin Morgan 
Jonathan Zane 
Thomas Hine 
Thomas Say 
George Sharswood 
Keuben Haines 
John S [?] 
William Gibbons 
John Emowles 
Edward Middleton 
Joseph Dean 
"William Saverv 
Joseph King 
Thomas Calvert 
Samuel Coates 
Moses Hewes 
John Pole 
W. Corry 
Jacob Shoemaker 

Jr. 
Samuel Bryan 
Benjamin Better- 
ton 
George Ilitner 
Joseph INoble 
J. Morris 



Caleb Carmalt 
Jacob Shoemaker 
Joseph Thomas 
Edward Cathrall 
Uriah Woolman 
Caspar Wis tar 
John Lukens 
Thomas Pry or 
Richard Wistar 
John Steinmetz 
Henry Keppele 
Jeremiah Elfreth 
Samuel Jervis 
William Clark 
Mordecai Lewis 
James W r ilson 
Sol. Fussell 
John Langdale 
John Biddle 
John Howell 
Joseph Baker 
Alexander Cruck- 

shank 
W 7 illiam Callender 
Thomas Myer 
Timothy Matlack 



Obadiah Eldridge 
iSfathan Zane 
William Moode 
Aquilla Jones 
James Stevens 
Thomas Shoe- 
maker 
Charles Jervis 
Alexander Huston 
James Sparks 
Thomas Clifford 
William Harts- 
home 
George Bartram 
Thomas Tilbury 
W r illiam W r ister 
Samuel Morris Jr. 
Samuel Powel 
John Jones Jr 
Barnaby Barnes 
Thomas Morris 
John Wister 
David Deshler 
Andrew Bradford 
Jonathan Carmalt 
Joseph Trotter 
Samuel Pan coast 



478 The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 

December 12. — Six axes to be purchased and to be marked 
F. F. Co. on the handles. 

174-0. October 1. — John Laugdale retires from the com- 
pany owing to his leaving the Province, and makes a present 
of his buckets to the company. 

174-7. May 8. — It was proposed to unite with another 
fire company and procure an engine. 

1748. June 6. — The ladder on the Work House wall 
being much exposed, ordered that it be removed to John 
Biddle's in Elbow Lane. 

November £.— Proposal to provide ourselves with an 
engine by subscription. 

December 6. — The Union Fire Company proposes that, a 
committee of two from each fire company be formed for 
inspecting the condition of all the fire engines and lad- 
ders in the city. Isaac "Williams and Edward Catherall 
appointed. 

1749. July 9. — Jacob Shoemaker Jr. and Thomas Say 
appointed to collect funds for a new engine. 

August #. — Collected by Shoemaker and Say, with cash 
in hand of Clerk £82.9.10, handed to Pole and Callender 
for Bill of Exchange, to buv a 4th rate fire engine. 

O ' ml O 

Rec d of Thomas Say & Jacob Shoemaker Jr. the sum of 
Forty nine pounds eight shillings, subscriptions and Thirty 
seven pounds one shilling & 10 d Stock money belonging to 
the Fellowship Fire Comp- v of the city of Philad* & put 
into our hands by order of s d Com 7 to purchase a Bill of 
Exchange to remitt to London for a Fire Engine for the 
use of s d Com 7 

William Callender. 

John Pole. 

1750. March 7.— We have received of Elias Bland, 
London, a fourth rate fire engine costing £49.1.3, clear of 
freight and commissions. Isaac Williams, Edward Cath- 
rall, and William Callender appointed to obtain permission 
to place the engine near Friends' Meeting, Second and 



The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 479 

Market streets, and also to have the name "Fellowship 
Fire Co." painted on it. Isaac Williams, Timothy Mat- 
lack, Jonathan Zane, and Isaac Shoemaker Jr., are to keep 
the keys to the engine house. A " Tuhb" to put leather 
pipes in, ordered to be purchased. 

1751. June 5. — The Clerk for the next meeting, to notify 
the members that they are desired to meet to consider a 
proposal for insurance of houses. [Caspar Wistar, John 
Pole, and William Callender were appointed to meet the 
delegates of other fire companies at the Standard Inn, on 
Market Street.] 

175 4-. February If. — Admission fee on joining the com- 
pany £2. 

1755. July 7. — Xotice has been given to provide some 
other place for our fire engine, and Jonathan Zane, Jacob 
Shoemaker Jr., Sol. Fussell and John Knowles were ap- 
pointed to apply to Friends' School Corporation, for the 
continuance of the place where it stands, and if they do not 
succeed, to apply to the City Corporation for leave to fix it 
as near the Court House as may be. Matthew Pratt is to 
repaint the engine. 

1757. January 3. — Twenty one members being present, 
it was agreed that our company meet at Peter Robeson's, 
until they shall agree to remove elsewhere. [Meetings 
were held at Robeson's until April ; then at Mathias Gulp's 
from April, 1757, to June, 1758, when Robeson's was again 
selected.] 

The Fire Engine belonging to the Company is in a house 
in Second Street on the Lott belonging to the Friends 
Meeting, the key may be had of W m Savery or Charles 
Jervis or Jacob Shoemaker Jr. The Ladders are : One at 
Joseph Kings, one near Tho 8 Says or S. Morris, one at 
Widow Wisters, one at John Head's, one at Henry Kep- 
ple's, one at Reuben Haine3, one at John Jones' Alley, 
Chestnut Street, one at Samuel Morris Jr., one at Thomas 
Cliffords. 

One Ladder under the eves of the Butcher's Shambles on 



480 The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. 

the south side near to the Meat Market — Since placed under 
the Meat Market. The Branding Iron is at Jos. King's. 

1759. December- 3. — Reuben Haines, Clerk, reported that 
members had been notified of place of meeting and the 
time ; that an alarm of lire, which broke out at 7 p.m. and 
lasted until 2 o'clock, prevented him making the usual 
monthly inspection of the apparatus, they being chiefly at 
the fire, where the engine played to admiration, far exceed- 
ing all others there. 

176i. February 6. — Be it Remembered that this was the 
Day of the Meeting of the Fellowship Fire Co., but they 
were prevented from attending as usual occasion, by the 
Inhabitants being of this City alarmed by the Beckstang 
[Paxtang] Rioters coming down in a Hostile Manner, never- 
theless the condition of the Company's Buckets & Bags 
were Inspected by John Knowles on behalf of John Corry, 
and for the fore^oinsr Reason all fines are excused this month. 

November)- 5. — Being Election Day in the County, no fines 
for absence. 

1766. October 10. — Jacob Shoemaker Senr., being an 
ancient and well respected member of this Company, it is 
agreed that in the future he be not charged with fines and be 
at liberty to attend meetings whenever his health will allow. 

1767. March 2. — Enoch Story, one of the Deputies from 
the Union Fire Co., appeared with a proposal for our uniting 
with the rest of the fire companies of the City, in agreeing 
upon a proper person to undertake the care of all the en- 
gines in the City and keep them at all times in good order. 
[At the following meeting this was not favorably considered.] 

May 4-- — Thomas Clifford is desired to enquire of the 
members of the fire company of Burlington X. J., whether 
they are willing to exchange their engine for our3, and to 
examine its size and quality, and if he thinks it will suit us, 
to enquire terms of exchange. pTo report on minutes.] 

1767. October 5. — The Company in the future i3 to meet 
at the Bull's Head, on Third street, kept by Benjamin Davis. 

1772. August 3. — John Lukens, Surveyor General ; John 



The Fellowship Fire Company of Philadelphia. . 481 

Wister, and Thomas Say, ancient and respectable members 
resign, with concern to the members. It is hoped that 
young men may fill their places and not let the Company 
decline. 

-r. ™ August 3, 1772. 

Friend Tilbury, 

As I am about to set out for Reading on Proprietary Business and 
cannot attend the Fire Company this evening, please to inform them 
that I decline meeting them any more as a member, of which they are 

hereby notified. 

Jno. Lukexs. 
To Thomas Tilbury. 

1775. January 2. — Paper received from other fire com- 
panies, requesting a deputation to meet them, to consider a 
plan for the better supply of water for our fire engines. 
Thomas Pryor and Thomas Morris appointed delegates. 

1776, May 6. — Several members stated that they will be 
under the necessity of removing into the country on account 
of the alarming situation of Public affairs, and therefore de- 
sire the Company to excuse them from all attendance — which 
being considered by the members present, it is their opinion 
they should only pay one shilling, for each time absent. 

1778. January 5. — The British troops having taken pos- 
session of the Meat Market, makes it necessary for us to 
remove the ladder there. 

February 2. — William Wister, clerk, the only member 
present at meeting. 

To The Fellowship Fire Co., 

As I am advanced in years and very infirm, I desire to be excused 
from meeting any more, 

from your Friend 

Joseph Trotter. 

17 SO. December 4-- — [Last entry.] Mordecai Lewis and 
Samuel Coates reported a new set of articles, which with 
some alterations agreed to, and the Clerk is directed to 
purchase a new Minute Book and therein transcribe them, 
and request the members to meet in order to sign them at 
the next meeting. Chamless Allen, Patterson Hartshorne 
and Ebenezcr Large applied for membership. 
vol. xxvii. — 31 



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Notes and Queries. 



409 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Tlotes. 

List of Officers Killed and Wounded near Fort Duquesne. 
— We are indebted to the courtesy of Mrs. M. J. B. Chew, Gerrnantown, 
for the following copy from the original manuscript among the Chew 
Papers, of the officers present and those killed and wounded in the ex- 
pedition of General Braddock against Fort Duquesne. By comparing 
this list with the one printed in Sargent's ''History of an Expedition 
against Fort Duquesne in 1755," some additional names will be found. 

A List of the Officers who were present & of those killed 
& wounded in the action on the banks of the monongahela 
the 9th Day of July 1755. 

Staff 

His Excellency Edward Braddock Esq r General & Commander in Chief 
of all his Majesties Forces in North America . . . died of his wounds 

RoV Or me Esq r 1 

Roger Morris Esq r I Aid de Camps wounded 

Geo. Washington Esq r J 

W ffi Shirley Esq r Secretary . . . . . . .. killed 

S r John S* Clair Deputy Quarter Master Genl . . . wounded 

Matthew Lesley Genl- Assistant to the Quarter ) wounded 

Master General . . . . . J 

Francis Halket Esq r Major of Brigade ..... 



44 th Regiment. 



S r Peter Halket Colonel 

Lieutenant Col. Gage 

Capt. Tat ton 

Capt. Hobson 

Capt. Beckworth 

Capt. Githius 

Lieutenant Falconer 

Lieutenant Sittler 

Lieu tent 1 Bay ley 

Lieut. Dunbar 

Lieut. Pottenger 

Lieut. Halket 

Lieut. Treeby 

Lieut. Allen 

Lieut. Simpson 

Lieut. Lock 

Disney 

Kennedy 

Town-end . 

Preston 

Nortlow 

Pennington 



killed 
slightly wounded 
killed 



killed 



wounded 
wounded 

killed 
wounded 

killed 
wounded 
wounded 
wounded 
wounded 

killed 

killed 
wounded 



500 



Notes and Queries. 



48 th Regiment. 



Lieut. Col. Burton 

Major Sparks 

Capt. Bdbson 

Capt. Cholmlev 

Capt. Bowyer 

Capt. Ross 

Capt. Lieuteu. Morris 

Barbut 

Walsham 

Crimble 

TTideraan 

Hansard 

Gladwin 

Hotham 

Edmeston 

Cope . 

Brereton 

Hart . 

Montr eseur 

Dunbar 

Harrison 

Cowhart 

M c Mullan 

Crow 

Sterling 



wounded 
slightly wounded 



killed 
wounded 
wounded 

wounded 

wounded 

killed 

killed 

killed 

wounded 

wounded 

killed 

killed 

wounded 



wounded 
wounded 
wounded 



Capt. Orde 
Capt. Lieut. Smith 
Lieut. Buchanan 
Lieut. M c Cloud \ 
Lieut. M c Culler . 



Artillery. 



killed 
wounded 
wounded 
wounded 



Engineers. 

Peter M c Keller Esq r . . . . . . . wounded 

Rob 1 Gordon Esq 1 " . . . . . . . wounded 

Williamson Esq. ........ wounded 



Detachment of Sailors 

Lieut. Spendelow .... 

M r Haynes Midshipman 

M r Talbot Midshipman 

Capt. Stone of Gen 1 Lascelles Reg* 

Capt. Floyer of Gen 1 Warburtons Regim* 



killed 

killed 

killed 

wounded 



Independant Company of N. York. 
Capt. Gates ....... 

Lieut. Sumain ....... 

Lieut. Howarth of Capt. Demesre's Comp* . 
Lieut. Gray of same Comp* .... 



wounded 

killed 

wounded 

wounded 



Notes and Queries. 



501 



Virginia Troops. 



Capt. Stevens 
Capt. Waggoner . 
Capt. Poulston . 
Capt. Perinie 
Capt. Stewart 

Hamilton . 

Woddward 

Wright 

Spidorff 

Stuart 

Wagoner . 

M c Neale . 
According to the mo; 
killed & wounded 



wounded 

killed 
killed 

killed 

killed 

killed 

wounded 

killed 



t exact return we can as vet aret about 600 Men 



Letter of John Dickinson (aged Twenty-two) to Rev. 
Richard Peters. — 

Honoured Sir, 

I lately received a Letter from my Uncle Cadwaiader, inclosing one 
from you to Mr. Penn, in my favour. 

I return you Sir, my sincere thanks for this Kindness, and hope my 
future Conduct will engage the continuance of your regard. 

This I shall account a great Happiness, and shall constantly endeavor 
to deserve. 

I am Sir, 

Your most obedient humble Servant 

John Dickinson. 

London, Janrr 22* 1754. 



Goddard VS. Foxcroft. — 

New-York, May 2, 1775. 
To the Friends of Freedom in the City of 
NEW -YORK, &c. 
Gentlemen, 

I Think it my. indispensable Duty, when Public Liberty is in- 
vaded and in Danger, to hold up to your View as vile an Incendiary 
and Conspirator against the Happiness of this much injured insulted 
Country, as ever was transported from Britain — This Character may be 
found in the Person of EST a certain John Foxcroft, formerly an 
upper Servant to a Gentleman in Virginia, by whose Recommendation 
being willing to provide for a needy Domestic, added to that of a 
Brother, who derived his Influence from administering to the Follies, 
the Vices and Necessities of his Superiors, who frequented a Gambling- 
House to which he w T as Groom-Porter, this Servant was drawn from his 
humble Apartment in his Master's Hotel, at Williamsburgh, and created 
Master of the Posts in Xorth America ; but agreeable to the old Adage, 
"set a Beggar on Horseback and he'll ride to the Devil," he became 
intoxicated with his Elevation, and let loose the Reins of arbitrary Power, 
guided by his own superlative Ignorance, Impudence and Caprice : in- 
somuch that the Liberty of the Press, the Palladium of all our Rights, 
was essentially abridg'd thro' his Connivance. Besides this, if any 
Thing else need be added, the most detestable Publications of Ministe- 



602 Notes and Queries. 

rial Prostitutes, against the Honour and Interest of all America, partic- 
ularly the most illiberal aud atrocious Reflections on the Honourable 
Continental Congress, and other watchful Guardians of our common 
Freedom were insolently and triumphantly circulated from the Post- 
Office at Philadelphia, under his Patronage and Protection. — These 
Particulars I now flatter myself will be the Means of silencing the 
slavish JIusic of his Horns, unhorsing his Riders, laying his Generalship 
prostrate at the Feet of American Freedom, and preventing the 
future Collection of a Parliamentary internal Tax in the very Heart of 
the Colonies ; Events that must inevitably take Place, if Consistency 
and Firmness mark the Councils of my native Country, which I hope 
may meet with Success, at this grand Crisis, equal to the Justice and 
Dignity of her Cause, — to this my small abilities shall be contributed 
(like the Widow's Mite) while I exist in the Shape of 

William Goddard. 

X*% Notwithstanding the just Contempt in which I hold the servile 
Tools of a venal and profligate Administration, who are acting the Part 
of Sturdy Beggars in this once happy Land, especially the Mushroom 
Gentleman abovementioned, yet if he chooses an Explanation, he shall, 
most certainly, be gratified, on a public or private Application. — Thus 
much I think necessary to add, as the General of the Post-Office, like the 
renown ed Gage, keeps himself encag'd. W. G. 

[Endorsed] 

The Eevd Benjamin Trumbull 
at New Haven. 

The First Moravian Boarding-School for Boys in Pennsyl- 
vania. — 

In June of 1745 the Moravians opened a boarding-school for boys in 
the house of Henry Antes, Frederick Township, in the present Mont- 
gomery County, which was continued to the summer of 1750. The 
following is a register of the scholars : 

1745. 

Albrecht, Elias, s. Anthony and Catherine, of Philadelphia. 

Antes > f^ 1 I s. Henry, Frederick twp., Pa. 

Beck, Jonathan, s. H. F. and Barbara, b. in Georgia. 
Blum, Stephen, ] 

Jacob, y s. Francis and Catherine, Bucks County. 

Francis, J 
Derauth, Christian | g _ Gctthard and ^ Germantown. 

Christopher, j & 

Demuth, Tobias, s. Gottlieb and Eve, Bucks County. 
Prey, Matthias, s. William and Verona, Falckner's Swamp, Pa. 
Garrison, Benjamin, s. Nicholas, Staten Island, N. Y. 
Hartman, Lawrence, J g Frederick and Margaret, Frankford, Philada. 

Helm, Peter, Philada. 

j07l€ *' L^vY' } s ' John ' Merion twp '> Pa - 

Klemm, Frederick, s. Frederick and Susan C, Philadelphia. 



Notes and Queries. 503 

° ~' John Nicholas f s ' ^ 0recnt and Ann 31., Tulpehocken, Pa. 
Knau&y Henry, Macungy twp. 

MUer, Abraham, ) Abraham and Mary M., Bucks County. 

Joseph, j ' 

Montayne, Abraham, s. James and Mary, New York. 
Keubcrt, Daniel, s. Daniel, b. Holsteiii. 
JS'euman, Christian, s. John W. and Elizabeth. 

]Soble ' j^iiiag 1 S * Thomas and Mary > New York ' 

Schaus, Conrad, s. J. Adam and Barbara, Frederick twp., Pa. 

Vettcr, Daniel, ) 

John, j> s. Jacob and Magdalene, Oley, Pa. 

Peter, j 

1746. 
Bevtel, John, s. Henry, Silesia. 

Bird, James, s. William and Bridget, Chester Co., Pa. 
Brvcker, David, Bethlehem. 

Edmonds, John, 8. William and Rebecca, Long Island, X. Y. 
Hortfield, Isaac, s. Timothy and Mary, Long Island, X. Y. 
Jones, Jonathan, s. John, Merion twp., Pa. 

VoUert > f^ } s. Jost and Mary E., Oley, Pa. 

1747. 

Bechel, Caspar, ) ^ Frederkk and EH za b e th, Berks Co. 

lobias, j 
Bird, Mark, Amity twp., Pa. 

Blum > Daniel, } 9 ' Fr <^ ri <*, Nazareth, Pa. 

Hartman, Adolph. s. "Frederick and Margaret. 
Meinung, Ludwig, Oley, Pa. 

Micksch, Nathaniel, s. Michael and Hannah, Philada. 
Rice, Peter, s. Owen and Elizabeth. 
Schaus, Gottlieb, s. J. Adam and Barbara. 
jServas, William, s. Philip and Mary C, Philada. 
Walton, John, s. Elizabeth. 

1748. 
Bivighausen, Abraham, ) n , , r , ^ , n 

y T h i s * ^ eor S e ano * Margaret, Berks Co. 

Crocker, Benjamin, nephew Benjamin Franklin. 
Haller, Abraham, s. Henry and Ann M., Berks Co. 
Jones, Peter, s. John, Merion twp., Pa. 
Kramer, Michael, s. Michael, Lancaster, Pa. 
Jtiehm, John, b. Berks Co. 
Weber, John, s. John and Gertrude, Berks Co. 

1749. 
Beck, David, from Bethlehem. 

Graaf, George, s. wSebastian and Eve, Lancaster, Pa. 
Klotz, Elias, from Oley, Pa. 

Leinbach, Abraham, s. John and Catherine, Oley, Pa. 
Roberts, Benjamin, s. Anthony and Elizabeth. 
Sturgis, Joseph, s. Joseph and Jane, Philada. 



504 



Notes and Queries, 



Orderly-Book or Colonel Walter Stewart, Pennsylvania 
Line, 1780. — Among the Orderly-Books in the Library of the Histori- 
cal Society of Pennsylvania is one of Colonel Walter Stewart, of the 
Pennsylvania Line, Morristown, New Jersey, April 4 to June 11, 1780. 
It is in fairly good condition, but a number of pages are missing. The 
following extracts are interesting: 

Head Quarters, Morristown, April IS, 1780. 

The members of the Ancient and Honourable Society of Free and 
Accepted Masons in the different lines and staff of the Army, ape" in- 
vited to the Funeral of Major Piott of their Fraternity at Morristown on 
Wednesday y e 19th. Instant 3 o'clock P.M. 

D.O. — Gen. Irvine is happy in informing the Troops that the Hon- 
ourable House of Assembly of Pennsylvania has not only enacted a Law 
for providing them with Clothing & State Stores during service, but 
likewise generously voted each Oiticer and Soldier at the Expiration of 
Service the following Quantitys of land free from taxes (exclusive of 
what is allowed them by the Continent.) 

Major-Generals ..... 2000 acres. 

Brigadier-Generals .... 1500 " 

Colonels 1000 " 

Lieutenant-ColoneL- . ... . 750 " 

Surgeons . . . . . . GOO " 

Majors . . . . . . 600 " 

Captains .... . . 500 " 

Lieutenants ...... 400 " 

Ensigns 300 " 

Surgeon Mates 300 " 

And as an encouragement, to the Xon-commissioned & soldiers, they 
have likewise been Voted : 



Sergeants 
Privates 



250 acres. 
200 " 



The General hopes that these marks of Attention & respect shown by 
the Legislature of the State, w T ill have a suitable impression on the 
minds of the Troops & he Doubts not but further provision will be 
made them for their Meritorious Services. 

Head Quarters, Morristown, April 22, 1780. 
The Guards to be very Alert in turning out to the Minister of France 
& Committee of Congress, and paying them the same Honours as the 
Commander-in-Chief. 

Head Quarters, Morristown, April 25, 17S0. 

The Commander-in-Chief at the request of the Minister of France 
[Luzerne], has the Pleasure to inform Major General Baron Stuben, 
and the officers and men of the four Battalions, that the appearance and 
manouvres of the troops yesterday met his entire approbation. 

Head Quarters, Morristown, April 26, 1780. 
His Excellency the Minister of France, was pleased to express in the 
warmest terms his approbation of the Troops in the review of yesterday ; 
applause so honourable cannot but prove new motives to the emulous 
exertions of the Army, the General has seen with peculiar Satisfaction 
the. zeal of all ranks to manifest their respectful attachment to a Gentle- 



Notes and Queries. 505 

man. who, to the Title of being the Representative of the Illustrious 
friend and Allie of these Stat* 3 -, adds that of having given distinguished 
proofs during his residence among us of the sincerest Disposition to 
advance their Interests, 



Genealogical and Personal Notes feom the Journal of 
Rev. James Si'roat, 177S-1780. — 

1778. Tuesday, Nov. 17. — Rode to Fagg's manor, lodged at Mr. 
McCullough's. 

Nov. IS, Wednesday. — Married Col. Anderson and Eleanor MeCul- 
lough. 

December 2. — Dr. Richard Treat, who departed this life on Lord's day 
evening, buried to-day. I preached his funeral sermon. 

1/79. Jany. 12. — Baptized Col. Bavard's daughter Margaret, born 
Feb. 20j 1773. 

Irb'j. IS. — Married Col. Robert Knox to Sarah Hollinshead. 

Fehif. 22. — Baptized Dr. Rush's child, Anna Amelia, born Janv. 1, 
1779." 

leby. 23. — Rode 11 miles to the sign of the Buck, and baptized a 
child of Mr. Fullerton. 

March 10. — This evening baptized Dennis de Bert, son of his Excel- 
lency Joseph Reed. 

March 11. — Dined this day at Monsieur Vanuxem's with Col. Clark. 

March 17. — I could not preach at the hospital [Bettering House] 
being called to attend the funeral of the wife of the senior Doctor, viz. 
Dr. Jackson. 

March 19. — This evening married James Humphreys to Mary Gil- 
liard, both of the Northern Liberties. 

March 22. — Buried my old friend Samuel Smith. 

April 1. — Married Robert McKnight to Margaret Pierce, both of this 
city. 

April 6, Tuesday. — Married at Col. Clark's house, James Vanuxem 
to Rebecca Clark. 

Married Capt. Richard Cox to Jane Ross. 

April IS. — Baptized Anna Maria, daughter of Col. Bavard, born 
March 22d. last. 

Baptized James, son Andrew and Margaret Parker, born April 17, 
1778. 

July 15. — Attended the funeral of George Ross Esq. 

Nov. 17. — Proposed to preach at the hospital, but was called to attend 
the audience of the Ambassador from France in Congress. 

Nov. 30. — Attended the funeral of my good friend Dr. Alison. Dr. 
Ewing preached the sermon. 

Ike. 1. — Attended the funeral of Lazarus Pine. 

Dec. 2. — This evening married Mr. Webster's daughter to Dr. Spar- 
hawk. 

Dec. 6. — Rode to the White Horse and preached a funeral sermon 
for Col. Sheriff, who was killed bv a fall from his hor^e. Funeral at the 
Valley Church. 

17 SO. Jany. 19. — Visited the President's Lady [Reed] who is sick 
with the small-pox. 

Febu. 15. — Gen. Hand dined with us. 



50(3 Notes and Queries. 

April 9. — Baptized Major Ross' daughter Sophia Marion — she is a 
grand daughter of Rev. Mr. Braiuerd. 

May 4. — Married Benjamin Lawrence to Man' Dunlap. 

May 16.— Spent the evening with the President of Congress. 

June 29. — Baptized President Reed's son, George Washington. The 
French Ambassador and Mrs. Washington, the President of Congress 
and his lady, were present. 

Sept. 19. — Attended the funeral of Mrs. [Joseph] Reed, many people 
present. 

1782. Fcby. 3. — This evening attended the baptism of Mrs/ Liv- 
ingston's child — Geo. Washington and lady and the Minister of France 
were present. 

Epistle of Women Friends Burlington, New Jersey, 
Yearly Meeting to the Monthly Meetings, 1726. — 

From Women ffriends at the yearly meeting held at Burlington the 
21st of the 7th month 1726, To women ffriends at the several Quarterly 
and Monthly Meetings belonging to the same. 

Greeting : 
Dear and well beloved Sisters — 

A weighty concern coming upon many ffaithfull ffriends at this 
Meeting in relation to divers undue Liberties that are too frequently 
taken by some that walk among us and are accounted of us Wee are . 
willing in the pure love of Truth which hath mercifully visited our 
souls Tenderly to caution & advise our ffriends against these things wch 
wee think inconsistent with our Ancient Christian Testimony of plain- 
ness in Apparel &c. Some of which we think proper to particularize. 

As first That immodest fashion of hooped Pettycoats or the imita- 
tion of them either by some thing put into their petticoats to make them 
sit full or wearing more than is necessary or any other imitation what- 
soever which we take to be but a Branch springing from the same cor- 
rupt Root of Pricle. And also that none of our ffriends accustom them- 
selves to wear their Gowns with superfluous folds behind but plain & 
decent nor to go without Aprons nor to wear superfluous Gathers or 
Pleats in their Caps or pinners nor to wear their Heads dressed high 
behind Neither to cut or lay their hair on their fforehead or Temples. 

And that ffriends are careful! to avoid wearing of stript shoes or 
red or white heeld shoes or Clogs or shoes trimmed with gawdy coloura. 

Likewise That all ffriends be carefull to avoid superfluity of ffurni- 
ture in their houses and as much as may be to refrain using gawdy 
floured or stript callicoes & stuffs. 

And also that no ffriends use that irreverent practice of taking 
snuff or handing snuff-Boxes one to another in Meetings. 

Also that ffriends avoid the unnecessary use of ffanns in Meetings 
lest It divert the Mind from the more Inward and spiritual exercise 
which all ought to be concerned in. 

And also that ffriends do not accustom themselves to go with bare 
Necks. 

There is likewise a tender concern upon our minds to recomend 
unto all ffriends the constant use of the plain Language &c being a 
Branch of our ancient Christian Testimony for which many of our 
worthy Elders underwent deep sufferings in their Day as they likewise 
did because they could not give the common salutations by Bowing and 



Notes and Queries. 507 

Cringing of the Body which wee earnestly desire ffriends may be care- 
full to avoid. 

And wee further tenderly advise and exhort that all ffriends be 
earefull to maintain love & unity and to watch against Whisperings & 
evil sur mi zings one against another and to keep in humility that noth- 
ing be done through strife or vain glory and that those who are con- 
cerned to take an oversight over the ftlock do it not as Lords over Gods 
Heritage but as Servants to the Churches. 

Dear Sisters these things wee solidly recommend to yo r care and 
notice in a degree of that Divine Love which hath graciously mani- 
fested itself for the Redemption of a Remnant from the vain conversa- 
tion custom and ffashions that are in the world that wee might be unto 
the Lord a chosen Generation a Royal Priest-hood an holy Nation a 
peculiar people shewing forth the praises of him who hath called us out 
of Darkness into his marvelous Light that wee may all walk as 
Children of the Light and of the Day is the earnest desire of our Souls. 

Wee conclude with the salutation of unfeigned love your ffriends 
and Sisters. 

Signed on behalf & by Ord r of the s d Meeting by 

Hannah Hill. 

Extracts from the Diary of Benjamin Carpenter, Glouces- 
ter County, New Jersey. — 

1778. Nov. IS. — I have been at General Court amongst a great com- 
pany of People these two days. 

Dec. 5. — This day was an awful season. I saw & heard sentence of 
death passed on nineteen men whom I exhorted & prayed with in 
prison. I promised at their request to visit them again. 

1779. Jany 10. — I exhorted the prisoners under sentence of death, 
but as I thought they- depended much on reprieves & being many to- 
gether & much people coming to see them, a general carelessness was 
spreading amongst them. 

Jany 23 rd . — I visited the prisoners, all being reprieved but one, 
W m Hammet. When I went in his apartment, I found him very 
solemn, sitting in irons with one or two others. I read, sang a hymn 
& prayed with him. He said he thought all his trouble & misfortunes 
in this world was for his good — that he was young, but little more than 
nineteen, but that he was weaned from this world & saw its vanity & 
did not desire a reprieve to be longer in it, for he again might fall into 
sin & be worse prepared to leave it. 

January 20 th . — Being the day of his execution. I, with Mr. Kemble 
went early in the morning to pay him the last visit, where Mr. Coleign 
[Collin] the Swedish minister, also attended. He behaved with Chris- 
tian courage & fortitude — shewed no fear of death, but joined with us 
three & spent the rest of his short time in singing hymns, prayer & 
reading. The keeper of the prison shewed him much kindness in 
keeping out company that came. He requested the favour of the Sheriff 
to walk. When the officers came in for him and was about pinioning 
his arms, he requested the Sheriff not to have the rope put on till he 
came to the place, who told him the law required it and it must be put 
on in prison. He then replied, if it was so he must submit. I thought 
his nature seemed to shrink. He then broke out into tears, but in a 
short space, being refreshed with the Love of God with joyful fervency 



508 Notes and Queries. 

of miud he lifted his heart and voice and broke out. "You are now 
tying my arms and the Lord is now smiling on my soul." Alter he 
was brought off, lie asked for Mr. Coleign [Collin], with whom and 
Mr. Kemble he walked hand in hand, to the place of execution. Mr. 
Coleign and myself trying to assist him with short sentences of prayer. 
When he got in the cart and the Sheriff telling him if he had any thing 
to say he should have time, he requested that none might blame his 
relations or reflect on them on his account. He forgave all his enemies 
and hoped God would forgive them. He then complained his arms. 
was tied very tight, but said there was One in the courts of Heaven 
that would soon release them. He then asked for his Keeper (the 
Turnkey) bidding him farewell, then taking his leave of us that attended 
him, the mini.-ter having before prayed with him. he continued in 
prayer, commending his soul to God until he was swung off, and ap- 
peared to die a speedy and easy death. 

Dancing Shoes of 1810. — 

Patent Anatomical Dancing 

Shoes. 

Dedicated To The Ladies And Gentlemen 

Of Philadelphia. 

Such are the admirable qualities of this shoe, that itwoulel be a crime 
in the author not to delineate them ease united with elegance are qual- 
ities in science rarely to be found in any country, happy Americans this 
friendly genius originates with you. hyperbole upon hyperbole; health 
and duration claims a part in this admirable plan. Corns, twisted heels 
anel lacerated insteps shall no more agonize human nature, no more 
shall the ageel witness the aid of the crutch, the middle aged shall walk 
with certain sure and easy step, the young shall skip as an heart, and 
never know their; accumulated horrors, this shall derive more of our 
country than all the celebrated corn plaster physicians ; for these mal- 
adies shall cease to exist: wonderful that the genius of Crispen should 
have made so happy a discovery ; the foot looses in its appearance one 
third of its size, as to a side view thereof, making it to appear exceed- 
ingly neat. 

The celebrated Mr. Whale has authorized me to say that he has not 
in Europe seen any shoe so souple to fit the foot and for dancing as 
Young's Patent Anatomical shoe. The facility of dancing in those 
shoes are so superior to any ever offered to the public, that none but the 
wearer of them can possibly have an idea of the advantage derived from 
them. 

Ladies appartrnent in private, who will be waited upon for the pur- 
pose of measuring them, by one of their own sex. Gentlemen's appart- 
rnent below in the back room ; the author has been these ten years 
studying this principle, and has but just accomplished its end. 

William Young, ZS"o. 31, Walnut Street. 

Ladies Look Well To Your Last. 

Never did nature assume a more smiling aspect, than those who wear 
Young's Patent, they more than smile, they laugh and trip it as they 
go on the light fantastic toe. 

N. B. Price of fitting five dollars, in advance, as every Lady and 



Notes and Queries. 509 

Gentleman must have a pair of lasts made particularly lor their own 
feet, and reserved solely for their own use ; which will entitle them to 
be kept fitted let what fashions will occur. Young Ladies and Gentle- 
men whose feet are not done growing to be kept fitted also. Elegant 
Cossack Books upon an new construction. No please no pay. 

Letter of Benjamin R. Haydon to Colonel C. G. Child 
(Manuscript Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania). — 

4 Bl'RWOOD Pl.ACF. 

Conn aught Terf.ace, 
London. 

Aug. 8, 1S32. 

My dear Sir, 

Your letter and Mr. Ininan's gave me as much unadulterated pleasure 
as any letters I ever received. It is a delightful consolation at last to 
find my Picture, the cause of so many anxious days of labour & nights 
of thought, will find a resting place at last, free from the calumnies and 
dust-holes of my native country ; the reason is this : you in America 
are fresh in your feelings — you are native in your energies, you are not 
liable to be imposed on by pretences, to take the glitter of authority, for 
sterling splendor; if there be no gold beneath — you seem not to be dis- 
posed to laud "Dust that is a little gilt," so much as "gold o'er o'er 
dusted. ' ' 

Then Jerusalem has many of my dearest associations connected ; all 
who were celebrated for beauty or talent in Europe at the Time, saw its 
progress & hailed its conclusion (this is no exaggeration) — With that 
Picture as a background — Wordsworth, Keats, Lamb, Wilkie and many 
others have dined in my painting Room, & commented over its progress. 
Sir George Beaumont, a man of exquisite taste sat by me often as I 
painted it — and especially while I painted the Centurion's yellow 
sleeve — My room has been so full of people of fashion, waiting — and 
the painting so full seeing, that no more could be admitted till some 
dropped off, Talma, Cuvier, have been of the number, and yet in spite 
of this decided sensation, such was the influence of the Royal Academy, 
that the Dean of Carlisle, after telling the Rev. W m Phipps, he would 
have it bought for St. George's Church, acknowledged, he had heard it 
so abused by the Academicians, he mistrusted his own impressions ! 

When my life is published, you will all be astonished at the persecu- 
tion, I have suffered — you will wonder I am living — as I do myself — 
No doubt it is a natural question, why has he not taken bis right station 
in Society ? the Answer is, there is no other reason on earth, but the 
infamous, unfounded, & lying calumnies of 40 men of great connections 
and eminent as Portrait Painters, — there is no other. I have done 
no one single thing all my life, I would not desire sifted, exposed & 
known — and yet these men contrive always to insinuate there is a some- 
thing — they could if they would, &c. & so on, till any nobleman who 
talks to them always goes away with an impression, as if there was a 
something — and yet I defy any being to prove one thing against my 
character. 

Was I in debt? — I was — but why? from pursuing a great National 
object, icithout any income. Was not Lawrence ten times more in debt? 
but how? — because he received 8 or 10,000 a year — so, I am immoral, 
from getting into debt without any income to prevent it — and Lawrence 
is worthy to be President, notwithstanding he was overwhelmed in debt 



510 Notes and Queries. 

& yet earned 8,000 a year, beautiful consistency — Was not my Jerusa- 
lem an evidence I had not squandered my resources in Debauchery or 
Vice? Was it not an evidence, that if I had borrowed, as I had, 1 had 
made a proper use of my resources ? — undoubtedly ; as to borrowing — 
I was justified as I had paid off every shilling I incurred during the 
progress of Solomon — I had established a character for honor ; & 
bankers & noblemen & the Rich & the Patriotic crowded with their 
offers, so high was their opinion of my talents & my character. 

Let every man who calumniates me in the Art, submit to undergo the 
same scrutiny & let us see if he will come out with the same innocence— 
I am willing to abide by the test — the fact is ; that they saw from the 
beginning I was no ordinary person — they saw in my early devotion an 
earnest of my future efforts — they saw that if I succeeded in forming a 
school, of getting the Government to back my efforts — they would & 
must sink to the mere manufacture of faces & button holes — they deter- 
mined all along to oppose, to thwart, to ruin me if they could — they 
have failed in the face of the World, before I die, I'll accomplish that 
for which I have devoted my whole life — you are tired by this time 
but take your ground firmly in my defense — there is no one thing 
behind the curtain or before it — I am ashamed of having done — all my 
life. 

Lazarus is bought for America too — and though there is nothing in 
Lazarus, at least no Woman equal to the Penitent, which is my glory — 
yet on the whole it is more equal in Execution & the head of Lazarus 
is the most glorious of my conceptions & so will Alston thin/;, he will 
tremble as I did, when it was done — and yet how did I paint this head ? 
Glory to the Patrons ! — Glory to England ! glory to the humanity of my 
countrymen ! — I owed a colourman (Smith) £41. — I had paid him 
regularly, except the two last years — I begged time — till Lazarus was 
done — he promised & he^ arrested me the next day — Just as I was 
beginning the head a Sheriff's officer entered — Good morning, Mr. 
Haydon, I am glad you do not deny yourself — Sir Thos. Lawrence never 
denies himself — you know him — then said I — know him! & he knows 

me — answered D well, come, it is a pity to disturb you on such a 

grand Picture — pass your word of honor to come to me in the evening 
<fe I will leave — I did so — & he went — judge of my feelings — my heart 
beat, but my hand did not shake, though I was agitated & I crawled 
about my brush & hit an expression in the eye — from that moment I 
got excited — forgot the World, & by three finished the head & have 
never touched it since ! In the evening, my dearest Mary and I, whose 
beautiful head I have repeated twice in the Lazarus, went down with me 
and I surrendered myself, in Chancery Lane, old Shipcott, the officer's 
name, said Why Mr. Haydon, you have painted a head that has fright- 
ened my man out of his senses (the man had called in the meantime) — 
you have behaved as you ought — I should be ashamed to detain such a 
man, go to your family and get it settled as soon as you can — to com- 
plete the Satire Bewish my pupil — sat for the head — as I was painting 
him, I saw the tears trickling over his cheeks — What's the matter, said 
I, he acknowledged he had had no meat for several days — I was dread- 
fully affected — I asked him to diue — and he eat voraciously — this 
Bewish the Academy refused admission as a Student because he could 
not draw, when he drew exquisitely — Goethe bought one of his fine 
drawings — and yet when Lawrence wanted a youth to go to Rome to 



Notes and Queries. 511 

copy some of Michel Angelo's Prophets who do you think he chose as 
the most jit f Bevcish; who had been refused because he could not 
draw. I'll turn them inside out before the world bye and bye so effect- 
ually that no English Academician shall be met on Earth without a 
sneer. Take care of my great works as they come over, for God's sake, 
for all will come, I hope — if they could ail be hung together iu one 
gallery my glory would be complete — my dying breath will be a blessing 
on America for giving them a refuge — as soon as I ascertain where the 
proprietor of Solomon is — you shall know the price — Kind Remem- 
brances to Allston who just escaped a Prison in Tunis. 

B. R. Haydon 

I shall be happy to see you — I am now hard at work on two grand 
pictures connected with Reform— -one for Birmingham of the thanks- 
giving in the presence of thousands — the other — the Commemoration at 
Guildhall for Lord Grey — my prospects are better than they have been 
for vears. 

B. R, Haydon 

I sent a long letter to Mr. Inman by Messrs Everett — my kindest 
comp'ts to him. I thank him heartily for his high praise. 

Queries. 

Mabtjry. — Information is desired of the parentage of Richard Mabury, 
who was born about 1772 near Bloomsbury, New Jersey; also as to his 
brothers aud sisters. He served with his cousin, Lieutenant Samuel 
Mabury, under General Wayne in Ohio. Married in 1803 Eliza Woods, 
daughter of John Woods, of Woods Run, near Allegheny. He had a 
brother Reuben, who went to sea and was never heard from, and a 
sister Rachel, who married a Mr. McCormick, living on Mills Creek, 
twelve miles from Zanesville, Ohio. Richard Maybury died about 1S27 
while on a visit, to his sister, Mrs. McCormick, and is buried there. 

Any one knowing the location of his grave or any facts about said 
Richard will confer a favor by addressing 

Mrs. E. Carson. 
San Jose, California. 

"Replies. 

Provincial Troops in Northampton County, 1755-1756. — 
Replying to two correspondents, who are locating the positions of the 
Provincial troops in Northampton County between November 26, 1755, 
and February 20, 1756, the diaries of the Moravian Church at Nazareth 
mention the following billeted there : Captain Laubach's Saucon Rangers, 
and the companies of Captains Solomon Jennings, Doll, Craig, Trump, 
Ashton, and Isaac Wayne. — Ed. Penna. Mag. 

:©oofe notices. 

The Alasko-Canadian Frontier. By Thomas Willing Balch, A.B. 

(Harvard). Philadelphia, Allen, Lane & Scott, 1903. 8vo. 45 

pages. 
To collect the material upon which this book is based the author 
travelled as far west as Alaska and as far east as St. Petersburg. Besides 
presenting a very full account of all the early negotiations preceding the 



512 Notes and Queries. 

Anglo- Russian Treaty of 1825, the author relates the subsequent official 
acts of the various interested governments and the purchase of Alaska 
by the United States. He also gives the international law governing 
the case, and reproductions of twenty-eight maps, some of them very 
rare, which he collected in different countries. At the end of the in- 
troductory note the author says, — 

" This work was undertaken with the purpose of placing in a concise 
form before the American people the facts involved in this ca>e. And I 
hope that every good American will take a real interest im not seeing 
this question settled in the dark and will lend a hand in waking up the 
American people to what is going on. For the question is well summed 
up in the words of Count Nesselrode : ''Thus we wish to retain, and the 
English companies wish to acquire.' " 

The History of the Teemax, Tremaixe, Truman Family in 
America ; with the Related Families of Mack. Day, 
Board, and Ayres. By Ebenezer Mack Treman and Murrav 
Edward Poole. Ithaca, New York, 1901. 2 vols., Svo. Pp.2129. 
These monumental volumes, giving the history of live Continental 
families, is the result of the researches begun by Ebenezer M. Treman 
and successfully completed by the genealogist Murray E. Poole. The 
Tremans, of Norman stock, are traced from Joseph Truman, who settled 
in New London, Connecticut, 1666 ; John Mack, of Lyme, Connecticut, 
1680 ; Richard Day, of the city of New York, 1641 ;' Cornelius Board, 
of Boardville, New Jersey, 1730 ; and John Aver, of Newbury, Massa- 
chusetts, 1635. Upwards of one hundred portraits and views and illu- 
minated coats of arms give interest to the text. Among their descend- 
ants may be mentioned fifteen hundred college graduates, a Vice-President 
of the United States, Cabinet officers, Supreme Court justices, ministers 
to foreign countries, United States Senators, Governors of States, artists, 
poets, divines, lawyers, and soldiers of the Colonial, Revolutionary, and 
Civil Wars. The work has been prepared faithfully and accurately, the 
typography is good, and a very full index will aid all who consult its 
pages. 



Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 51 



OFFICERS 



OF TIIE 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 



president. 
Hon. Samuel Whitaker Pennypacker. 

honorary vice-president. 
Hon, Craig Biddle. 

vice-presidents. 
Henry Charles Lea, William Brooke Kawle, 

Hon. James T. Mitchell, George Harrison Fisher, 

Hon. Charlemagne Tower, Hon. Hampton L. Carson. 

recording secretary. 
Thomas Willing Balch. 

corresponding secretary. 
John Bach McMaster, 

treasurer. 

Francis Howard Williams. 

auditor. 
Richard McCall Cadwalader. 
vol. xxvn. — 33 



514 Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

CV E A T O R. 

Gregory B. Keen. 

LIBRARIAN. 

John W. Jordan. 

HISTORIOGRAPHER. 

J. Granville Leach. 

Councillors. 

John C. Browne, Effingham B. Morris, 

William G. Thomas, William Drayton, 

John B. Gest, Hon. William Potter, 

William H. Lambert, Samuel Castner, Jr., 

Charles Morton Smith, John F. Lewis, 

Simon Gratz, - Edward Eobins. 

The Council of the Society is composed of the President, Vice- 
Presidents, Kecording Secretary, Corresponding Secretary, Treasurer, 
Auditor, and the twelve Councillors. Hon. James T. Mitchell is Presi- 
dent and Gregory B. Keen is Secretary of the Council. 

trustees of the publication fund. 

Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, Hon. James T. Mitchell, 

Simon Gratz. 

(John W. Jordan, Editor of Publications.) 



trustees of the binding fund. 

Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, Hon. James T. Mitchell 

Simon Gratz. 



Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 515 

TRUSTEES OF THE LIBRARY FUND. 

Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, John Bach McMasteb, 

Gregory B. Keen. 



TRUSTEES OF THE GILPIN LIBRARY. 

Hon. S. W. Penny t packer, George Harrison Fisher, 

William Brooke Rawle, Henry Charles Lea, 

Simon Gratz. 



TRUSTEES OF THE ENDOWMENT FUND AND 
MISCELLANEOUS FUNDS. 

Hon. S. W. Penny packer, Hon. Hampton L. Carson, 

Richard M. Cadwalader. 



TRUSTEES OF THE FERDINAND J. DREER COL- 
LECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS. 

Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, William Brooke Rawle, 

Hon. Hampton L. Carson, Gregory B. Keen, 

Edwin Greble Dreer. 



TRUSTEES OF THE PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL 
STUDY ENCOURAGEMENT FUND. 

Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, William Brooke Rawle, 

Gregory B. Keen. 



TRUSTEES OF THE BUILDING FUND. 

Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, William Brooke Rawle, 

John F. Lewis. 



51 G Officers of tlie Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

STATED MEETINGS. 

January 11, 1904. May 9, 1904. 

March 14, 1904. November 14, 1904. 

January 9, 1905. 



Annual membership . . . . . . $5.00 

Life membership ...... 50.00 

Publication Fund, life subscription . . . 25.00 
Pennsylvania Magazine, per annum (to non-sub- 
scribers to the Publication Fund) , . ,3.00 

Payments may be made to the Curator at the Hall, 1300 Locust 
Street, or to the Collector. 



INDEX. 



(Family surnames of value in genealogical research are printed in CAPITALS; names of 

places in Holies.) 



Abbot, John, 342 

Abererombie, Rev. James, 54, 294 

Abraham, John, 213 

Aehenwall, Professor, Observations on 
North America, 1767, by, translated 
by Joseph G. Rosengarten, 1 

Adams, John, to Gov. Thomas Mifflin, 
108 ; speaks of superstitious ven- 
eration of Washington, 140 ; men- 
tioned, 51, 132, 134, 13S, 140, 141 

Adams, Samuel, 131 

Albany, 405 

Alden, Col. Ichabod, 406, 408 

Alexander, William. See Lord Stirling 

Alison, Dr. Francis, 442, 444, 505 

All Saints Church, 2S1, 293, 295 

Allen, Chambers, 481 

Allen, James, 51 

Allen, William, 50 

Allentoicn, 441, 443. 

American army, disorders in, 147 ; at 
Valley Forge, 148 

American Philosophical Society, with 
personal references to some mem- 
bers, by Joseph G. Rosengarten, 
329; membership in, 332; gifts of 
Benjamin Franklin to, 332; gifts 
to, 333 ; distinguished members of, 
329, 333, 334 

ANDERSON, Col., 505 

Andrews, Samuel, 342 

Apoquimene, 179 

Appletown, 420 

Armstrong, Gen. John, 400 

ARNOLD, 127 

Arnold, Gen. Benedict, 398, 399 

Athensum, The, 331 

AUBREY, 249 

Audubon, Capt. John James, 50 

Bache, Richard, 55 

Bainbridge, Capt., 54 

Baker, Henry, 222, 224, 225 

Baker, Joseph, 477 

Balding [Baldwin], Capt. Daniel, 443 

Baldwin, Capt. Daniel, 443 

Ball, William, letter of, 380 



Bancroft, Edward, to Benjamin Frank- 
lin, 158 

Bank of Pennsylvania. 267 

Barclay. David, to Benjamin Franklin, 
175 

Bard, Hon. Thomas R., contributes 
Journal of Lt. Robert Parker, 404 

Barnes. Barnaby, 476, 477 

Barton, Dr. Benjamin Smith, 54 

Bartram, George, 477 

Bartram, John, 206 

Bartram, William Middleton, 206 

Bass, Dr. Robert, 50 

BAYARD, Anna Maria, 505 

BAYARD, Margaret, 505 

Bayard, Stephen, 22 

Baylor, George, Col., 388; Gen., 403 

Baynton, Peter, 35 

Beakes, William, 223, 224, 225 

Beasley, Rev. F. W., 294 

BECK, Elizabeth, 223 

Belcher, Gov. Jonathan, 271 

Bell, Isaac. 50 

Benezet. Daniel, 87 

Bethlehem, 441, 443 

Betterton, Benjamin, 476, 477 

Bettle, Samuel, 52 

BEVAN, Barbara, 92 

BEVAN, John, 92 

Bickley, Abraham, first fire-engine pur- 
chased of, 472 

Biddle, Clement, 49 

Biddle, John, 476, 477 

Biddle, Nicholas, 3d0 

Bigelow, John, 329 

Biles, Jane, 226, 227 

Biles, William, 222, 223. 224, 225, 226, 
227 

Binney, Dr. Barnabas, 443 

Biographical Sketch of William Henry, 
of Lancaster County Pennsylvania, 
91 

Bird, Walter, 340 

Black, William, 340 

BLACKFAN, 112 

Blackfan, William, Jr., and Esther 
Dawson, marriage certificate of, 111 
517 



518 



Index. 



Blackshaw, Randal, 225 

Blake, Edward, 227 

Bliss, Capt. Thomas Theodore, 403 

Bond, Dr. Phineas, 272 

Bond, Dr. Thomas, 272 

Book Notices, 127, 236. 3S1, 511 

Boudinot, Elias, Commissioner for the 
exchange of prisoners, 14!) 

Boyleston, Dr. Zabdiel, 263 

Bradford, Andrew, 470, 477 

Brandyicinc, losses at battle of, 124, 
125 

Branford, 257 

Brant, Zachariah, 49 

Braxton, Carter, 143 

Brock, Samuel, 55 

Breintnall, Joseph, secretary of the 
Library Company of Philadelphia, 
2GG 

Brevet rank conferred by Congress on 
officers in the Continental Bine, 
1783, 385-387, 302-394 ; requisites 
for, 387 

Brock, John, 219 

Brock, Ralph, 219 

BRODHEAD, Daniel, 446 

BRODHEAD, Elizabeth, 446 

BRODHEAD, Luke, 446 

BRODHEAD, Luke Wills. 446 

Brodhead, Daniel, settles in Pennsyl- 
vania in 1738, 446 ; justice of the 
peace, 1747, 446 ; dies iu Bethle- 
hem, 447 

Brodhead, Gen. Daniei,'50, 403; Col., 
388 

Brodhead, Luke, military record of, 
447 

Brodhead, Luke Wills, Biographical 
Sketch of, 446 ; published writings 
of, 447, 448; member of literary 
and scientific societies, 448 

Bromfield, Thomas, to Benjamin 
Franklin, 162 

Brooklyn, 257 

Brown, Dr. William, 444, 445 

Bryan, Samuel, 477 

Buchanan, Rev. Edward Y., D.D., rec- 
tor of Trinity Church, Oxford, 279, 
280, 285, 2S9, 291, 293. 294 

Buckingham, Penna., meeting-house at, 
344 

BUCKMAN, Ruth, 341 

Bull, Dr. Thomas, 444 

Bullock, John, 344 

BUNTING, Mary, 341 

BUNTING, Samuel, 341 

Bunting, John, 340, 341 

Bunting, Samuel, 340, 341, 342, 343 

Burckhart, George, 249 

Burd, Edward, 50 



Burgess, Samuel, 225 

Burlington, Xcic Jersey, yearly meet- 
ing at. s'^ncls out testimony against 
George Keith, 223 ; women friends 
of, protest against fashionable wear- 
ing apparel. 50o : mentioned, 340 

Burnside, Judge James, to Moore Fur- 
man, 120 

Burnyeat, John. 213 

Purr, Aaron, conspiracy of, 56; to 
Col. Jonathau Rhea, 56 ; and Col. 
Dupiester arrive at Morganza, 57 ; 
intimacy of, with Col. George Mor- 
gan, 57 

Butler, Richard, Col., 3SS ; Gen., 403 

Butler, Col. William, 406, 407, 408, 
410, 412 

Byles, Charles, 217 

Cabeen, Francis von A., Society of the 
Sons of St. Tammany of Philadel- 
phia, by, 29 
CADWALADER, Hannah, 268 
CADWALADER. John. 263, 269 
CADWALADER, Martha, 263 
CADWALADER, Thomas, 263, 264, 

268 
Cadwalader, Dr. Charles E., 263 
Cadwalader, John, sketch of, 263 
Cadwalader, Gen. John, signs " Non- 
Importation Articles," 275 ; men- 
tioned, 57, 401 
Cadwalader, Col. Lambert, signs " Non- 
Importation Articles," 275 ; cap- 
tured at Fort Washington, 276 
Cadwalader, Dr. Thomas, Sketch of the 
Life of, by Charles Winslow Duller, 
M.D., 262 ; associated with Frank- 
lin in founding the Philadelphia 
Library, 265. 266; director of Phila- 
delphia Library, 266 ; teacher of 
anatomy, 266 ; a Freemason, 267, 
268 ; removes to Trenton, 26S ; 
holds public offices in New Jersey, 
268, 269 ; mansion of. in Philadel- 
phia, 269 ; performs an autopsy and 
publishes an essay, 269, 270, 271 ; 
returns to Philadelphia, 272 ; sells 
lands in New Jersey, 272 ; trustee 
of the Academy, 273 ; member of 
scientific societies, 275, 276 ; ser- 
vices during Revolution, 276 ; dies 
at Trenton, 277 ; tribute by Dr. 
John Redman, 277, 278 ; mentioned, 
272 
Callender, William, 476, 477, 478, 479 
Callowhill, Anna, William Penn to, 

373 
Callowhill, Hannah, William Penn to, 
296-304 



Indi 



ex 



510 



CaHosvhill, Thomas, 296, 300, 303. 
304 

Calvert, Thomas, 477 

Canadaragua, or Schuyler's Lake, 100 

Caruidesoga, 420 

Canajohaire, 400 

Canaxrago, 400 

Canby, Thomjis, house of, burned, 226 

Cannahrunta, 43 2 

Carmalt, Caleb, 477 

Carinalt, Jonathan, 476, 477 

Carnegie, Andrew, 333 

Carpenter, Benjamin, Extracts from 
the Diary of, 177S-79 ; 507 

Carpenter, Joshua, 2S1 

Carriages our ancestors rode in, with 
the names of owners, 373, 374 

Caswell, Richard, 306 

Catherine's Town, 418. 419 

Cathrali, Edward, 476, 477, 478 

Cayuga Lake, 420 

CHAPMAN, 112-115 

Chapman Family, of Bucks County, 
Penna., Genealogical Notes of, 112 

Chase, Samuel, 136, 142 

Chemung River, 413 

Chesterfield Monthly Meeting of 
Friends, 341 

Chesterfield, proposal to build meeting- 
house at, 342 

Chevalier, Jane, 53 

Chew, Benjamin, 55 

Child, Col. Cephas G., Benjamin R. 
Ilaydon to, 509 . 

Christ Church, Philadelphia, 279, 281, 
285 

Church, Maj. Richard, 396 

Church of Our Saviour, Jenkintown, 
295 

Cileg [Cilleyl, Col. Joseph, 417 

Cilley, Col. Joseph, 417 

CLARK, Rebecca, 505 

Clark. Benjamin, 344 

Clark, Thomas, Col., 394 ; Gen., 403 

Clark, William, 477 

Clarkson, Mathew, 52 

Clayton, Rev. Thomas, 280 

Clifford, Thomas, 476, 477, 479, 
480 

Clinton, Gov. George, appoints Com- 
missioners to meet Indians at Al- 
bany, 1745. 20; receives advices 
from Commissioners of Indian Af- 
fairs, 20 

Clinton, Gen. George. 399, 401 

Clinton, Gen. James, 399, 400, 414, 
419 

Clubb, Rev. John, missionary of Trin- 
ity Church, Oxford, and Radnor, 
286, 287 



Coaches, landaus, chariots, and four- 
wheel chaises In Philadelphia In 
1761, with a list of their owners, 
375 

Coates, Samuel, 477, 4S1 

Coates. William, death of, 47 

Cobb. Lt.-Col. David, 39« 

Cochrane. Maj. Robert, 410 

Coleman, Capt. John, U. S. schooner 
" Perry," makes captures, 248 

College of Philadelphia, 33-1 

Colonies, constitutions of, according 
to original grants, 7-11 ; religion 
in, 11, 12; currency in, 16, 17; in- 
dustries in, 12-14 ; shipping in, 16 

Columbian Order, 40, 42, 46 

Compton, Bishop Henry, licenses 
American clergymen, 281, 282, 286; 
relations of, with William Fenn, 2S2 

Condoy, 420 

Congress confers brevet rank on offi- 
cers in the Continental Line, 1783, 
385-387, 392-394 

Connecticut, 129, 137 

Conway, Gen. Thomas, 57, 398, 402 

CONWELL, 255 

Cook, Arthur. 221, 222 

Core Creek, 217 

Corry, John, 480 

Corry, William, 476, 477 

Cotton, Rev. Charles, 294 

Cowell, Dr. John, 444 

COX. Richard, 505 

Cox, John, Jr., S7 

Cox, Col. John, 443 

Coxe, Tench, 50 

Craig, Col. Thomas, 396, 445 

C)aig J 8 Tavern, Bucks County, Penna., 
381 

Crane, John, Col., 38S ; Gen., 403 

Cranor, Henry Downes, The Taking 
Over of the Nicholites by the 
Friends, by, 76 

Creraen, Elijah, 79 

Cross-iceeks-ung, 340 

Crossicicks, New Jersey, Friends and 
their Meeting-Houses at, 340; Brit- 
ish troops attempt to cross bridge 
at, 345 

Crow, Robert, 123 

Cruckshank, Alexander, 476, 477 

Crukshank, Joseph, 50 

Culp, Mathias, 479 

Curtin, Gov. Andrew, Abraham Lin- 
coln to, 62 

Darch. Samuel, death of, extract from 
letter of James Pemberton Parke, 
372 

Davenport, Francis, 340, 341, 342, 343 



520 



Index. 



Davenport's Crossing, 340 
Davis, Benjamin, 4S0 
Davis, Gen. W. W. H., 226 

Dawson, Esther, marriage certificate 

of William Blackfan, Jr., and, 111, 

112 
Dayton, Gen. Elias. 402 

Dayton, Dr. , 441 

DEAN, 127 

Dean, Joseph, 477 

Dean, Mr., '408, 411 

Dearborn, Gen. Henry, 54 

De Benneville, Dr. George, Sr., 52 

De Benneville, Dr. George, 51, 53 

Deboin [Dubois], Col. Lewis, 407, 408 j 

De Borre, Chevalier De Preudhomme, 

401 I 

De Haas, Gen. John Philip, 50, 399, I 

401 
De Kalb, Gen. John, Baron, 398 
Depreciation Pay, payments by John i 

Nicholson for, 118, 119 ; Pennsyl- j 

vania Soldiers of the Revolution en- ! 

titled to, 449 
Deshler, David, 476, 477 
DE VINNEY, Elizabeth, 91 
DE VINNEY, Hugh, 91 
DE VINNEY, Mary A., 91 
DICKINSON, John, 20 
DICKINSON, Mary, 20 
Dickinson, Gen. Edmund B., American j 

troops under, attack British at j 

Crosswicks, 345 i 

Dickinson, John, to ' Rev. Richard j 

Peters, 501 • 
Dominica, Letter of Attorney from, to i 

M. O'Brien, 252 
Douglas, William, 1, 4 
Doylestoicn, 215 
Drayton, Jacob, 54 
Drinker, Henry, 87 
Dubois, Col. Lewis, 407, 408 
Du Coudray, Gen. Philippe, 398 
Duer, Joseph, 344 
Dulles, Charles Winslow, M.D., Sketch 

of the Life of Dr. Thomas Cadwala- 

der, by, 262 
Dunkertown [Ephrata], 442 
DUNLAP, 381 
DUNLAP, Mary, 506 
Dupiester, Col., 57 
Duportail, Chevalier Louis Lebegue, 

398, 402 

East Guilford, 257 

Easton, 441 

Edmunds, Albert J., Selected List of J 
Naval Matter in the Library of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, j 
by, 63 I 



Elbert, Gen. Samuel. 403 

Eldridge, Obadiah, 476, 477 

Elfreth. Jeremiah, 477 

Elizaoethtoxcn, 257 

Ellis, Margaret B., 345 

Einlen, Caleb, 53 

Emmanuel Church. Holme-sbutg, 295 

Ephrata, 412 

ESTES, Elizabeth, 223 

ESTES, Richard, 223 

Evans, Anne, 53 

Evans. David, Excerpts from the Day- 
Books of, 49 ; mentioned, 51 

Evans, Eleanor, 53 

Evans, Evan, 53, 54 

Evans, Rev. Evan, writes to the " S. 
P. G." regarding Trinity Church, 
Oxford, 2S0 ; sent to Philadelphia, 
283 ; minister of Christ Church, 
Philadelphia, 285, 286; Oxford and 
Radnor, 2S8 

Evans, John, 53 ' 

Evans, Lewis, 25 

Evans, Rebecca, 53 

Evans. Sally, 53 

Evitts, Seth Hill, 76 

Ewing, Dr. John, 51 

Excerpts from the Day-Books of David 
Evans, Cabinet-maker, Philadelphia, 
49 

Fairfield, 257 

Falkner, Hannah, 215, 216 

Fallon, Dr. James, 444, 445 

Falls Meeting, Thomas Janney gives 
lot for burial-ground to, 217 

Farnsworth, John, 343 

Febiger, Christian, Col., 394 ; Gen., 
403 

Febiger, Christian C, 394 

Fellowship Fire Company of Philadel- 
phia, by John W. Jordan, 472 ; or- 
ganization of, 473 ; constitution of, 
473 

Fermoy, Chevalier Matthias Alexis do 
Roche, 401 

Finley, Dr. Samuel, 441 

Fire in Philadelphia in 1730, descrip- 
tion of, 472 

Fire-engine purchased in 1718 of Abra- 
ham Bickley, 472 

FISHER, 255 

Fisher, George Harrison, contributes 
Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadel- 
phia, 279 

Fisher, Jeremiah, 42 

Fisher, Will., 87 

Fitzpatrick, Capt. Richard, Commis- 
sioner for the exchange of prisoners, 
149 



Index. 



Forsythe, Joseph, 345 

Fort Duquesne, Fist of Officers Killed 
and Wounded near, 40i> 

Fort Herkimer, 410 

Fori Plank, 410 

Fort St. Dae id's, SS 

Fort Schuyler, 40G 

Fori Washington, 276 

FOULKE, Hannah, 341 

FOULKE, Mary, 341 

Foulke, John, M.D., 53 

Foulke, Thomas, passenger on the ship 
" Kent," 340 ; mentioned, 341 

Fox, George, 214 

Froncfort. See Oxford 

Francis, Sabina, 50 

Francis, Tench, 87 

Franklin, Benjamin, founds the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania, 12 ; some 
letters of correspondents of, 151- ; 
175 ; Samuel Wharton to, 151 ; j 
Richard Oliver to, 153 ; Edward j 
Bancroft to, 15S ; David Barclay to, j 
175 ; Thomas Bromfield to, 162 ; 
William Franklin to, 1G3 ; William ' 
Strahan to, 165 ; Joseph Priestley j 
to, 169 ; establishes Philadelphia 
Library, 265, 266 ; founds tbe 
American Philosophical Society, 329; 
gifts of, to the American Philo- 1 
sophical Society, 332 ; institutions ' 
founded by, 332, 333; first Post- i 
master of the United States, 333 ; j 
mentioned, 1, 4, 337 

Franklin, William, to Benjamin Frank- ' 
lin, 163 

French Creek, 443, 445 

Friends and their Meeting-Houses at 
Crosswicks, N. J. by Joseph S. Mid- 
dleton, 340 

Friends, arrival of, in 1677-78, 340 

Friends' Meeting Records, List of, by 
H. E. Wallace, Jr., 249 

Fullerton, Col. Richard, 52 

Fulton, Robert, 329 

Frye, Gen. Joseph, 399 

Furiey, Benjamin, letter of, to John j 
Henry Sprogell, 376 

Furman, Moore, Judge James Burn- 
side to, 120 

Fussell, Solomon, 476, 477, 479 

Gadsden, Gen. Christopher, 400 
Galloway, Hon. Samuel, Abraham 

Lincoln to, 60, 61 
Gano, Rev. John, 408 
Gans [Gano], Rev. John, 408 
Gansewoert, Col. Peter, 406, 408, 410 
Gardner, Col. Charles K., 385, 387 
Gardner, Richard, 53 



Gates, Gen. Horatio. 397, 399 
Generals of the Continental Line in 

the Revolutionary War, by Siinou 

Gratz, 3S5 
Germantown Battle-field Monument 

Commission appointed. 380 
Gibbons, William, 477 
Gibson, John, S7 

Gibson. John, Col.. 3SS ; Gen., 403 
Gilberthorpe, Thomas. 340, 341, 342 
GILLIARD, Mary, 505 
Gist, Gen. Mordecai, 402 
Glentworth, Dr. George, 442, 444, 4 45 
Gloria Dei Church, 2S5 
Gloucester County, y. J., Abstracts of 

Records of, by William M. Mervine, 

SO 
Glover, Gen. John, 399. 401 
Goddard vs. Foxeroft, 501 
Godfrey, Thomas, 266 
Gouvion. Col., 3S9 
Government of Colonies, 7-11 
Grace, Robert, 266 
Graham, Col. Richard, 53 
Gratz, Michael, 50 

Gratz, Simon, contributes The Gen- 
erals of the Continental Line in the 

Revolutionary War, 385 
Graves, Thomas. 2S1 
Grayson, Col. William, Commissioner 

for the exchange of prisoners, 149 
Great Meadow, attack on, 25 
Greaton, Gen. John, 402 
Greene, John, 342 
Greene, Gen. Nathanael, 14.7, 398, 399, 

443 
Griffitts, Hannah, to Gen. Anthony 

Wayne, 109, 110 
Growden, J., 265 
Guilford, 257 
Gummere, Amelia Mott, James Logan 

as a Poet, by, 337 
Gunby, John, Col., 3SS ; Gen., 403 

Haines, Reuben, 476, 477, 479, 4S0 

Hall, Dr. , 441 

Hailing, Dr. S., 444 

Hamilton, Col. Alexander, Commis- 
sioner for the exchange of prisoners, 
149 ; mentioned, 147 

Hancock, John, 444 

Hand, Gen. Edward, 399, 401, 413, 414 

Hand, Capt., 54 

Hannington, Bernard, Richard Hock- 
ley to, 312, 321 

Harris, James, minister of the Nlchoi- 
ites, 76 ; labors to effect a union 
with Friends, 76 

HARRISON, James, 214 

HARRISON, Phoebe, 218 



52 



93 



Index. 



HARRISON, Richard, 3*1 

HARRISON, Ruth, 341 

Harrison, Col. Benjamin, 142 

Harrison, James, 215, 21S, 219, 224, 
227 

Harrison Col. Robert H., Commissioner 
for the exchange of prisoners, 149 

Hart, John, entertained by William 
Henry, 92 

Hartsborne, Patterson, 4S1 

Hartshorne, William, 477 

Haydon, Benjamin II., to Col. Cephas 
G. Cbild, T>09 

Hazen, Gen. Moses, 402 

Heads, John, 470, 479 

HEATH, 214 

HEATH, Margery, 214 

Heath, Gen. William, 397, 399 

Henderson, Capt. Matthew, 49 

HENRY, Ann, 92 

HENRY, Benjamin West, 93 

HENRY, Elizabeth, 91 

HENRY, James, 91 

HENRY, John, 91 

HENRY, John Joseph, 92 

HENRY, Mary A., 91 

HENRY, Robert, 91 

HENRY, William, 91, 92 

HENRY, William, Jr., 92 

Henry, Ann, portrait of, by West, 92 

Henry, John Joseph, 92 

Henry, W., 443 

Henry, William, Biographical Sketch 
of, 91 ; portrait of, by West, 92 

Herr, Henry , § execution of, 406